THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

RIVERSIDE 


GIFT  OF 

Anonymous  Donor 


LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
RIVERSIDE 


THE 


RECONSTRUCTION    OF   EUROPE 


A   SKETCH    OF   THE  DIPLOMATIC   AND 
MILITARY    HISTORY   OF  CONTI- 
NENTAL EUROPE 


FROM  THE  RISE  TO  THE  FALL  OF  THE  SECOND 
FRENCH  EMPIRE 


BY 

HAROLD  MURDOCK 

WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION  BY 

JOHN   FISKE 


BOSTON    AND    NEW    YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN   AND   COMPANY 


1895 


M 


it* 


Copyright,  1889, 
Br  HAROLD  MURDOCH. 

All  rights  reserved. 


EIGHTH  EDITION. 


The  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge,  U.  8.  A. : 
Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  H.  O.  Houghton  &  Company. 


PREFACE. 


THIS  work,  originally  undertaken  as  a  recreation, 
has  been  completed  in  its  present  form  in  the  hope 
that  it  may  serve  the  busy  public  as  a  helpful  epitome 
of  the  events  which  have  transformed  the  Europe 
of  1850  into  the  Europe  of  to-day,  and  also  afford 
a  clue  to  future  events  as  foreshadowed  by  present 
complications.  While  no  claim  is  made  to  extensive 
research,  yet  the  works  consulted  are  probably  too 
numerous  and  voluminous  to  be  perused  by  most  peo- 
ple in  the  active  pursuits  of  life.  To  attempt  any- 
thing more  than  a  sketch  of  events  so  recent,  while 
political  animosities  still  run  high,  and  while  so  many 
of  the  principal  actors  are  living,  would  be  a  task  that 
few  historical  students  would  care  to  undertake. 
This  book  purports  to  be  merely  a  running  narrative, 
introducing  the  great  leaders  and  noting  the  great 
convulsions  of  twenty-one  years  of  contemporaneous 
European  history. 

The  general  style  of  this  work  partakes  somewhat  of 
that  "  drum  and  trumpet "  character  which  Mr.  Green 
deplored,  but  it  ought  to  be  considered  that  every 
great  change  during  these  years  has  been  wrought  by 


iv  PREFACE. 

force  of  arms,  for  which  diplomacy  has  served  merely 
as  a  convenient  stepping-stone.  Cavour's  greatest 
stroke  was  the  entangling  of  the  French  emperor  in 
the  military  alliance  of  1859.  Bismarck's  foreign 
policy  has  been  directed  with  a  view  of  drawing  his 
enemies  upon  the  newly  whetted  Prussian  sword. 
On  nearly  every  battlefield  great  questions  of  dynastic 
and  national  reconstruction  have  hung  in  the  balance. 
Italy  would  scarcely  have  been  united  to-day  if  the 
Austrians  had  been  directed  at  Magenta  and  Solfe- 
rino  by  the  military  genius  which  moved  the  Prussians 
in  Bohemia  and  the  Germans  in  France.  The  Frank- 
fort Diet  might  have  been  still  dozing  on  the  Main  if 
military  science  had  been  more  carefully  studied  in 
the  Austrian  staff,  or  if  the  Prussian  crown  prince 
had  been  remiss  on  the  day  of  Koniggratz.  Metz 
might  not  have  fallen  if  Bazaine  had  been  alive  to  his 
situation  on  the  14th  and  16th  of  August,  1870,  and 
Alsace  and  Lorraine  might  not  have  become  German 
provinces  if  Metz  had  not  fallen.  Is  not  one  justified 
in  saying  that  military  operations  have  been  the 
decisive  factors  in  Europe  since  1850,  that  the  for- 
tunes of  rulers  and  of  peoples  have  rested  upon  such 
men  as  Gyulai,  Benedek,  Moltke,  and  Bazaine  ? 

Possibly  too  much  space  has  been  devoted  to  the 
Crimean  War,  but  it  was  the  French  emperor's  mili- 
tary bow  to  Europe,  and  it  affords  a  glimpse  of 
Korniloff's  "  Russian  Defense,"  as  well  as  the  spec- 
tacle of  England  engaged  once  more  in  war  with  a 
first-rate  power.  Few  have  time  to  read  Mr.  King- 


PREFACE.  V 

lake's  ponderous  volumes,  and  the  first  chapters  on 
this  war  as  well  as  the  one  on  the  Eastern  Question 
are  largely  based  upon  his  work,  modified,  it  is  true, 
by  Todleben  and  Rousset. 

A  bibliographical  note  has  been  appended,  giving  a 
list  of  works  for  the  use  of  those  who  desire  to  go 
deeper  into  the  subject,  and  to  which  the  author 
acknowledges  his  obligation.  He  has  endeavored  to 
express  himself  with  moderation  and  allow  full  scope 
to  the  judgment  of  the  reader;  any  more  positive 
decisions  belong  to  future  times  and  the  verdict  of 
events. 

BOSTON,  September,  1889. 


CONTENTS. 


INTRODUCTION  BY  JOHN  FISKB mil 

CHAPTER  I. 

EUROPE  IN   1850. 

EUROPE  IN  1850.  —  Louis  NAPOLEON  ELECTED  PRESIDENT  OF 
THE  FRENCH  REPUBLIC.  —  His  PREVIOUS  CAREER.  —  THE 
REVOLUTION  IN  GERMANY,  AUSTRIA,  AND  ITALY.  —  STATE  OF 
ITALY  IN  1850.  —  THE  ATTITUDE  OF  PIEDMONT.  —  TRAN- 
QUILLITY OF  RUSSIA.  —  PRESTIGE  OF  THE  CZAR  IN  EUROPE. 

—  THE  GREAT  POWERS  IN  1850 1 

CHAPTER  H. 
THE  COUP  D'ETAT. 

THE  FOREIGN  POLICY  OF  FRANCE  IN  1851.  —  THE  PRESIDENT'S 
OATH.  —  ENMITY  BETWEEN  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  AS- 
SEMBLY. —  THE  SPEECH  AT  DIJON.  —  ST.  ARNAUD  AND  MAU- 
PAS  APPOINTED  TO  THE  MINISTRY. THE  2D  OF  DECEMBER. 

—  THE  PRESIDENT'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  THE  ARRESTS.  — 
DISPERSION  OF  THE  ASSEMBLY.  —  How  THE   COUP   D'ETAT 
WAS  MANAGED.  —  THE  EVENTS  OF  THE  3D.  —  THE  4TH  OF 
DECEMBER.  —  STATE  OF  AFFAIRS  ON  THE  BOULEVARD.  — 
THE  MASSACRE  AND  ITS  INFLUENCE.  —  CONFLICT  OF  TESTI- 
MONY   IN    REGARD    TO    THE  MASSACRE.  —  THE   PRESIDENT'S 

RESPONSIBILITY.  —  DISPOSITION  OF  POLITICAL  PRISONERS.  — 
THE  PRESIDENT  SUSTAINED  BY  THE  NATIONAL  VOTE.  —  THE 
TE  DEUM  IN  NOTRE  DAME.  —  THE  PRESIDENT  BECOMES  EM- 
PEROR   7 

CHAPTER  HI. 

THE  REVIVAL  OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION. 

THE  FRENCH  EMPEROR'S  STANDING  IN  EUROPE.  —  HE  HAS 
RECOURSE  TO  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION. — THE  QUARREL 


viii  CONTENTS. 

OVER  THE  HOLY  PLACES.  —  THE  ATTITUDE  OF  RUSSIA.  — 
THE  FRENCH  AMBASSADOR  CARRIES  HIS  POINT.  —  WRATH  OF 
THE  CZAR.  —  NESSELRODE  ON  THE  SITUATION.  —  MENSCHI- 
KOFF'S  MISSION  TO  CONSTANTINOPLE.  —  LORD  STRATFORD 
AS  PEACEMAKER.  —  MENSCHIKOFF'S  DEMAND  AND  ITS  RECEP- 
TION BY  THE  PORTE.  —  STRATFORD'S  POSITION.  — EUROPEAN 
SUSPICION  OF  RUSSIA.  —  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  POWERS  ON  THE 
EASTERN  QUESTION.  —  ENGLAND  THE  MOST  INTERESTED.  — 
THE  CZAR'S  VISIT  TO  ENGLAND  IN  1844. —  "  THE  SICK  MAN  " 
INTERVIEWS  AND  THEIR  RESULT.  —  STRENGTH  OF  THE  CZAR'S 
CLAIM  TO  A  PROTECTORATE.  —  PROGRESS  OF  MENSCHIKOFF'S 
MISSION.  —  HE  is  OPPOSED  BY  STRATFORD.  —  MENSCHI- 
KOFF'S ULTIMATUM.  —  STRATFORD'S  COMMUNICATION  TO  THE 
SULTAN. — POSITION  IN  WHICH  ENGLAND  WAS  PLACED  BY 
IT.  —  FAILURE  OF  MENSCHIKOFF'S  MISSION.  —  THE  RUSSIAN 
ARMY  CROSSES  THE  PRUTH.  —  THE  CZAR'S  PROCLAMATION. 

—  THE  VIENNA  CONGRESS.  —  THE  WAR  FEVER  EN  TURKEY. 

—  THE  FRANCO-ENGLISH  FLEET  ENTERS  THE  SEA  OF  MAR- 
MORA —  TURKEY  AND  Russn.  AT  WAR 16 


CHAPTER  IV. 
THE  DANUBIAN  CAMPAIGN. 

THE  RUSSIAN  ARMY  ENTERS  MOLDAVIA.  —  THE  MILITARY 
BLUNDER  OF  THE  CZAR.  —  THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  ITS 
COMMANDER.  —  THE  TURKS  CROSS  THE  DANUBE.  —  FIGHT- 
ING ABOUT  KALAFAT.  —  THE  CZAR  DETERMINES  UPON  THE 
OFFENSIVE. — THE  CAREER  OF  PASKEVICH. — His  ADVICE 
TO  THE  CZAR.  —  THE  RUSSIANS  CROSS  THE  DANUBE.  —  SIEGE 
OF  SlUSTRIA  AND  FALL  OF  PASKEVICH. AUSTRIA  INTER- 
FERES. —  RETREAT  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  ARMY  AND  BATTLE  OF 

GlURGEVO GORTSCHAKOFF    ABANDONS    BUCHAREST. EN- 
TRY OF  THE  TURKISH  AND  AUSTRIAN  ARMIES.  —  ISOLATION 

OF  THE  CzAJt  IN  EUROPE 33 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  WESTERN   ALLIANCE. 

FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  IN  1853.  —  CAUSE  OF  THE  EMPEROR'S 
FORWARDNESS.  —  His  INFLUENCE  OVER  THE  ENGLISH  GOV- 
ERNMENT.—  THE  BATTLE  OF  SINOPE.  —  INJUSTICE  OF  PUB- 
LIC SENTIMENT  IN  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE  RESPECTING  IT.  — 


CONTENTS.  ix 

THE  EMPEROR  ADVOCATES  A  NAVAL  SEIZURE  OF  THE  BLACK 
SEA.  —  HE  CARRIES  HIS  POINT.  —  RAGE  OF  THE  CZAR.  — 
CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  THE  EMPEROR  AND  THE  CZAR. 
—  DECLARATION  OF  WAR  BY  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE  AND 
SIGNATURE  OF  THE  TREATY  OF  ALLIANCE.  —  AUSTRIA'S  WAR- 
LIKE ATTITUDE.  —  THE  ALLIED  COMMANDERS.  —  CHARACTER 
OF  LORD  RAGLAN.  —  THE  ALLIES  AT  CONSTANTINOPLE  AND 
AT  VARNA.  —  RAVAGES  OF  THE  CHOLERA.  —  LORD  RAGLAN'S 
VIEWS  ON  THE  INVASION  OF  THE  CRIMEA.  — THE  ALLIES  EM- 
BARK AT  VARNA  FOR  THE  CRIMEA 42 


CHAPTER  VL 
THE  INVASION  OF  THE  CRIMEA. 

POPULARITY  OF  THE  CONQUEST  OF  SEBASTOPOL  IN  ENGLAND. 

—  LANDING  OF  THE  ALLIES  IN  THE  CRIMEA.  —  THE  ADVANCE 
ON  SEBASTOPOL  BEGINS.  —  PRINCE  MENSCHIKOFF  SEIZES  THE 
LINE  OF  THE  ALMA.  —  CHARACTER  OF  THE  POSITION  AND 
STRENGTH  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  ARMY.  —  MENSCHIKOFF' s  FATAL 
BLUNDER.  —  THE   BATTLE  OF  THE  ALMA.  —  THE  FRENCH 
TURN  THE  RUSSIAN  LEFT  WING.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  ENG- 
LISH.—  THEIR  ADVANCE  CHECKED.  —  THE  FRENCH  FLANK 
ATTACK  SUCCEEDS.  —  RETREAT  OF  THE  RUSSIANS.  — ST.  AR- 
NAUD'S  OPINION  OF  THE  BATTLE.  —  THE  ALLIES  CONTINUE 
THEIR  ADVANCE.  —  THEIR  FLANK  MARCH.  —  OBTUSENESS  OF 
MENSCHIKOFF.  —  His  LETTER  TO  KORNILOFF.  —  OCCUPATION 
OF  BALACLAVA  BY  THE  ENGLISH.  —  DEATH   OF  ST.  ARNAUD. 

—  CANROBERT  OPPOSES  THE  MOTION  TO  ATTACK  SEBASTOPOL. 

—  PROBABLE  RESULT  OF  SUCH  AN  ATTACK 53 

DESCRIPTION  OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  ARRIVAL  OF  COLONEL  DE  TOD- 

LEBEN  THERE. THE  ALLIED  FLEET  IS  SIGHTED.  EFFECT 

OF  THE  BATTLE  'OF  THE  ALMA  UPON  SEBASTOPOL.  —  MEN- 
SCHIKOFF'S ORDERS  —  HE  RETIRES  FROM  THE  TOWN  WITH 
THE  ARMY.  —  DESPAIR  OF  KORNILOFF  AND  TODLEBEN.  — 
KORNILOFF  ACCEPTS  THE  COMMAND  OF  THE  GARRISON. — 
His  ENTHUSIASM.  —  THE  DEFENSES  OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  KOB- 
NILOFF'S  CONTROVERSY  WITH  MENSCHIKOFF.  —  THE  LATTEB 

INDUCED  TO  SEND  TROOPS  TO  SEBASTOPOL. STRENGTH  OF 

THE  GARRISON  ON  OCTOBER  6.  —  THE  ALLIED  BOMBARDMENT 
OF  OCTOBER  17. — KORNILOFF' s  DEMEANOR  ON  THAT  DAY.  — 
His  DEATH.  —  RESULT  OF  THE  BOMBARDMENT 60 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

BALACLAVA  AND  INKERMANN. 

THE  ALLIED  POSITIONS  ON  THE  CHERSONESE.  —  FAILITBE  OF 
THEIR  BOMBARDMENT.  —  THE  ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  THE  FALL 
OF  SEBASTOPOL  IN  LONDON.  —  EFFECT  OF  THIS  REPORT  UPON 
THE  ARMIES.  —  CHAGRIN  OF  LORD  RAGLAN.  —  THE  SIEGE  OF 
SEBASTOPOL  BEGINS.  —  ITS  PECULIAR  CHARACTER.  —  THE 
RUSSIAN  FIELD  ARMY  ASSUMES  THE  OFFENSIVE.  —  BATTLE  OF 
BALACLAVA  AND  CHARGE  OF  THE  LIGHT  BRIGADE.  — RESULTS 
OF  THE  BATTLE.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  INKERMANN.  —  ITS  IR- 
EEGULAR  CHARACTER  AND  ITS  RESULTS.  —  THE  GREAT 
HURRICANE.  —  TERRIBLE  SUFFERING  AND  LOSSES  OF  THE 
ALLIES.  —  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  CON- 
CERNING THE  CAMPAIGN 68 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

THE  FALL  OF  SEBASTOPOL. 

DEATH  OF  THE  CZAR  NICHOLAS.  —  SARDINIA  JOINS  THE  WEST- 
ERN ALLIANCE.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  ALLIES  BEFORE  SEBAS- 
TOPOL. —  PELJSSIER  SUCCEEDS  CANROBERT  IN  COMMAND  OF 
THE  FRENCH  ARMY.  — THE  JUNE  BOMBARDMENT  AND  FIRST 
ASSAULT.  —  CAPTURE  OF  THE  MAMELON  BY  THE  FRENCH. 
—  FAILURE  OF  THE  SECOND  ASSAULT.  —  DEATH  OF  LORD 
RAGLAN.  —  DESPERATE  CONDITION  OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  TOD- 

LEBEN    WOUNDED.  THE    RUSSIANS    DEFEATED    ON    THE 

TCHEBNAYA.  —  THE  GREAT  ALLIED  ASSAULT  IN  SEPTEM- 
BER. —  THE  FRENCH  CARRY  THE  MALAKOFF.  —  EVACUATION 
AND  BURNING  OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  PRINCE  GORTSCHAKOFF'S 
ESTIMATE  OF  THE  DEFENSE.  —  THE  FRENCH  EMPEROR  AND 

THE  CZAR  DESIRE  PEACE. THE  CONGRESS  OF  PARIS.  

SIGNATURE  OF  PEACE.  —  RESULTS  OF  THE  WAR.  —  SAR- 
DINIA THE  ONLY  GAINER 81 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE   RISE   OF   SARDINIA. 

THE  MAP  OF  ITALY  IN  1850.  —  POLITICAL  STATE  OF  SARDINIA. 
—  THE  Two  SICILIES.  —  STATES  OF  THE   CHURCH.  —  Tus- 


CONTENTS.  xi 

CANY.  —  PARMA.  —  MODENA.  —  LOMBARDY  AND  VENETIA.  — 
SECRET  SOCIETIES.  —  YOUNG  ITALY  AND  ITS  MISSION.  —  THE 
SARDINIAN  KING  AND  HIS  POLICY.  —  His  PARLIAMENTARY 
TRIALS  AND  LOYALTY  TO  THE  CONSTITUTION.  —  LEGISLATION 
IN  THE  SARDINIAN  PARLIAMENT  AGAINST  CLERICAL  ABUSES. 

—  ADVENT  OF  CAVQTR.  —  THE  DIPLOMATIC  DUEL  BETWEEN 
SARDINIA  AND  AUSTRIA  AND  ITS  INFLUENCE  UPON  EUROPE. 

CAVOUR  TAKES  THE  HELM. HlS   DlSLIKE  FOR  SECRET 

SOCIETIES.  — •  His    POLICY    DEFINED.  —  THROWS    SARDINIA 
INTO  THE  ALLIANCE  AGAINST  RUSSIA.  —  DEPARTURE  OF  THE 
ARMY  FOR  THE  CRIMEA.  —  EFFECT  OF  THE  WAR  NEWS  IN 
PIEDMONT.  —  VICTOR  EMMANUEL  VISITS  LONDON  AND  PARIS. 

—  NAPOLEON'S   SOLICITUDE   FOR   ITALY.  —  Is  APPEALED  TO 

BY  CAVOUR.  —  CAVOUR  IN  THE  PARIS  CONGRESS     ....    96 


CHAPTER  X. 

ITALY  AND  CAVOUR. 

AUSTRIA'S  INFLUENCE  UPON  THE  ITALIAN  GOVERNMENTS. — 
METTERNICH  ON  CAVOUR.  —  CAVOUR  DISAPPOINTED  IN  ENG- 
LAND. —  HE  TURNS  TO  FRANCE  AS  AN  ALLY.  —  THE  ORSINI 
INCIDENT.  —  CAVOUR  APPEASES  THE  EMPEROR,  AND  STRIKES 
AT  THE  PAPAL  GOVERNMENT.  —  THE  CONFERENCE  AT  PLOM- 

BIERES. CAVOUR  JUBILANT. WARLIKE  DECLARATIONS  AT 

THE  TUILERIES  AND  AT  TURIN.  —  MARRIAGE  OF  PRINCE 
NAPOLEON  AND  THE  PRINCESS  CLOTILDE.  —  CAVOUR  IM- 
PELS THE  EMPEROR  TOWARD  WAR.  —  GUIZOT  ON  CAVOUR.  — 
SIGNING  OF  THE  FRANCO-SARDINIAN  ALLIANCE.  —  FUTILE 
EFFORTS  OF  THE  POWERS  TO  PRESERVE  THE  PEACE.  — 

AUSTRLV  DECLARES  WAR.  ENTHUSIASM  IN  ITALY.  NA- 

POLEON'S  MANIFESTO.  —  HE  LEAVES  FOR  THE  FRONT.  — 
CONCENTRATION  OF  THE  ARMIES 110 


CHAPTER   XI. 

THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859.  —  GENOA  TO  MILAN. 

ROMANTIC  CHARACTER  OF  THE  THEATRE  OF  WAR. — UNPRE- 
PAREDNESS  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY.  ITS  ORDER  OF  BAT- 
TLE. —  ENTHUSIASTIC  RECEPTION  OF  THE  FRENCH  TROOPS 
AT  GENOA.  —  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  EMPEROR  AT  GENOA.  —  THE 
AUSTRIAN  GENERALISSIMO  AND  HIS  CAREER.  —  His  TIMID 


xii  CONTENTS. 

TACTICS.  —  COMBAT  AT  MONTEBELLO.  —  THE  EMPEROR 
VISITS  THE  FIELD.  —  THE  EMPEROR  PLANS  A  FLANK  MARCH. 
—  GYULAI  DECEIVED.  —  BATTLES  OF  PALESTRO.  —  ACTION 
AT  TURBIGO.  —  SUCCESS  OF  THE  FLANK  MARCH.  —  THE  EM- 
PEROR'S  ORDERS  FOR  JUNE  3.  —  POSITION  OF  THE  Two 
ARMIES  AT  NOON  ON  THE  4iH.  —  BATTIA  OF  MAGENTA.  — 
THE  FRENCH  GUARD  ON  THE  NAVIGLIO  GRANDE.  —  ANXIETY 
OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  CRITICAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  GUARD.  — 
ARRIVAL  OF  CANROBERT  AND  NIEL.  —  MACMAHON  CARRIES 
MAGENTA.  —  DEATH  OF  ESPINASSE.  —  RESUME  OF  THE  BAT- 
TLE   122 


CHAPTER   XII. 

THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859.  —  SOLFERINO  AND  VILLA- 
FRANCA. 

ENTRY  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  INTO  MILAN.  —  THE  TE  DEUM. 

—  FIGHTING  AT    MELEGNANO.  —  GYULAI    RETREATS    UPON 
VERONA.  —  THE  EMPEROR  ADVANCES  FROM  MILAN.  —  IGNO- 
RANCE OF  EACH  COMMANDER  AS  TO  THE   PLANS  OF  THE 
OTHER.  —  THE  AUSTRIAN  ARMY  HARASSED  BY  CONFLICTING 
ORDERS.  —  IT    OCCUPIES    THE  HEIGHTS  OF    SOLFERINO   ON 
JUNE  23.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  ON  THE  24TH. 

—  COMMENCEMENT   OF  THE   BATTLE  OF  SOLFERINO.  —  RE- 
PULSE  OF  THE  SARDINIANS.  —  THE  EMPEROR  ARRIVES  ON 
THE  FIELD.  —  HEAVY  FIGHTING  AT  SOLFERINO  AND  ON  THE 
FRENCH  RIGHT.  —  THE  LETHARGY  OF  CANROBERT.  —  SOL- 
FERINO   OUTFLANKED   AND   ABANDONED    BY  THE  AuSTRIANS. 

—  FAILURE  OF  WIMPFFEN  TO  RETRIEVE  THE  DAY  ON  THE 
AUSTRIAN   LEFT.  —  CANROBERT  ARRIVES.  —  GENERAL  AD- 
VANCE OF  THE  FRENCH.  —  THE  EMPEROR  AT  CAVRIANA.  — 
FIRMNESS  OF  GENERAL  BENEDEK.  —  THE  FRENCH  ADVANCE 
RENEWED  JULY  1.  —  THE  ARMISTICE  AND  CONFERENCE  AT 
VlLLAFRANCA.  —  RAGE    OF    CAVOUR.  —  HlS    UNDIGNIFIED 
CONDUCT.  —  WHY  THE  MONARCHS  MADE  PEACE  .    .    •.    .    .  137 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

GARIBALDI  AND  CAVOUR. 

DISAPPOINTMENT  IN  ITALY  AT  THE  SUDDEN  TERMINATION  OF 
THE  WAR.  —  INSURRECTIONS  IN  CENTRAL  ITALY.  —  DEMANDS 
OF  THE  CENTRAL  ITALIANS.  —  ATTITUDE  OF  VICTOR  EMMAN- 


CONTENTS.  xin 

UEL.  —  THE  PEACE  OF  ZURICH.  —  RECONCILIATION  OF  CA- 

VOUB  AND  VlCTOK  EMMANUEL. THEIR  BATTLE  WITH  THE 

PAPAL -GOVERNMENT.  — NAPOLEON  AGREES  TO  A  PLEBISCITE. 

—  CENTRAL  ITALY  DECLARES  FOR  ANNEXATION  TO  SARDINIA. 

—  THE  FIRST  ITALL\N  PARLIAMENT.  —  CESSION  OF  NICE  AND 
SAVOY.  —  REVOLUTION  IN  THE  Two  SICILIES.  —  GARIBALDI 

LEAVES  FOR  SlCILY  TO  HEAD  THE  INSURGENTS. HlS  RAPID 

ADVANCE.  —  HE    CAPTURES    PALERMO.  —  EXTRAORDINARY 
CHARACTER  OF  HIS  ACHIEVEMENTS  —  EXCITEMENT  IN  TURIN. 

—  THE  POLICY  OF  CAVOUR.  —  GARIBALDI  BECOMES  HEAD- 
STRONG.   HE    CROSSES    TO    THE    MAINLAND    AND    MARCHES 

UPON  NAPLES.  —  FRANCIS  II.  ABANDONS  NAPLES.  —  ENTRY 
OF  THE  GARIBALDIANS.  —  CAVOUR'S  CONCEPTION  OF  THE 
CRISIS.  —  SARDINIAN  TROOPS  ENTER  PAPAL  TERRITORY.  — 
BATTLE  OF  CASTELFIDARDO.  —  THE  SARDINIANS  PASS  THE 
NEAPOLITAN  FRONTIER.  —  MEETING  OF  GARIBALDI  AND  VIC- 
TOR EMMANUEL.  —  THE  NEAPOLITANS  VOTE  FOR  ANNEXATION 
TO  THE  ITALIAN  KINGDOM.  —  GARIBALDI'S  HATRED  OF  CA- 
VOUR. —  CAVOUR'S  HEALTH  GIVES  WAY.  —  His  DEATH. — 
THE  WORLD'S  ESTIMATE  OF  CAVOUR 156 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

GERMANY  IN  1850.  —  THE  ADVENT  OF  BISMARCK. 

THE  GERMAN  CONFEDERATION  AND  THE  FRANKFORT  DIET. 
—  OLD  UNDERSTANDINGS  AND  MODERN  MISUNDERSTANDINGS 
BETWEEN  AUSTRIA  AND  PRUSSIA.  —  AUSTRIA  GAINS  THE  AS- 
CENDENCY IN  GERMANY.  —  THE  OLMUTZ  INCIDENT.  —  THE 
CRIMEAN  WAR.  —  PRINCE  WILLIAM  BECOMES  REGENT  OF 
PRUSSIA.  —  CHANGE  IN  THE  PRUSSIAN  POLICY.  —  THE  KAI- 
SER ANNOYED.  —  THE  REGENT  BECOMES  WILLIAM  I.  OF 
PRUSSIA.  —  His  EARLY  CAREER.  —  His  STRUGGLE  WITH  THE 
HOUSE  OF  DEPUTIES  ON  THE  ARMY  BILL.  —  HE  CALLS 
BISMARCK  TO  THE  PRESIDENCY  OF  THE  MINISTRY.  —  BIS- 
MARCK'S POLITICAL  CREED.  —  His  VIEWS  ON  THE  REVOLU- 
TION OF  1848  AND  THE  ScHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN  QUESTION.  — 

His  EARLY  OPPOSITION  TO  GERMAN  UNITY.  —  His  ADMI- 
RATION OF  AUSTRIA.  —  CHANGES  WROUGHT  IN  HIS  VIEWS 
AT  FRANKFORT.  —  His  CONTEMPT  FOR  THE  DIET.  —  HE 
DISTRUSTS  AUSTRIA.  —  WARNS  HIS  GOVERNMENT  AGAINST 
AUSTRIA.  —  His  COURSE  AT  ST.  PETERSBURG  AND  PARIS.  — 
FORESEES  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA,  AND  PUSHES  ARMY  REFORM  178 


xiv  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  RISE  OF  PRUSSIA. 

THE  PRUSSIAN  ARMY  REORGANIZATION  AND  ITS  REORGANIZERS. 

—  BISMARCK    FORCES    THE    MEASURE    OVER    THE    LOWER 
HOUSE.  —  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  PRUSSO- AUSTRIAN  DIPLO- 
MATIC CAMPAIGN.  —  PRUSSIA  MISUNDERSTOOD  AT  VIENNA. 

—  BISMARCK  EXPLAINS  HER   POSITION.  —  ALARM  OF  THE 
AUSTRIAN  STATESMEN  — BISMARCK'S   POLISH  POLICY  AND 
ITS  RESULT.  —  THE  SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN  QUESTION  REVIVED. 

—  STATE  OF  THE  QUARREL.  —  THE  CONFEDERATION  INTER- 
FERES IN  BEHALF  OF  THE  DUCHIES.  —  BISMARCK  INVITES 
AUSTRIA  TO   INDEPENDENT  ACTION.  —  THE    Two  POWERS 
LAY  THEIR  ULTIMATUM    UPON    DENMARK.  —  FlRMNESS  OF 
THE  DANISH  GOVERNMENT  AND  THE  REASON  FOR  IT.  —  THE 
Ai.T.rKn  ARMIES  ENTER  SCHLESWIG.  —  EVACUATION  OF  THE 
DANNEWERK    BY    THE    DANES.  —  AUSTRIAN    VICTORY    AT 
OEVERSEE.  —  THE   DANISH   POSITION  AT   FREDERICIA  AND 
DUFFEL.  —  BOMBARDMENT   OF  THE    DUPPEL  LINES.  —  DE- 
STRUCTION OF  THE  DANISH  ARMY  AT   DUPPEL.  —  EVACUA- 
TION OF  FREDERICIA.  —  THE  LONDON  CONFERENCE.  —  RE- 
NEWED FIGHTING.  —  THE  PEACE  OF  VIENNA 193 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

BISMARCK  VS.   AUSTRIA. 

BISMARCK'S  ATTITUDE  ON  THE  AUGUSTENBURG  CLAIM.  —  His 
SUDDEN  CHANGE  OF  FRONT.  —  MENSDORFF'S  BLUNDER.  — 
BISMARCK  ANTICIPATES  WAR.  —  His  REMARK  AT  SALZBURG. 

—  THE  CONFERENCE  AT  GASTEIN  AND  THE   BARGAIN  AR- 
RANGED THERE.  —  BISMARCK'S  OPINION   OF  THE  CONFER- 
ENCE.—  HE    SOUNDS    ITALY. — INTERVIEWS  NAPOLEON  AT 
BIARRITZ.  —  NAPOLEON'S  VIEWS  ON  EUROPEAN  AFFAIRS.  — 
His  IDEAS  RESPECTING  THE  MILITARY  STRENGTH  OF  PRUS- 
SIA AND  AUSTRIA.  —  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  IN  THE  ELBE 
DUCHIES.  —  BISMARCK  REOPENS  THE  DIPLOMATIC  CAMPAIGN 
AGAINST   AUSTRIA.  —  AUSTRIA  AND  ITALY  BEGIN  TO  ARM. 

—  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  DIET  ON  THE  DISPUTE.  —  BISMARCK'S 
BAIT  TO  GERMANY.  —  THE  PRUSSO-!TALIAN  ALLIANCE.  — 
THE  PRUSSIAN  ARMY  MOBILIZED.  —  THE  CLAIMS  OF  PRUSSIA 
AND   AUSTRIA    PRESENTED    IN    THE   FRANKFORT    DIET. — 


CONTENTS.  xv 

PRUSSIAN  TROOPS  ENTER  HOLSTEIN.  —  BISMARCK'S  PROPO- 
SITION FOB  A  NEW  CONFEDERATION.  —  ITS  FAILURE.  — AUS- 
TRIA MOVES  THE  MOBILIZATION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY 
AGAINST  PRUSSIA.  —  THE  MILITAKY  SITUATION.  —  THE  DIET 
VOTES  TO  SUPPORT  AUSTRIA.  —  PRUSSIA  DECLARES  WAK 
UPON  THE  PETTY  STATES.  —  PRUSSIAN  OCCUPATION  OF  HAN- 
OVER, HESSE-CASSEL,  AND  DRESDEN.  —  BRILLIANCY  OF  THE 
PRUSSIAN  CONQUEST 211 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE   PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA. 

THE  MILITARY  SITUATION  ON  JUNE  20.  —  BENEDEK'S  PLAN  OF 
CAMPAIGN  CHECKMATED.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  PRUSSIANS 
INTO  BOHEMIA. — COMBATS  AT  LIEBENAU  AND  PODOL,  AND 
DEFEAT  OF  THE  AUSTRIANS.  —  CAPTURE  OF  MUNCHENGRATZ 
BY  THE  PRUSSIANS.  —  RETREAT  OF  THE  AUSTRIANS  UPON 
GITSCHIN.  —  BATTLE  OF  GITSCHIN  AND  ROUT  OF  THE  AUS- 
TRIANS. —  BISMARCK  AT  GITSCHIN.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  SEC- 
OND PRUSSIAN  ARMY  INTO  BOHEMIA  UNDER  THE  CROWN 
PRINCE.  —  VICTORIES  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  STH  CORPS  AT  NA- 
CHOD  AND  SKALITZ.  —  DISCOMFITURE  OF  THE  PRUSSIANS  AT 
TRAUTENAU.  —  BATTLE  AT  SOOR  WON  BY  THE  PRUSSIAN 
GUARDS. — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  SECOND  ARMY  ON  THE  ELBE. 
—  COMMUNICATIONS  RESTORED  BETWEEN  THE  PRUSSIAN 
ARMIES.  —  DILEMMA  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  COMMANDER.  — 
His  ORDERS  TO  ms  ARMY.  —  His  IGNORANCE  OF  THE 
PRUSSIAN  DESIGNS.  —  CHARACTER  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  POSI- 
TION ON  THE  BlSTBTTZ 224 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  PRUSSIANS  AT  KONIGGRATZ  AND  BEFORE  VIENNA. 

PRINCE  FREDERICK  CHARLES  PREPARES  FOR  BATTLE.  —  NIGHT 
MARCH  OF  THE  FIRST  PRUSSIAN  ARMY  UPON  THE  BISTRITZ. 
—  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  KING  OF  PRUSSIA  AT  DUB.  —  OPENING 
OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  KONIGGRATZ.  —  THE  PRUSSIANS  CROSS 
THE  BISTRITZ.  —  STATE  OF  THE  BATTLE  AT  NOON.  —  CRITI- 
CAL POSITION  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  LEFT.  —  ANXIETY  OF  THE 
PRUSSIA'N  STAFF.  —  APPROACH  OF  THE  CROWN  PRINCE  TO 
THE  FIELD.  —  HE  THREATENS  THE  AUSTRIAN  RIGHT.  —  CON- 


xvi  CONTENTS. 

FUSED  STATE  OF  THAT  WING  AND  CAUSES  THEREFOR.  —  THE 
CROWN  PRINCE  MOVES  UPON  CHLUM.  —  CAPTURE  OF  CHLUM 
BY  THE  PRUSSIAN  GUARDS  AND  ITS  RESULTS.  —  BENEDEK'S 
AMAZEMENT  UPON  LEARNING  OF  THE  FALL  OF  CHLUM.  —  HE 
HEADS  HIS  RESERVES  IN  THE  EFFORT  TO  RETAKE  IT.  — 
FAILURE  OF  THE  ATTACK.  —  TOTAL  DEFEAT  OF  THE  AUS- 
TRIAN ARMY.  —  HEROISM  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  ARTILLERY.  — 
IMMEDIATE  RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE.  —  ARCHDUKE  AL- 

BRECHT  ASSUMES  COMMAND  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  ARMIES. 

THE  PRUSSIAN  ADVANCE  UPON  VIENNA.  —  BENEDEK'S  RE- 
TREAT. —  BATTLE  OF  BLUMENAU.  —  THE  ARMISTICE  .  .  .237 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  OVERTHROW  OF  THE  GERMAN  FEDERAL  ARMY. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  WEST.  —  CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE 
HANOVERIAN  ARMY.  —  INDIFFERENCE  OF  PRINCE  CHARLES 
OF  BAVARIA.  —  VICTORY  OF  THE  HANOVERIANS  AT  LAN- 

GENSALZA. CAPITULATION  OF  THE  HANOVERIAN  ARMY.  

INDECISION  IN  THE  FEDERAL  COUNCILS.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE 
PRUSSIAN  GENERAL  FALCKENSTEIN  UPON  FRANKFORT.  — 
PRUSSIAN  OCCUPATION  OF  FULDA.  —  BATTLE  OF  KISSINGEN 
AND  DEFEAT  OF  THE  BAVARIANS.  —  DEFEAT  OF  THE  STH 
FEDERAL  CORPS  AT  LAUFACH  AND  ASCHAFFENBURG.  — 
PRUSSIAN  ENTRY  INTO  FRANKFORT.  —  JUNCTION  OF  PRINCE 
ALEXANDER  WITH  PRINCE  CHARLES.  —  GENERAL  MANTEUF- 

FEL  SUCCEEDS  FALCKENSTEIN.  HE  MARCHES  FROM  FRANK- 
FORT. —  INDECISION  OF  THE  FEDERAL  COMMANDER.  —  FIGHT- 
ING ON  THE  TAUBER.  —  RETREAT  OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY 

UPON  WURZBURG. BOMBARDMENT  OF  WuRZBURG  BY  THE 

PRUSSIANS.  —  THE  ARMISTICE 249 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866. 

ITALIAN  AFFAIRS  AFTER  THE  DEATH  OF  CAVOUR.  —  GARIBALDI 
AGAIN.  —  THE  BATTLE  AT  ASPROMOXTE.  —  FALL  OF  THE  RA- 
TAZZI  MINISTRY.  —  FRANCE  AND  THE  ROMAN  QUESTION. — 
DROUYN  DE  LHUYS  ON  THE  SITUATION.  —  TRANSFER  OF  THE 
NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT  TO  FLORENCE.  —  JOY  OF  THE  FLOR- 


CONTENTS.  xvii 

ENTINES.  —  DECLARATION  OF  WAR  UPON  AUSTRIA.  —  CONDI- 
TION OF  THE  OPPOSING  ARMIES.  —  THE  GERMAN  PLAN  FOR 
THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  AND  ITS  REJECTION  AT  FLORENCE.  — 
THE  ITALIAN  AKMY  CROSSES  THE  MINCIO.  —  THE  PLANS  OF 
THE  OPPOSING  COMMANDERS  RESULT  IN  A  COLLISION.  —  THE 
THEATRE  OF  ACTION.  —  OPENING  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  Cus- 
TOZZA  ON  THE  ITALIAN  RlGHT.  —  FlGHTING  AT  OlJOSI  AND 
ROUT  OF  THE  ITALIAN  LEFT  WING.  —  BOLD  AND  SUCCESS- 
FUL MOVE  OF  THE  ITALIAN  GENERAL  PIANELLI  TO  CHECK 
THE  AUSTRIAN  PURSUIT.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  BATTLE  IN  THE 
CENTRE. — LA  MARMORA'S  INCAPACITY.  —  STATE  OF  THE 
BATTLE  AT  Two  O'CLOCK.  — CONCENTRIC  ATTACK  OF  THE 
ARCHDUKE  UPON  CUSTOZZA  AND  RETREAT  OF  THE  ITALIANS. 

—  THE  ITALIAN  ARMY  RECROSSES  THE  MINCIO.  —  RESPONSI- 
BILITY OF  LA  MARMORA  FOR  THE  DEFEAT.  —  THE  ARCHDUKE 
ALBRECHT  SUMMONED  TO  VIENNA.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  ITAL- 
IAN ARMY  UNDER   CIALDINI.  —  DEFEAT   OF  THE    ITALIAN 
FLEET  AT  LISSA.  —  DEGRADATION  OF  ADMIRAL  PERSANO.  — 
GOOD  FAITH  OF  THE  ITALIAN  GOVERNMENT  IN  18G6     .     .     .  256 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

RESULTS  OF  THE  SEVEN  WEEKS*  WAR. 

THE  TREATY  OF  PRAGUE.  —  THE  FOUR  GREAT  RESULTS  OF  THE 
SEVEN  WEEKS'  WAR.  —  THE  FEDERAL  REICHSTAG.  —  BIS- 
MARCK AND  BENEDETTI.  —  BISMARCK  AND  SOUTH  GERMANY. 
THE  NEW  ERA  IN  AUSTRIA.  —  THE  TRANSFER  OF  VENETIA. 

—  VICTOR  EMMANUEL  IN  VENICE.  —  CRITICAL  CONDITION  OF 
EUROPE  IN  1867 269 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE   DECLINE    OF   THE    FRENCH    EMPIRE. 

NAPOLEON'S  DREAM  is  SHATTERED.  —  THE  CRISIS  OF  HIS  REIGN. 
—  DROUYN  DE  LHFYS'  CONCEPTION  OF  THE  CRISIS.  —  IN- 
DECISION OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  CONDITION  OF  THE  FRENCH 
ARMY  IN  1866.  —  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  UNABLE  TO 
MEET  THE  MILITARY  SITUATION.  —  BENEDETTI  AT  NlKOLS- 
BURG.  —  BENEDETTI  IN  BERLIN.  —  EFFORTS  OF  THE  PARIS 
GOVERNMENT  TO  INDEMNIFY  ITSELF  THROUGH  DIPLOMATIC 
CHANNELS.  —  REFUSAL  OF  THE  FRENCH  PROPOSITIONS  BY 


xviii  CONTENTS. 

BISMARCK. —  POLICY  OF  DKOUYN  DE  LHUYS  AND  HIS  RE- 
MOVAL FROM  OFFICE.  —  BISMARCK  ESTABLISHES  AN  ALLIANCE 
WITH  THE  SOUTH  GERMAN  STATES.  —  SECOND  ATTACK  OF  M. 
BENEDETTI.  —  CONFIDENCE  IN  PARIS  OVER  THE  SUCCESS  OF 
HIS  MISSION.  —  BENEDETTI'S  DISCOMFITURE  AND  RETURN  TO 
PARIS.  —  DESPERATION  OF  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT.  — 
THE  CONTEMPLATED  PURCHASE  OF  LUXEMBURG  FRUSTRATED 
BY  BISMARCK.  —  PRUSSIA  CONSENTS  TO  REMOVE  HER  GAR- 
BISON  FROM  LUXEMBURG.  —  SUMMARY  OF  THE  FRENCH  DI- 
PLOMACY FOR  1866-67-  —  THE  DECLINE  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  — 
PARIS  IN  1867  ....  .276 


LAST    DAYS    OF   THE    SECOND   EMPIRE. 

CONDITION  OF  EUROPE  nr  1867.  — THE  POWERS  AT  PEACE. 

—  UNSETTLED  STATE  OF  SPAIN.  —  GARIBALDI  IN  THE  FIELD 
AGAIN.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  MENTANA.  —  BITTER  FEELING  EN- 
GENDERED BY  IT  IN  ITALY  TOWARD  FRANCE.  —  POWER  OF 
THE  EMPRESS  IN  THE  FRENCH  COUNCILS.  —  HER  AMBITION. 

—  EFFORTS  OF  THE  EMPEROR  TO  STEADY  HIS  THRONE.  — 
THE   REORGANIZATION  OF  THE  ARMY.  —  WARLIKE  SENTI- 
MENT IN   PARIS.  —  THE   HOHENZOLLERN   INCIDENT.  —  THE 
RAGE  OF  FRANCE.  —  EXCITEMENT  IN  THE  CORPS  LEGLSLATIF. 

—  M.  BENEDETTI  SEEKS  THE  PRUSSIAN  KING  AT  EMS.  —  THE 
FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  BECOMES  UNREASONABLE  —  INSULT- 
ING DEMAND  UPON  THE   KING  OF  PRUSSIA.  —  BISMARCK'S 
CIRCULAR  IN  REFERENCE   TO  IT.  —  OLLTVIER'S  BELLICOSE 
SPEECH  IN  THE  CORPS  LEGISLATE.  —  ENTHUSIASM  IN  PARIS. 

—  THE  EMPEROR'S  MISGIVINGS.  — His  HOPES  AND  FEARS.  — 
THE  SHATTERING  OF  HIS  HOPES.  —  BARON  BEUST'S  LETTEB. 

—  THE  ISOLATION  OF  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  IN  EUROPE. 

—  THE   EMPEROR'S    PROCLAMATION  AND   DEPARTURE  FOB 
METZ.  —  WRETCHED  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  THERE.  —  IM- 
PATIENCE OF  PARIS.  —  THE  "  AFFAIRE  "  OF  SAARBRUCK      .  289 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

WORTH  AND  FORBACH. 

DELIVERY  OFTHE  FRENCH  DECLARATION  OF  WAR  AT  BERLIN. 
—  PERFECT  PREPARATION  OF  PRUSSIA  FOR  WAR.  —  MOBILI- 


CONTENTS.  xix 

ZATION  AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  ARMY.  —  COM- 
POSITION OF  THE  THIRD  ARMY.  —  POSITION  OF  THE  CON- 
TENDING FORCES  ON  AUGUST  3.  —  FIGHT  AT  WEISSENBURO 
AND  DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  —  MACMAHON  PREPARES  TO 

RECEIVE  AN  ATTACK  ON  THE  SAUER.  HlS  CONFIDENCE  ON 

THE  STH  OF  AUGUST.  —  OPENING  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  WORTH. 

—  MACMAHON  is  OUTFLANKED.  —  HEROISM  OF  THE  FRENCH 
CAVALRY.  —  DESTRUCTION  OF  MACMAHON'S  ARMY. — HARD 
FIGHTING  ON  THE  SAAR.  —  CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE  GER- 
MAN   FORCE    ENGAGED    THERE. FlNAL   RETREAT     OF     THE 

FRENCH.  —  CONSTERNATION  AT  METZ  OVER  THE  RESULT  OF 
THE  DAY'S  FIGHTING.  —  DESPAIR  OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  HE 
TURNS  TO  BAZAINE  AS  A  SAVIOUR.  —  BAZAINE  ASSUMES  THE 
COMMAND  UNDER  PROTEST.  —  HE  APPRECIATES  ITS  FULL 
IMPORT.  —  HE  is  EMBARRASSED  BY  THE  EMPEROR.  —  THE 
CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  THE  GERMAN  HEADQUARTERS.  — 
MOLTKE'S  PLAN.  —  THE  MARCH  THROUGH  LORRAINE  .  .  304 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  AUGUST  BATTLES  BEFORE  METZ. 

THE  FRENCH  RETREAT  UPON  VERDUN  BEGINS.  —  BATTLE  OF 
BORNY.  —  BAZAINE'S  NIGHT  VISIT  TO  THE  EMPEROR. — 
FLIGHT  OF  THE  EMPEROR  TO  GRAVELOTTE.  —  BAZAINE  VISITS 
HIM  THERE.  FAREWELL  BETWEEN  BAZAINE  AND  THE  EM- 
PEROR ON  THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  LATTER  FOR  VERDUN. 

—  POSITION  OF  THE  ARMIES  ON  AUGUST  16.  —  GENERAL  VON 
ALVENSLEBEN  OPENS  THE  BATTLE  OF  VIONVILLE.  —  CHAR- 
ACTER OF  THE  BATTLE  AND  ITS  RESULTS  —  BAZAINE  TAKES 
UP  A  NEW  POSITION.  —  MOLTKE'S  PLAN  FOR  AUGUST  18.  — 
THE   BATTLE   OF  GRAVELOTTE.  —  REPULSE  OF  STEINMETZ. 

—  INCAPACITY   OF  BAZAINE.  —  SECOND  REPULSE  OF  STEIN- 
METZ. —  CANROBERT  OVERPOWERED.  —  CAPTURE  OF  ST.  PRI- 
VAT  AND  TURNING  OF  THE  FRENCH  RIGHT.  —  CLOSE  OF  THE 
BATTLE.  —  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  BATTLE  UPON  THE  MILITARY 
SITUATION.  —  FORMATION  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  MEUSE.  — 
THE  SIEGE  OF  METZ  BEGINS 320 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

SEDAN. 

CONFUSION  AT  THE  FRENCH  HEADQUARTERS  AT  CHALONS. — 
MACMAHON'S  ARRIVAL  THERE.  —  RESULT  OF  THE  MILITARY 


xx  CONTENTS. 

COUNCILS.  —  THE  PARIS  CABINET  TAKES  A  HAND.  —  MAC- 
MAHON'S  IRRESOLUTION.  —  FINALLY  CONCLUDES  TO  MARCH 
UPON  METZ.  —  STRENGTH  AND  CONDITION  OF  HIS  FORCES. 
—  DESPERATION  OF  THE  MINISTRY  AT  PARIS.  —  GENERAL 
BLUMENTHAL  ON  MACMAHON'S  MO.VEMENT.  —  MOLTKE 

MOVES  TO  CHECKMATE  HIM.  SITUATION  ON  THE  2?TH  OF 

AUGUST.  —  ON  THE  29rn.  —  BATTLE  OF  BEAUMONT.  —  ROUT 
OF  DE  FAILLY'S  CORPS.  —  DISCOMFITURE  OF  THE  FRENCH 
7TH  CORPS  BY  THE  BAVARIANS. TERRIBLE  DEMORALIZA- 
TION OF  MACMAHON'S  ARMY.  —  THE  RETREAT  UPON  SEDAN 
AND  MACMAHON'S  TELEGRAM  TO  THE  MINISTRY. —  THE 
GERMANS  CLOSE  IN  UPON  SEDAN.  —  THE  FRENCH  POSITION 
AT  SEDAN.  —  FIRST  ATTACK  OF  THE  GERMANS  ON  SEPTEM- 
BER 1. MACMAHON  WOUNDED. SPLENDID  WORK  OF  THE 

SAXON  ARTILLERY.  —  THE  QUARREL  AT  THE  FRENCH  HEAD- 
QUARTERS AND  ITS  RESULT.  —  GENERAL  DE  WLMPFFEN.  — 
HEROISM  OF  THE  FRENCH  MARINES.  —  TERRIBLE  FIGHTING 
AT  BAZEILLES.  —  AWFUL  EFFECT  OF  THE  GERMAN  ARTIL- 
LERY FIRE.  —  MISERY  OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  THE  WHITE  FLAG 
AT  SEDAN.  —  THE  PRUSSIAN  KING  ON  THE  HEIGHTS  OF 
FRENOIS. —  NAPOLEON'S  LETTER.  —  EVENING  ON  THE  BAT- 
TLEFIELD   329 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

LAST  MEETINGS   OF  BISMARCK  AND  NAPOLEON. 

THE  MILITARY  CONFERENCE  AT  DONCHERY.  —  BISMARCK'S 
ACCOUNT  OF  rr.  —  WIMPFFEN  SEEKS  THE  EMPEROR.  —  THE 
MEETING  BETWEEN  THE  EMPEROR  AND  BISMARCK  AS  NAR- 
RATED BY  EACH.  —  SCENE  AT  THE  WEAVERS'  COTTAGE.  — 
SIGNATURE  OF  THE  CAPITULATION.  —  THE  EMPEROR  LEAVES 
FOR  BELGIUM 342 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PARIS   IN  WAR   TIME. 

THE  EARLY  WAR  DAYS  IN  PARIS.  —  FALSE  REPORT  OF  VIC- 
TORY. —  POPULAR  RAGE  OVER  THE  DECEPTION.  —  THE  EM- 
PRESS RECEIVES  THE  NEWS  OF  DISASTER  —  THE  GOVERN- 
MENT CONTINUES  TO  DECEIVE  THE  PUBLIC.  THE  EMPRESS 


CONTENTS.  xxi 

CONVOKES  THE  CHAMBERS.  — -  FALL  OF  THE  OLLTVIER  MlNIS- 
TRY.  —  PALIKAO.  —  THE  EMPRESS  AT  THE  TULLERIES.  —  DE- 
MORALIZATION IN  THE  PALACE.  —  THE  NEWS  OF  SEDAN.  — 
NIGHT  SESSION  OF  THE  CORPS  LEGISLATIF.  —  THE  4ra  OF 
SEPTEMBER.  —  THE  BLOODLESS  REVOLUTION  AND  FALL  OF 
THE  EMPIRE.  —  FLIGHT  OF  THE  EMPRESS  FROM  PARIS.  — 
GENERAL  TROCHU.  —  THE  DEFENSES  OF  PARIS.  —  THE  DE- 
FENDERS OF  PARIS.  —  REGULARS,  MOBILES,  AND  NATIONALS. 
—  THE  MARINES  AND  THE  FORTRESS  ARTILLERY.  —  ARRI- 
VAL OF  VINOY'S  CORPS  AT  PARIS.  —  FAVRE  AND  BISMARCK 
AT  FERRIERES.  —  PARIS  INVESTED.  —  FIRST  COMBATS  OF 
THE  SIEGE.  —  DISPOSITIONS  OF  THE  BESIEGING  ARMY.  — 
THE  TEMPER  OF  PARIS.  —  MORE  SORTIES.  —  DESTRUCTION 
OF  THE  CHATEAU  AT  ST.  CLOUD.  —  INSUBORDINATION  IN  THE 
NATIONAL  GUARD.  —  ASPECT  OF  PARIS  DURING  THE  LAST 
WEEKS  OF  OCTOBER.  —  THE  BESIEGERS  .  .  ....  360 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 
THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES. 

STRASBURG  AND  ITS  GARRISON.  —  THE  BOMBARDMENT.  — 
BURNING  OF  KEHL.  —  FIRMNESS  OF  GENERAL  UHRICH.  — 
GENERAL  WERDER  INVESTS  STRASBURG.  —  FINAL  BOMBARD- 
MENT AND  SURRENDER  OF  THE  PLACE.  —  CONDITION  OF 
METZ.  —  REPULSE  OF  BAZAINE'S  SORTIE.  —  CAPITULATION 
OF  METZ. — BAZAINE'S  CULPABILITY.  —  COMPLEX  NATURE 
OF  THE  MILITARY  PROBLEM  FROM  THE  GERMAN  STANDPOINT. 

—  VITALITY  OF  REPUBLICAN  FRANCE.  —  A  FRENCH  FORCE 

APPEARS  ON  THE  LOIRE. ITS  DEFEAT  BEFORE  ORLEANS.  — 

FORMATION  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE.  —  ITS  ORGANIZA- 
TION BY  GENERAL  D'AURELLE  DE   PALADINES.  —  WINS  A 
VICTORY  AT  COULMIERS. —  RETREATS  UPON  ORLEANS. —  CON- 
FLICT BETWEEN  GAMBETTA  AND  THE  FRENCH  COMMANDER. 

—  APPEARANCE  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  OF  THE  NORTH.  — 
PRINCE  FREDERICK  CHARLES  MARCHES  UPON  ORLEANS  FROM 
METZ.  —  ADVANCE   OF   THE   ARMY  OF  THE    LOIRE.  —  ITS 
RIGHT  WING  is  BEATEN  AT  BEAUNE.  —  GAMBETTA  INSISTS 
UPON  A  CONTINUATION    OF    THE    ADVANCE.  —  THE    LEFT 

WlNG  DEFEATED  AT   LOIGNY  AND   POUPRY-  FREDERICK 

CHARLES  ASSUMES  THE  OFFENSIVE.  —  THE  Two  DAYS'  BAT- 
TLE IN  FRONT  OF  ORLEANS  AND  ROUT  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THB 


xxii  CONTENTS. 

LOIRE.  —  CHANZY  RALLIES   THE    LEFT  WING  AND  TAKES 

POSITION  AT  JOSNES. Is  ATTACKED  BY  THE  GRAND  DuKB 

OF  MECKLENBURG.  —  RETREAT  OF  CHANZY  UPON  LE  MANS. 
—  INACTION  OF  THE  FIRST  ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE  UNDER 
EOURBAKI.  —  GAMBETTA  MARCHES  IT  EASTWARD.  —  FRED- 
ERICK CHARLES  AND  MECKLENBURG  CONCENTRATE  AGAINST 
CHANZY.  —  SEVERITY  OF  THE  WEATHER  AND  SUFFERING  BY 
THE  TROOPS.  —  THE  BATTLE  BEFORE  LE  MANS  AND  DEFEAT 
OF  CHANZY.  —  THE  SECOND  ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE  AND  ITS 
RECORD.  —  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  OF  THE 
NORTH  BY  MANTEUFFEL.  —  MARCH  OF  MANTEUFFEL  TO  WEB- 
BER'S SUCCOR.  —  BOURBAKI  CROSSES  THE  SWISS  FRONTIER  .  368 


CHAPTER  XXX. 
THE  FALL  OF  PARIS. 

THE  EASTERN  AND  ITALIAN  QUESTIONS  REOPENED.  —  THE 
LONDON  CONFERENCE.  —  OCCUPATION  OF  ROME  BY  THE 
ITALIAN  ARMY.  —  THE  GERMAN  FOREIGN  OFFICE  AT  VER- 
SAILLES. —  ITS  ATTITUDE  ON  EUROPEAN  QUESTIONS.  —  CON- 
DITION OF  AFFAIRS  IN  PARIS.  —  EVENTS  OF  THE  31sT  OF 
OCTOBER.  —  TEMPORARY  SUCCESS  OF  THE  COMMUNE.  —  UN- 
RELIABILITY OF  THE  NATIONAL  GUARD  —  PREPARATION  FOR 
THE  GREAT  SORTIE.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  CHAMPIGNY.  —  ITS 
CHARACTER  AND  RESULTS.  —  INCREASING  GRAVITY  OF  THE 
SITUATION  IN  PARIS.  —  FIGHTING  NEAR  LE  BOURGET.  — 
OPENING  OF  THE  GERMAN  BOMBARDMENT.  —  ABANDONMENT 
OF  MONT  AVRON  BY  THE  FRENCH.  —  NEW  YEAR'S  IN  PARIS. 
—  THE  KING  OF  PRUSSIA  HAILED  GERMAN  EMPEROR  AT 
VERSAILLES.  —  BATTLE  OF  BUZENVAL  AND  RETREAT  OF  THE 
FRENCH.  —  F  \  VRE  AT  VERSAILLES.  —  CAPITULATION  OF 
PARIS  AND  SIGNATURE  OF  THE  ARMISTICE.  —  THE  FRENCH 
ASSEMBLY  MEETS  AT  BORDEAUX.  —  APPOINTS  THIERS  CHIEF 
OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  POWER.  —  THIERS  AND  BISMARCK  AT 
VERSAILLES.  —  THE  PRELIMINARIES  OF  PEACE  RATIFIED  BY 
THE  ASSEMBLY.  —  ENTRY  OF  THE  GERMAN  TROOPS  INTO 
PARIS.  —  THE  PEACE  OF  FRANKFORT.  —  EUROPE  AT  THE 
PRESENT  DAY.  —  PREVALENCE  OF  MILITARISM  AND  THE 
CAUSES  THEREFOR 388 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 403 

INDEX .  407 


LIST    OF  MAPS. 

PACK 

THE  COUNTRY  FROM  THE  ALMA  TO  BALACLAVA 54 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ITALY,  1859 ;  THE  COUNTRY  FROM  ALESSAN- 
DRIA TO  MILAN 122 

BATTLEFIELD  OF  MAGENTA 130 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ITALY,  1859 ;  THE  COUNTRY  FROM  MILAN 

TO  VERONA 138 

BATTLEFIELD  OF  SOLFERINO 144 

EARLY  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  ARMIES  IN  BOHEMIA, 

1866 226 

BATTLEFIELD  OF  KONIGGRATZ 238 

BATTLEFIELD  OF  CUSTOZZA 260 

ENVIRONS  OF  METZ 320 

SEDAN  AND  VICINITY 336 

ENVIRONS  OF  PARIS  (1870-1871) 350 

ENVIRONS  OF  ORLEANS 374 


INTRODUCTION. 


HE  who  is  inclined  to  take  optimistic  views  of  hu- 
man history  must  contemplate  the  course  of  events 
during  the  past  forty  years  with  genuine  satisfaction, 
for  to  whatever  part  of  the  globe  he  turns  his  atten- 
tion he  will  find  much  more  to  confirm  than  to  dis- 
credit his  hopeful  attitude.  Everywhere,  doubtless, 
there  are  difficult  and  anxious  problems  to  be  solved ; 
the  spirit  of  evil,  in  one  shape  or  another,  goes  on 
rearing  its  head  defiantly ;  and  the  condition  of  man- 
kind improves  but  slowly.  Nevertheless,  in  almost 
every  quarter  of  the  world  since  1850  we  can  point 
to  solid  and  unmistakable  progress.  In  the  depart- 
ments of  scientific  discovery  and  industrial  art  this 
has  been  so  conspicuous  a  fact  that  to  mention  it  is 
like  uttering  a  truism.  But  in  political  history  the 
illustrations  of  progress  are  no  less  striking.  A  mar- 
velous revolution  in  Japan  has  transformed  the  feu- 
dal regime  of  the  Shogun  and  daimios  into  a  consti- 
tutionally governed  empire,  eager  to  learn  wisdom 
from  every  available  source.  The  English  rule  in 
India,  since  the  dreadful  days  of  Cawnpore  and 
Lucknow,  has  been  marked  by  a  prosperity  unpar- 
alleled in  the  history  of  that  teeming  population. 
Australasia  is  witnessing  the  rapid  growth  of  a  new 
English  civilization,  destined  soon  to  become  a  valua- 
ble moral  power  in  the  world.  With  the  labors  of 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

Livingstone  and  Stanley  during  this  same  period,  a 
new  and  more  hopeful  era  has  begun  in  the  career  of 
Africa.  In  the  southern  parts  of  South  America,  on 
the  shores  of  both  oceans,  Spanish  civilization  has 
assumed  a  thrifty  and  progressive  character,  more 
especially  since  the  triumphs  of  Montt  in  Chili  and 
of  Mitre  in  the  Argentine  Republic  (1852-60).  As 
for  North  America,  we  need  only  to  remember  that 
1850  was  the  year  in  which  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
was  enacted,  with  the  consent  of  the  foremost  Amer- 
ican statesman  then  living,  who  could  see  no  other 
way  of  saving  the  United  States  from  disunion  and 
anarchy.  That  negro  slavery  has  been  abolished, 
while  the  spectre  of  secession  has  been  exorcised,  and 
a  reconciliation  achieved  between  states  so  recently 
hostile,  marks  an  amount  of  political  progress  which 
may  well  be  set  off  against  the  tale  of  public  corrup- 
tion and  extortion  of  which  the  daily  report  is  slowly 
but  surely  kindling  the  righteous  indignation  of  a 
long-suffering  people. 

In  no  part  of  the  world  has  the  improvement  in  the 
political  situation  since  1850  been  more  striking  than 
in  Europe.  The  author  of  the  present  book  has  done 
well  to  entitle  it  "  The  Reconstruction  of  Europe." 
It  has  been  indeed  a  reconstruction  such  as  one  could 
hardly  have  dared  hope  for  in  the  days  of  Haynau 
and  Radetzky.  Yet  no  intelligent  observer  could 
even  at  that  time  suppose  that  the  crude  adjustments 
made  by  sheer  military  force  were  likely  to  prove 
enduring.  It  seemed  in  1850  as  if  despotism  were 
triumphant,  but  appearances  were  deceitful.  Sisera 
could  not  conquer,  for  the  stars  in  their  courses  were 
fighting  against  him.  The  movement  toward  consti- 
tutional freedom  and  the  independence  of  oppressed 


INTRODUCTION.  xxv 

nationalities,  temporarily  checked  by  the  arms  of 
Radetzky  and  Paskevitch,  was  a  movement  that  had 
been  gathering  strength  for  more  than  two  genera- 
tions. For  its  remote  sources  we  must  look  back  to 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  when  English 
ideas  of  constitutional  liberty,  vindicated  by  Vane 
and  Cromwell  and  expounded  by  Locke  and  Milton 
yet  a  century  earlier,  were  at  length  taken  up  and  in- 
corporated into  the  speculations  of  French  philoso- 
phers whose  writings  were  widely  read  upon  the  con- 
tinent. In  deference  to  the  spirit  of  the  age,  as 
represented  in  various  ways  by  Montesquieu  and 
Voltaire,  by  the  Physiocrats  and  the  Encyclopedists, 
the  work  of  reform  was  begun  by  crowned  philoso- 
phers and  public-spirited  despots,  such  as  Frederick 
of  Prussia,  Catherine  of  Russia,  Joseph  of  Austria, 
and  Charles  III.  of  Spain. 

In  the  country  which  had  become  a  more  coherent 
nationality  than  any  other  upon  the  continent,  which 
had  less  enlightenment  in  its  dynasty  and  more  in  its 
people,  and  which  had  been  brought  most  closely  into 
contact  with  English  and  American  ideas,  the  terri- 
ble revolution  beginning  in  1789  at  once  brought 
matters  to  a  crisis  and  inaugurated  for  the  European 
world  the  great  modern  movement  of  which  our 
author  describes  the  most  recent  phases.  With  the 
French  revolutionary  propaganda  it  became  a  move- 
ment toward  democracy,  toward  the  final  abolition  of 
feudalism  with  its  arbitrary  privileges  for  the  few 
and  its  excessive  burdens  for  the  many,  toward  the 
fuller  participation  of  the  people  in  the  work  of  gov- 
ernment and  their  more  efficient  protection  in  the  en- 
joyment of  the  fruits  of  their  labor.  When  the  gov- 
ernments of  Austria  and  Prussia  in  1792  undertook 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION. 

to  stem  the  rising  tide  by  invading  France,  they 
called  into  existence  a  French  levee  en  masse  of  revo- 
lutionary soldiers  destined  forthwith  to  overrun  all 
Europe,  carrying  democratic  notions  with  them  every- 
where. When  the  National  Convention  published  its 
famous  proclamation  of  November  19,  1792,  offering 
French  assistance  to  all  peoples  who  wished  to  get 
rid  of  their  governments,  it  laid  down  a  revolution- 
ary programme  which  Napoleon  in  very  considerable 
measure  carried  out.  In  many  respects  the  policy  of 
the  First  Empire  was  a  reversal  of  the  policy  of  the 
Revolution,  and  keenly  disappointed  the  generous 
aims  and  hopes  that  had  sustained  the  nobler  spirits 
amid  the  horrors  of  that  time ;  but  there  were  ways 
in  which  the  Napoleonic  conquests,  albeit  marked  by 
a  most  shameless  and  cynical  disregard  of  morality 
and  decency,  were  beneficial  and  stimulating  to  the 
people  of  Europe.  One  of  these  ways  was  the  tem- 
porary extension  of  the  new  French  laws,  and  of 
methods  of  administration  connected  therewith,  over 
certain  regions,  especially  the  so-called  Confederation 
of  the  Rhine  and  some  parts  of  Italy.  Another  was 
the  partial  consolidation  effected  in  the  same  regions, 
along  with  the  overthrow  of  a  swarm  of  petty  tyrants 
who  were  not  reinstated  in  1815.  A  third  was  the 
spirit  of  nationality  evoked  in  resistance  to  Napoleon, 
especially  in  northern  Germany,  under  the  lead  of  the 
noblest  statesman  of  that  age,  the  gallant  and  glorious 
Stein. 

The  seed  sown  in  these  ways  had  become  too  deeply 
rooted  in  1815  to  be  destroyed  by  the  ingenious  ar- 
rangements made  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  The 
next  thirty  years  were,  by  comparison  with  what  had 
gone  before,  a  time  of  profound  peace  ;  yet  they  wit- 


INTRODUCTION.  xxvii 

nessed  political  and  military  events  characteristic 
enough  as  indicating  the  general  drift  of  affairs. 
Such  events  were  the  establishment  of  independence 
by  the  Spanish  colonies  in  America,  the  successful 
revolt  of  Greece,  the  unsuccessful  revolt  of  Poland, 
the  troubles  in  Spain  after  the  death  of  Ferdinand 
VII.,  the  uprising  which  drove  Charles  X.  from 
France  in  1830.  The  most  characteristic  feature  of 
this  period  was  restlessness.  Ideas  of  reform,  aspira- 
tions after  a  better  state  of  things,  were  everywhere 
in  the  air.  The  moral  influence  of  the  great  Parlia- 
mentary Reform  of  1832,  and  other  contemporaneous 
reforms  in  England,  such  as  Jewish  and  Catholic 
emancipation  and  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade, 
counted  for  much.  The  success  of  democracy  on 
a  vast  scale  in  the  United  States,  however  dimly 
apprehended  by  the  people  of  continental  Europe, 
doubtless  also  counted  for  much.  Increasing  com- 
fort, scientific  discoveries,  railroads  and  steamboats, 
cheaper  and  more  abundant  popular  literature,  were 
powerful  factors  in  stimulating  the  revolutionary 
spirit.  The  revival  of  historic  studies,  the  keenly 
aroused  interest  in  the  past,  as  shown  in  Guizot  and 
Sir  Walter  Scott,  in  tlie  romantic  school  in  poetry, 
painting,  and  music,  did  much  to  strengthen  the 
growing  sense  of  the  sacredness  of  nationality.  It 
came  to  be  more  and  more  generally  felt  that  it  was 
wrong  for  Greeks  and  Bulgarians  to  be  trampled 
down  by  the  ruthless  Turk,  and  for  Magyars  and 
Italians  to  be  held  in  subjection  by  a  ruler  at  Vienna. 
It  was  especially  in  the  Italian  peninsula  that  the 
aspiration  toward  political  reform  was  identified  with 
the  aspiration  toward  national  unity.  Since  the  ar- 
rangements of  1815,  Austria  had  held  Lombardy  and 


xxvm  INTRODUCTION. 

Venice  in  subjection,  but  Austrian  control  over  the 
peninsula  really  went  much  farther  than  this.  In 
1821  an  insurrection  against  Bourbon  tyranny  in 
Naples  was  suppressed  by  Austrian  bayonets  ;  and  in 
1831  a  revolution  in  the  Papal  States  was  suppressed 
in  the  same  way.  Gradually,  therefore,  it  became 
apparent  to  all  thoughtful  Italians  that  the  only  prac- 
ticable way  of  putting  an  end  to  misgovernment  was 
to  unite  the  population  of  the  peninsula  in  the  effort 
to  throw  off  the  Austrian  yoke.  The  cause  of  Lom- 
bardy  and  Venice  must  be  made  the  common  cause 
of  all  Italy.  In  this  conclusion  Italian  statesmen 
came  to  agree,  however  they  might  differ  as  to  the 
means  by  which  the  desired  end  was  to  be  attained  ; 
whether  with  Mazzini  they  looked  forward  to  a  united 
Italian  Republic,  or  with  Gioberti  dreamed  of  a  re- 
formed and  enlightened  Papacy  taking  the  lead  in 
driving  out  those  whom  bellicose  Julius  II.  used  to 
call  "  the  barbarians,"  or  with  Cavour  saw  clearly 
that  the  hope  of  Italy  lay  in  Piedmont,  the  one  Italian 
state  which  combined  political  freedom  with  organ- 
ized military  strength. 

Where  there  is  so  sound  a  principle  at  work  as 
that  represented  in  the  policy  of  Cavour,  it  is  sure  to 
profit  by  every  opportunity  that  is  offered  for  steady 
and  healthful  expansion,  as  was  illustrated  in  the 
masterly  skill  with  which  the  Italian  statesman  made 
use  of  the  French  emperor  from  the  time  of  the  Cri- 
mean war  to  the  time  when  the  people  of  one  Italian 
state  after  another  elected  Victor  Emmanuel  as  their 
king.  But  perhaps  the  most  curiously  significant 
featiire  in  the  complex  process  of  European  recon- 
struction is  the  wholesome  Nemesis  that  has  over- 
taken Austria,  and  at  the  cost  of  a  brief  military 


INTRODUCTION.  xxix 

humiliation  placed  her  in  the  ranks  of  progressive 
states.  In  the  days  of  our  fathers  the  very  name  of 
Austria  had  a  hateful  sound.  It  stood  for  mean  and 
cruel  oppression.  A  survival  of  the  contemptuous 
anger  with  which  all  true  lovers  of  liberty  then  re- 
garded Austria  may  still  be  seen  in  Mr.  Freeman's 
writings,  whenever  that  great  historian  has  occasion 
to  allude  to  her.  But  the  policy  to  which  Metter- 
nich  had  devoted  his  rare  abilities  provoked  reaction ; 
and  Cavour,  securing  by  the  sacrifice  of  Nice  and 
Savoy  at  first  the  active  help  and  then  the  secret 
connivance  of  the  French  emperor,  struck  the  blow 
which  called  into  existence  the  Kingdom  of  Italy. 
Then  in  the  final  phase  of  the  struggle  between  Aus- 
trian conservatism  and  the  movement  toward  German 
unity  begun  by  Stein  and  carried  on  by  Bismarck,  the 
Italian  kingdom  played  its  part  as  an  ally  of  Prus- 
sia, and  brought  itself  nigh  to  completeness  by  the 
acquisition  of  Venetia.  Austria,  driven  from  the 
German  federation  to  shift  for  herself,  discovered 
that  she  could  no  longer  maintain  her  footing  in  the 

O  o 

world  without  granting  to  Hungary  all  that  Kossuth 
and  his  brave  companions  had  vainly  contended  for 
in  1849.  From  the  moment  that  she  was  thus  freed 
from  the  deadly  burden  of  peoples  held  in  unwilling 
subjection,  Austria  began  to  show  symptoms  of 
healthy  national  life.  The  surgery  of  1859  and  1866 
was  sharp  but  salutary.  Then  in  that  year  of  doom, 
1870,  a  united  Germany,  freed  from  complications 
with  Austria,  made  short  work  with  the  French  em- 
peror, the  greatest  sham  of  the  century,  and  left 
France  humbled  and  exasperated,  but  probably  in 
a  less  unsound  condition  than  at  any  previous  mo- 
ment since  1789.  The  Italian  kingdom,  seizing  this 


xxxn  INTRODUCTION. 

objections  to  the  forcible  severance  of  these  people 
from  France.  Perhaps  it  may  by  and  by  appear 
that  in  this  one  instance  they  made  the  same  sort  of 
mistake  that  the  first  Napoleon  was  so  apt  to  make, 
in  setting  a  higher  value  upon  sheer  brute  force  than 
upon  the  sagacious  statesmanship  that  takes  morality 
and  sentiment  into  the  account.  Time  will  show. 

JOHN  FISKE. 


RECONST 


EUROPE  IK  1850.  —  Louis  NAPOLEON  ELECTED  PRESIDENT  OP  THB 
FRENCH  REPUBLIC.  —  His  PREVIOUS  CAREER.  —  THE  REVOLU- 
TION IN  GERMANY,  AUSTRIA,  AND  ITALY.  —  STATE  OF  ITALY  IN 
1850.  —  THE  ATTITUDE  OF  PIEDMONT.  —  TRANQUILLITY  OF  RUS- 
SIA. —  PRESTIGE  OF  THE  CZAR  IN  EUROPE.  —  THE  GREAT  POW- 
ERS IN  1850. 

IN  the  year  1850  Europe  was  emerging  from  the 
throes  of  a  revolutionary  era,  with  military  autocracy 
generally  triumphant,  at  the  expense  of  liberal  and 
free  ideas.  France,  Germany,  Austria,  Denmark,  and 
the  Italian  states  had  been  shaken  by  the  great  popu- 
lar upheaval,  but  in  France  alone  was  the  revolution 
sustained.  The  government  of  Louis  Philippe  had 
fallen,  never  to  rise  again.  A  provisional  government, 
established  to  direct  affairs  pending  the  election  of  a 
republican  president,  was  obliged  to  maintain  itself 
with  powder  and  ball  against  an  insurrection  of  the 
Commune  in  Paris.  The  Faubourg  St.  Antoine  was 
mercilessly  bombarded,  barricaded  streets  were  raked 
with  cannon  and  musketry,  before  order  was  restored, 
and  the  government  enabled  to  turn  its  hand  to  the 


2         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

last  act  in  a  Paris  revolution,  the  execution  and  trans- 
portation of  prisoners. 

The  election  of  1848  summoned  to  the  presidency 
of  the  new  republic  Charles  Louis  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte>  the  recognized  heir  of  the  great  Napoleon.  He 
had  been  elected  to  the  Assembly  in  June  and  Sep- 
tember, and  had  taken  his  seat  in  the  latter  month, 
in  the  face  of  protests  by  the  faction  most  warmly 
attached  to  the  cause  of  the  republic. 

The  character  and  views  of  Louis  Napoleon  were 
not  unknown  to  his  supporters.  He  had  always 
asserted  his  belief  that  he  was  one  day  to  rule  over 
his  uncle's  empire,  and  had  proved  the  sincerity  of 
his  convictions  by  twice  attempting  to  seize  supreme 
power  by  tampering  with  the  army.  For  the  latter 
of  these  ill-starred  attempts  he  had  suffered  imprison- 
ment in  the  fortress  of  Ham,  but,  escaping,  had  fled 
to  England.  When  he  returned  to  Paris  in  1848  it 
was  virtually  to  accept  at  the  hands  of  the  people  a 
recall  from  exile.  The  prestige  of  his  name  won  the 
votes  of  lovers  of  domestic  order,  while  the  absurdity 
of  his  conduct  at  Strasburg  and  Boulogne  gained  him 
the  support  of  a  less  patriotic  element,  who  regarded 
him  as  clay  to  be  moulded  at  will  by  unscrupulous 
potters.  The  state  of  affairs  in  France  at  the  opening 
of  1850  was  without  parallel  in  Europe.  The  revolu- 
tion had  overthrown  Louis  Philippe,  crushed  out  a 
revolution  that  conspired  against  itself,  established 
the  republic,  and  crowned  its  work  by  choosing  an 
imperial  pretender  for  a  republican  president. 

Of  all  the  continental  governments,  those  repre- 
sented in  the  Germanic  Diet  at  Frankfort  had  suf- 
fered most  severely.  Mobs  raged  through  the  streets 
of  Berlin,  Dresden,  Munich,  and  Vienna.  The  Hun- 


EUROPE  IN  1850.  3 

garian  and  Italian  subjects  of  the  Kaiser  revolted 
and  defeated  the  troops  sent  to  suppress  them.  The 
Kaiser  fled  from  Vienna,  the  king  of  Bavaria  abdi- 
cated his  throne,  while  the  petty  princes  of  Germany 
were  driven  to  the  promulgation  of  constitutions,  and 
the  adoption  of  liberal  ministries.  In  the  general 
uprising  against  absolutism,  the  Frankfort  Diet  itself 
was  swept  away.  It  had  never  been  popular  with 
the  masses,  as  it  represented  the  princes,  and  not  the 
people,  of  the  German  states.  In  its  stead  there  was 
convened  a  national  assembly,  elected  by  popular  suf- 
frage, whose  leading  articles  of  faith  were  constitu- 
tional liberty  and  national  unity.  Adherence  to  the 
latter  principle  induced  it  to  order  Prussian  troops 
to  the  assistance  of  the  people  of  Schleswig-Holstein, 
who  were  endeavoring  to  throw  off  the  Danish  yoke, 
while  devotion  to  the  former  led  it  to  offer  to  Fred- 
erick William  of  Prussia  the  crown  of  united  Ger- 
many. Prussia  had  clearly  outstripped  Austria  in 
the  favor  of  the  German  people.  Her  advocacy  of 
the  Zolleverein  which  had  made  Germany  a  commer- 
cial unit,  and  the  adoption  by  Frederick  William  of 
certain  liberal  reforms  advocated  by  the  Berlin  rev- 
olutionists, had  done  much  to  establish  this  state  of 
tilings.  Frederick  William,  however,  had  never 
really  sympathized  with  the  new  views  of  his  subjects. 
He  was  a  devout  believer  in  his  divine  right,  and  in 
the  power  of  the  Austrian  army,  and  furthermore  felt 
a  deep  veneration  for  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  He 
mistrusted  the  wisdom  and  stability  of  the  Frankfort 
assembly,  and  refused  its  offer  of  imperial  honors. 
This  proved  the  deathblow  of  the  liberal  assembly  on 
the  Main.  Had  Russia  remained  quiescent,  perhaps 
it  might  have  risen  superior  to  this  rebuff.  In  fact, 


4         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

however,  the  Czar  placed  his  troops  at  the  dispo- 
sal of  the  Kaiser,  and  confided  to  his  famous  lieu- 
tenant, Paskevich,  the  subjugation  of  Hungary. 
With  his  right  arm  free  again,  the  Kaiser  turned  to 
the  rectification  of  affairs  in  Germany.  Despotism 
took  fresh  heart,  liberal  ministries  came  tumbling 
down,  and  Frederick  William,  who  had  been  playing 
fast  and  loose  with  the  Prussian  revolutionists,  turned 
a  cold  shoulder  to  their  requests.  The  Prussian 
troops  were  recalled  from  the  Elbe  Duchies,  while 
Austrian  troops  succeeded  them,  and  reestablished 
the  Danish  authority.  In  the  mean  time,  Paskevich 
in  Hungary,  and  Radetsky  in  Italy,  had  crushed  out 
all  opposition.  Austria  was  again  dominant,  not  only 
in  Germany,  but  in  Central  Europe  and  Italy  as  well. 

The  condition  in  which  Hungary  and  Italy  were 
left  by  the  Russo-Austrian  triumph  was  a  deplorable 
one.  While  the  former  was  the  victim  of  the  stern- 
est military  reprisals,  the  state  of  affairs  in  Italy  was 
even  worse. 

With  an  intensely  national  spirit  animating  all 
classes  from  the  Alps  to  the  Tiber,  the  Italians  for 
generations  had  been  held  asunder  by  foreign  bay- 
onets. Austria  held  Venetia  and  Lombardy  as  prov- 
inces of  the  empire,  but  her  influence  extended  far 
beyond  their  frontiers.  The  Neapolitans  crouched 
under  the  Bourbon  lash  with  the  might  of  Austria 
behind  it.  Tuscany,  Parma,  and  Modena  had  their 
old  rulers,  who  had  fled  upon  the  outbreak  of  1848, 
again  forced  upon  them,  while  the  troops  of  the 
Kaiser  were  billeted  on  their  territory.  The  Pope 
returned  from  his  retirement  in  the  Neapolitan  do- 
minions under  the  protection  of  Austria,  the  French 
Republican  army  having  previously  occupied  Rome. 


EUROPE  IN  1850.  5 

Even  Piedmont,  the  little  northern  kingdom,  the 
sole  representative  of  constitutional  government  in 
Italy,  had  suffered  from  a  temporary  Austrian  occupa- 
tion consequent  upon  Radetsky's  victory  at  Novara. 
But  the  Piedmontese  were  not  cast  down.  As  Austria 
stood  for  despotism  in  the  peninsula,  so  Piedmont  had 
come  to  stand  for  constitutional  government  and  Ital- 
ian regeneration.  From  the  dismal  night  of  Novara, 
when  the  broken-hearted  Charles  Albert  abdicated 
the  Sardinian  throne  to  his  son,  a  new  era  was  inau- 
gurated in  Italian  history.  While  the  battle-smoke 
still  brooded  over  the  field  of  Radetsky's  greatest  vic- 
tory with  evidences  of  misery  and  disaster  on  every 
hand,  Victor  Emmanuel  had  voiced  the  oath  "Per 
Dio,  Italia  sara !  "  In  the  presence  of  the  principal 
dignitaries  of  the  kingdom,  he  committed  himself  to 
the  fostering  of  the  liberal  institutions  of  the  state 
and  the  furtherance  of  the  Italian  cause.  Even  as 
early  as  1850,  while  still  reaping  the  bitter  fruits  of 
unsuccessful  revolution,  the  Italian  people  were  com- 
ing to  regard  Piedmont  as  the  national  David,  by 
whom  the  giant  strength  of  foreign  oppression  should 
one  day  be  broken. 

Throughout  this  period  of  turmoil  in  Europe,  the 
vast  realms  of  the  Czar  had  remained  undisturbed. 
Not  certainly  that  there  were  no  burdens  to  be  light- 
ened or  wrongs  to  be  redressed,  but  simply  from  the 
fact  that  liberty  such  as  was  being  fought  for  in  Ger- 
many, Austria,  and  Italy  had  never  entered  into  the 
conception  of  the  stupid,  plodding  Russian  serf.  As 
for  the  sprinkling  of  uneasy,  restless  agitators,  from 
which  Russia  is  never  free,  perhaps  the  memory  of 
Poland  and  the  fear  of  Paskevich  held  them  back. 
Russia  remained  tranquil,  a  fact  that  won  new  pres- 


6          THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tige  for  the  Czar.  The  generous,  majestic  fashion  in 
which  he  came  to  the  assistance  of  Austria,  and  hurled 
back  the  Hungarian  patriots  before  his  stubborn  bat- 
talions, impressed  all  Europe  with  a  sense  of  his  great 
might.  While  every  continental  government  was 
employing  the  full  strength  of  its  military  arm  to 
preserve  or  restore  order  within  its  territories,  the 
Czar  was  demonstrating  the  fact  that  his  armed  power 
was  far  beyond  his  necessities.  The  withdrawal  of 
his  troops  from  Hungary  was  no  less  imposing  than 
their  entry  had  been.  No  allusion  to  compensation 
lessened  its  moral  influence.  Austria  was  grateful 
and  profuse,  while  the  rest  of  Europe  was  awed  by 
the  splendid  courtesy  and  boundless  power  of  the 
northern  autocrat. 

The  general  position  of  the  great  European  states 
at  the  opening  of  the  year  1850  may  be  summed  up 
briefly  as  follows :  — 

England  still  remained  engrossed  in  the  arts  of 
peace  and  the  doings  in  the  Commons.  The  reforms 
for  which  the  continental  peoples  contended  were 
only  those  which  the  English  fought  for  at  Naseby 
and  Marston  Moor,  and  had  enjoyed  for  centuries. 

France,  emerging  from  a  complication  of  revolu- 
tions, was  again  sailing  smoothly,  but  with  the  Bona- 
parte pretender  at  the  helm. 

In  the  German  states,  despotism,  temporarily  in 
danger,  had  resumed  its  sway,  with  the  Diet  again 
established  on  the  Main.  Imperialism,  reentrenched 
in  Vienna,  cast  its  baleful  shadow  over  Germany, 
Hungary,  and  Italy. 

Finally,  Russia  loomed  vast  and  haughty  in  the  far 
East,  an  object  of  dread  and  misgiving,  and  clothed 
in  newly-acquired  prestige. 


CHAPTER  H. 
THE  COUP  D'ETAT. 

THE  FOREIGN  POLICY  OF  FRANCE  IN  1851. — THE  PRESIDENT'S 
OATH.  —  ENMITY  BETWEEN  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  THE  ASSEM- 
BLY. —  THE  SPEECH  AT  DIJON.  —  ST.  ARNAUD  AND  MAUPAS 

APPOINTED  TO  THE  MINISTRY. THE  2D  OF  DECEMBER. THE 

PRESIDENT'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  THE  ARRESTS.  —  DISPERSION 
OF  THE  ASSEMBLY.  —  How  THE  COUP  D'ETAT  WAS  MANAGED. 
—  THE  EVENTS  OF  THE  3o.  —  THE  4TH  OF  DECEMBER.  —  STATE 
OF  AFFAIRS  ON  THE  BOULEVARD.  —  THE  MASSACRE  AND  ITS 
INFLUENCE.  —  CONFLICT  OF  TESTIMONY  IN  REGARD  TO  THE 
MASSACRE.  —  THE  PRESIDENT'S  RESPONSIBILITY.  —  DISPOSITION 
OF  POLITICAL  PRISONERS.  —  THE  PRESIDENT  SUSTAINED  BY  THE 
NATIONAL  VOTE.  —  THE  TE  DEUM  IN  NOTRE  DAME.  —  THE 
PRESIDENT  BECOMES  EMPEROR. 

IN  the  year  1851  France  was  attracting  more  atten- 
tion than  any  other  of  the  great  powers  on  account  of 
her  conspicuous  foreign  policy.  With  an  army  in 
Rome  as  a  body-guard  to  the  Pope,  and  an  ambas- 
sador in  Constantinople  vigorously  claiming  the  Holy 
Places  at  Jerusalem,  this  policy  was  strongly  sugges- 
tive of  the  Crusades.  But  the  fact,  above  all,  that 
arrested  the  attention  of  the  world  was  the  unique 
experiment  then  in  progress  of  a  republican  govern- 
ment, with  the  heir  of  the  First  Napoleon  as  president. 

Prince  Louis  entered  upon  his  duties  as  president 
of  the  French  republic  December  20, 1848.  On  that 
day,  before  the  Assembly,  he  swore  •"  to  remain  faithful 
to  the  democratic  republic,"  and  declared,  "  My  duty 
is  clear.  I  will  fulfill  it  as  a  man  of  honor.  I  shall 


8         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

regard  as  enemies  of  the  country  all  those  who 
endeavor  to  change  by  illegal  means  that  which  all 
France  has  established." 

The  president  and  the  Assembly  were  soon  at  war. 
The  Assembly,  or  a  large  proportion  of  its  members, 
suspected  the  president  of  treasonable  designs  against 
the  republic,  while  he  believed  that  the  Assembly  was 
conspiring  for  his  overthrow.  A  state  of  affairs  like 
this  could  not  be  attended  with  much  good  for  France. 
In  May,  1851,  the  president  declared  at  a  public  ban- 
quet in  Dijon,  "  The  Assembly  has  given  me  its  co- 
operation in  every  means  of  repression,  but  has  failed 
me  in  all  the  measures  which  I  have  devised  for  the 
welfare  of  the  people." 

On  October  27  Achille  St.  Arnaud,  an  officer  in 
the  French  Algerian  army,  with  a  bold,  venturesome 
spirit  and  a  reputation  by  no  means  stainless,1  was 
appointed  by  the  president  minister  of  war.  On 
the  same  day  M.  de  Maupas  was  appointed  prefect 
of  police.  Maupas  unfortunately  had  won  a  reputa- 
tion which  seemed  better  calculated  to  bring  him 
under  the  surveillance  of  the  police,  than  to  place 
him  in  charge  of  its  intricate  machinery.2  It  cer- 
tainly could  not  be  regarded  otherwise  than  as  a  grave 
danger  to  France  that  the  army  should  be  under  the 
orders  of  an  unscrupulous  soldier  like  St.  Arnaud, 
and  the  police  in  charge  of  a  character  like  Maupas. 
The  true  significance  of  these  appointments  was  in- 
dicated by  the  events  which  occurred  in  Paris  between 
the  1st  and  5th  of  the  following  December. 

On  the  morning  of  December  2, 1851,  Paris  awoke  to 
find  its  walls  blazing  with  proclamations  by  the  presi- 

1  Kinglake,  chapter  xxix. ;  Te"not,  pp.  78,  79. 

2  See  Kinglake,  chapter  xiy. 


THE  COUP  D'ETAT. 

dent,  declaring  that  he  had  dissolved  the  Assembly, 
charging-  it  with  being  "  the  hotbed  of  sedition,"  that 
it  forged  the  weapons  of  civil  war,  that  it  imperiled 
the  tranquillity  of  France,  and  that  he,  the  president, 
made  the  whole  people  judge  between  him  and  it. 
"  I  make,  therefore,  my  loyal  appeal  to  the  whole 
nation,  .  .  .  and  I  say  if  it  be  your  will  that  the  pres- 
ent state  of  disturbance  continue,  choose  another  to 
fill  my  place,  for  I  will  no  longer  retain  a  power  which 
is  ineffectual  for  good."  Parisians  found,  further- 
more, that  the  press  had  been  muzzled,  and  they 
learned  only  by  word  of  mouth  from  the  wild  stories 
that  circulated  upon  the  boulevards,  that  there  had 
been  wholesale  arrests  during  the  night,  and  that  the 
leading  statesmen  and  soldiers  of  France  were  behind 
prison  bars.  The  vast  massing  of  troops  at  strategi- 
cal points  proved  that  some  move  of  unusual  impor- 
tance had  been  made.  A  brigade  was  drawn  up  on 
the  Quai  d'Orsay,  another  was  stationed  in  the  Place 
de  la  Concorde,  another  in  the  garden  of  the  Tuile- 
ries,  while  a  fourth  under  Canrobert,  with  no  less  than 
three  brigades  of  cavalry,  was  located  about  the  palace 
of  the  Elyse'e. 

Later  in  the  morning  the  Assembly  came  together, 
but  were  ejected  by  a  body  of  troops,  and  several  of 
the  members  arrested.  Another  attempt  was  made 
to  hold  a  session  at  the  mayoralty  of  the  tenth  arron- 
dissement.  A  resolve  was  passed  that  the  high-handed 
acts  of  the  president  were  a  forfeiture  of  his  office. 
At  this  juncture  General  Forey  arrived  before  the 
building  at  the  head  of  several  battalions.  A  detach- 
ment entered  the  room  where  the  deputies  were  sitting, 
and  an  officer  ordered  them  to  disperse.  This  they 
refused  to  do,  but  upon  the  seizure  of  the  president 


10       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

by  the  soldiers  the  whole  body  declared  themselves 
prisoners,  and  were  marched  through  the  streets  to 
the  Quai  d'Orsay,  hemmed  in  by  a  cordon  of  bay- 
onets. They  were  confined  here  through  the  day,  but 
after  dark  they  were  sent,  in  close  vans,  some  to  the 
fortresses  of  Vincennes  and  Mont  Valerien,  and  others 
to  the  prison  of  Mazas.  This  concluded  the  first  act 
in  the  coup  d'etat  which  overthrew  the  republic 
and  left  Louis  Napoleon  the  dictator  of  France. 

The  ministers  of  the  president  discharged  their 
duties  with  such  skill  and  vigor  that  people  were 
willing  to  believe  they  had  been  chosen  with  this 
object  in  view.  Maupas,  at  the  head  of  the  police, 
isolated  the  state  printing-office  during  the  striking- 
off  of  the  proclamations  dissolving  the  Assembly,  and 
arranged  with  beautiful  precision  and  a  brazen  dis- 
regard of  law  the  early  morning  arrest  of  the  mil- 
itary and  civil  leaders  of  France.  The  total  number 
of  arrests  was  seventy-eight,  and  they  included  all 
those  statesmen  who  were  regarded  as  most  likely 
openly  to  combat  the  bold  step  of  the  president  and 
incite  the  people  to  resist  him.  St.  Arnaud  directed 
the  soldiery  against  the  Assembly,  and  stationed  them 
in  imposing  masses  through  the  city,  to  intimidate 
those  who  might  feel  impelled  to  protest  with  the  cus- 
tomary barricade  arguments.  M.  de  Morny,  generally 
known  as  a  daring  speculator,  assumed  charge  of  the 
home  office  shortly  before  light,  and  the  rising  sun 
found  him  at  his  post,  superintending  the  vast  tele- 
graphic system  which  was  conveying  to  the  country 
such  accounts  of  the  state  of  enthusiasm  in  Paris  as 
the  president  and  his  ministers  deemed  best  suited  to 
their  interests. 

The  second  part  of  the  coup  d*£tat,  which  drenched 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  11 

the  boulevards  with  innocent  blood,  has  cast  a  shade  of 
horror  over  the  whole  transaction  that  time  has  been 
unable  to  efface.  Paris  is  never  so  reduced  in  a  crisis, 
whether  the  cause  be  just  or  unjust,  that  she  is  bereft 
of  hands  to  erect  and  defend  barricades  in  her  streets. 
In  the  Faubourg  St.  Antoine  an  incipient  rising  on 
the  2d  was  suppressed  immediately  by  the  troops. 
The  volcanic  district  from  the  Hotel  de  Ville  north- 
ward to  the  boulevards  also  showed  signs  of  uneasi- 
ness, and  throughout  the  morning  of  the  3d  the  mil- 
itary were  busy  pulling  down  partially  completed 
barricades  and  dispersing  small  bodies  of  insurgents. 
There  seems  to  be  little  question  that  the  army  was 
embittered  against  the  populace.  If  this  were  so,  the 
proclamation  circulated  by  the  president  through  the 
ranks  on  the  2d  was  not  calculated  to  appease  it. 
He  styled  the  soldiers  as  "  the  flower  of  the  nation." 
He  pointed  out  to  them  that  his  interests  and  theirs 
were  the  same,  and  that  they  had  suffered  together  in 
the  past  from  the  course  of  the  Assembly.  He  re- 
minded them  of  the  years  1830  and  1848,  when  the 
army  had  fought  the  people  in  the  streets  of  Paris, 
and  concluded  by  an  allusion  to  the  military  grandeur 
of  the  Bonapartes. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  3d  and  morning  of  the 
4th  the  troops  remained  inactive,  pending  orders  from 
the  minister  of  war,  and  in  this  interval  several  strong 
barricades  were  erected  in  the  restless  quarters.  On 
the  afternoon  of  the  4th  the  boulevards,  from  the 
Madeleine  to  the  Rue  du  Sentier,  were  occupied  by  a 
great  body  of  troops  awaiting  orders  to  move  east 
through  the  Boulevard  Bonne  Nouvelle  upon  the  bar- 
ricaded district.  The  soldiers  stood  at  ease,  and  the 
officers  lounged  about,  smoking  their  cigars.  The 


12       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

sidewalks,  windows,  and  balconies  were  crowded  with 
men,  women,  and  children,  thoughtless  onlookers  of 
the  great  military  display.  Suddenly  a  single  shot 
was  heard.  It  was  fired  from  a  window  near  the  Rue 
du  Sentier.  The  troops  at  the  head  of  the  column 
faced  sharply  to  the  south,  and  commenced  a  deliber- 
ate fusillade  upon  the  crowded  walks  and  balconies. 
The  battalions  farther  west  caught  the  murderous  con- 
tagion, until  the  line  of  fire  extended  into  the  Boule- 
vard des  Italiens.  In  a  few  moments  the  beautiful 
boulevards  were  converted  into  a  bloody  pandemonium. 
The  sidewalks  were  strewn  with  corpses  and  stained 
with  blood.  The  air  was  rent  with  shrieks  and  groans 
and  the  breaking  of  glass,  while  the  steady,  incessant 
rattling  of  the  musketry  was  intensified  by  an  occa- 
sional cannon-shot,  that  brought  down  with  a  crash 
the  masonry  from  some  fine  facade.  This  continued 
for  nearly  twenty  minutes,  when  a  lack  of  people  to 
kill  seems  to  have  restrained  the  mad  volleys  of  the 
troops.  If  any  attempt  was  made  by  officers  to  check 
their  men,  it  was  wholly  unavailing,  and  in  some  cases 
miserable  fugitives  were  followed  into  buildings  and 
massacred.  Later  in  the  day  the  barricades  were 
attacked,  and  their  defenders  easily  overcome.  By 
nightfall  insurgent  Paris  was  thoroughly  cowed. 

These  allegations,  though  conflicting  with  sworn 
statements  of  Republicans  and  Imperialists,  can  hardly 
be  refuted.  The  efforts  of  the  Napoleonic  faction  to 
portray  the  thoughtless  crowd  of  the  boulevards  as 
desperate  and  bloody-minded  rebels  have  never  been 
successful,  while  the  opposition  so  brilliantly  repre- 
sented by  the  author  of  "Histoire  d'un  Crime  "  have 
been  too  fierce  and  immoderate  in  their  accusations 
to  win  public  credence.  The  questions  as  to  who  fired 


THE  COUP  D'ETAT.  1 

the  first  shot,  and  whether  it  was  fired  as  a  signal  for, 
or  a  menace  against  the  military,  are  points  on  which 
Frenchmen  of  different  political  parties  still  debate. 
It  is  charitable  to  accept  M.  Hugo's  insinuation  that 
the  soldiery  were  drunk  with  the  president's  wine, 
even  though  the  fact  implies  a  low  state  of  discipline 
in  the  service. 

To  what  extent  was  the  president  responsible  for  the 
boulevard  horror  ?  M.  Victor  Hugo  and  M.  de  Maupas 
do  not  agree  upon  this  point,  and  it  seems  useless  to 
discuss  it.  Certain  facts  are  indisputable.  We  know 
the  army  bore  small  love  toward  the  Parisians,  and 
we  know  it  was  in  the  streets  by  order  of  the  presi- 
dent. We  know  that  the  latter  was  in  bad  company, 
and  playing  a  dangerous  game.  We  may  discard  M. 
Victor  Hugo's  statement  as  to  the  orders  issued  by 
the  president  from  the  Elyse'e  on  the  fatal  day,  but 
we  cannot  disguise  the  fact  that  the  boulevard  horror 
subdued  Paris,  and  crowned  his  cause  with  success. 
In  other  words,  Louis  Napoleon  was  the  gainer  by  the 
slaughter  of  unoffending  men,  women,  and  children, 
and  in  after-years,  when  referring  to  the  4th  of  Decem- 
ber, he  found  it  for  his  interest  to  distort  facts,  and 
make  figures  lie.1 

There  was  no  deviation  from  time-honored  customs 
in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners  taken  in  arms 
against  "the  government."  Many  were  executed, 
while  several  hundreds  were  transported  to  Africa 
and  Cayenne,  and  so  ended  the  heroic  measures  that 
were  deemed  necessary  to  shatter  the  power  of  the 
Assembly  and  place  Louis  Napoleon  and  his  minis- 
ters in  control  of  France. 

1  For  a  concise  and  able  review  of  the  evidence  bearing  on  the 
events  of  the  4th  of  December,  see  Te'not's  Pan's  in  December,  1851, 
chapter  vi. 


14       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

But  Louis  Napoleon  had  expressly  stated  in  the 
proclamation  that  astonished  Paris  on  the  2d  that  he 
made  the  people  judge  between  him  and  the  Assem- 
bly. The  citizens  of  France  were  called  upon  to  vote 
on  the  20th  and  21st  of  December  "Yes"  or  "No" 
to  the  question  as  to  whether  the  president  should  be 
sustained  in  the  measures  he  had  taken,  should  be 
empowered  to  draw  up  a  new  constitution,  and  should 
retain  the  presidential  chair  for  a  period  of  ten  years. 
The  army  had  already  voted  two  weeks  previously, 
indorsing  the  president  with  a  remarkable  unanimity. 
Furthermore,  the  vote  "No,"  if  successful,  provided 
no  substitute  for  Napoleon,  and,  leaving  the  land  with- 
out a  legal  ruler,  would  of  a  certainty  plunge  it  into 
anarchy.  Moreover,  many  of  the  provinces  were  un- 
der martial  law,  which,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
fact  that  the  police  and  military  machinery  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  president  and  his  ministry,  left  but 
one  possible  result  to  the  voting.  Napoleon  was  op- 
posed in  a  total  vote  of  8,000,000,  by  only  640,000. 

On  January  1,  1852,  the  morning  after  the  result 
of  the  vote  had  been  officially  announced  to  him  at  the 
palace  of  the  Elyse"e,  he  repaired  to  the  cathedral  of 
Notre  Dame,  and  there,  in  the  presence  of  his  min- 
isters and  the  agents  of  his  schemes,  he  invoked  the 
divine  protection  and  blessing  upon  his  future  admin- 
istration of  the  affairs  of  France. 

On  January  14,  1852,  the  new  constitution  was 
promulgated,  which  the  plebiscite  had  empowered  the 
president  to  frame.  It  eradicated  almost  the  last 
jot  of  republicanism  from  France.  The  presidential 
power  was  well-nigh  absolute,  while  the  popular  branch 
of  the  government  was  reduced  to  impotency.  There 
was  only  one  more  step  to  be  taken,  and  the  republic 


THE   COUP  D'ETAT.  15 

would  be  extinct.  Louis  Napoleon  still  retained  the 
title  of  president.  On  the  21st  of  November  the 
people  of  France  voted  upon  this  proposition  as 
framed  by  the  Senate :  "  The  people  desire  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  imperial  dynasty  in  the  person 
of  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte,"  etc.,  etc.  On  the  1st 
of  December  the  members  of  both  houses  repaired  to 
the  shades  of  St.  Cloud,  and  there  officially  announced 
to  the  president  that  he  had  been  elected  Emperor  of 
France.  Since  the  14th  of  the  previous  January  he 
had  been  imperial  in  all  but  name,  but  now  he  stood 
before  the  world  the  legal  inhabitant  of  the  Tuileries, 
"  Napoleon  the  Third,  by  the  Grace  of  God  and  by 
the  will  of  the  people,  Emperor  of  the  French." 


CHAPTER  HI. 

THE  REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN   QUESTION. 

THE  FRENCH  EMPEROR'S  STANDING  IN  EUROPE.  —  HE  HAS  RE- 
COURSE TO  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.  —  THE  QUARREL  OVER 
THE  HOLY  PLACES.  —  THE  ATTITUDE  OF  RUSSIA.  —  THE  FRENCH 
AMBASSADOR  CARRIES  HIS  POINT.  —  WRATH  OF  THE  CZAR.  — 
NESSELRODE  ON  THE  SITUATION.  —  MENSCHIKOFF'S  MISSION 
TO  CONSTANTINOPLE.  —  LORD  STRATFORD  AS  PEACEMAKER.  — 
MENSCHIKOFF'S  DEMAND  AND  ITS  RECEPTION  BY  THE  PORTE.  — 
STRATFORD'S  POSITION.  —  EUROPEAN  SUSPICION  OF  RUSSIA.  — 
ATTITUDE  OF  THE  POWERS  ON  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.  — 
ENGLAND  THE  MOST  INTERESTED.  —  THE  CZAR'S  VISIT  TO  ENG- 
LAND IN  1844. —  "THE  SICK  MAN"  INTERVIEWS  AND  THEIR 
RESULT.  —  STRENGTH  OF  THE  CZAR'S  CLAIM  TO  A  PROTECTOR- 
ATE. —  PROGRESS  OF  MENSCHIKOFF'S  MISSION.  —  HE  is  OP- 
POSED BY  STRATFORD.  —  MENSCHIKOFF'S  ULTIMATUM.  —  STRAT- 
FORD'S COMMUNICATION  TO  THE  SULTAN.  —  POSITION  IN  WHICH 
ENGLAND  WAS  PLACED  BY  IT.  —  FAILURE  OF  MENSCHIKOFF'S 
MISSION.  —  THE  RUSSIAN  ARMT  CROSSES  THE  PRUTH.  —  THE 
CZAR'S  PROCLAMATION.  —  THE  VIENNA  CONGRESS.  —  THE  WAR 
FEVER  IN  TURKEY.  —  THE  FRANCO-ENGLISH  FLEET  ENTERS 
THE  SEA  OF  MARMORA.  —  TURKEY  AND  RUSSIA  AT  WAR. 

THE  influence  of  the  coup  d'etat  extended  far 
beyond  the  limits  of  France.  The  bold  overthrow  of 
the  popular  assembly  was  a  bitter  blow  to  the  friends 
of  constitutional  government  in  all  countries,  and 
however  satisfactory  the  results  may  have  been  to  the 
despotic  continental  sovereigns,  the  methods  adopted 
by  the  president  for  their  consummation  awakened 
toward  him,  in  every  court,  a  feeling  of  distrust.  In 
England  the  news  of  the  coup  d'etat  was  received 
with  mingled  feelings  of  horror  and  alarm.  Lord 


REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.    17 

Palmerston,  then  foreign  secretary,  alone  seems  to 
have  approved  it,  and  his  unwise  avowal  of  his  views 
resulted  in  his  withdrawal  from  the  cabinet. 

The  French  emperor  began  to  appreciate  the  fact 
that  in  all  quarters  he  was  looked  at  askance.  He 
also  realized  the  absolute  necessity  of  making  some 
move  that  should  overshadow  the  hideous  events  of 
the  coup  d'etat.  The  prestige,  and  perhaps  the  ex- 
istence, of  his  government  depended  upon  his  making 
himself  a  prominent  figure  in  European  politics. 

For  a  number  of  generations  in  Europe  there  has 
been  one  question  that,  carelessly  or  maliciously 
touched  upon,  has  never  failed  to  stimulate  strife  and 
discord  among  the  nations.  This  is  "the  Eastern 
Question,"  the  problem  how  to  settle  the  disputes, 
political  and  religious,  in  the  east  of  Europe.  In 
1850  it  had  temporarily  ceased  to  disturb  the  con- 
tinental councils,  and  Europe  was  rejoicing  in  a  res- 
pite from  the  diplomatic  strife  that  always  attends 
its  agitation.  But  Louis  Napoleon  deliberately  ap- 
plied the  torch  that  kindled  Eastern  fanaticism,  when 
he  instructed  the  French  ambassador  at  Constantino- 
ple to  demand  from  the  Porte  a  strict  enforcement  of 
the  grant  in  regard  to  the  Holy  Places.  Lord  John 
Russell  accused  France  directly  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Cowley,  then  British  ambassador  at  Paris,  of  inter- 
rupting the  general  concord :  "  Her  majesty's  govern- 
ment cannot  avoid  perceiving  that  the  ambassador  of 
France  at  Constantinople  was  the  first  to  disturb  the 
status  quo  in  which  the  matter  rested."  • 

The  Holy  Places  is  the  general  title  applied  to 
those  sacred  precincts  about  the  Church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  in  Jerusalem  where  tradition  has  located 
the  scenes  of  the  sufferings,  death,  and  burial  of  the 


18        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Saviour.  The  dispute  for  the  protectorate  of  these 
sacred  shrines  has  been  maintained  for  centuries  be- 
tween the  Greek  and  Latin  churches.  In  the  year 
1740  France,  as  the  champion  of  the  Latin  Church, 
succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  Porte  a  grant  of  dis- 
tinguished privileges  in  regard  to  these  sacred  shrines. 
Later,  however,  the  Greeks  pushed  their  claims  with 
greater  zeal  than  their  rivals,  and  succeeded  from 
time  to  time  in  obtaining  firmans  from  the  Sultan, 
which  were  in  nearly  every  case  opposed  to  the  con- 
cession. France,  as  the  champion  of  the  Latin  cause, 
silently  acquiesced,  until  the  zealous  Greeks  and  the 
world  at  large  came  to  regard  the  grant  as  null  and 
void. 

The  emperor  of  Russia  is  the  great  protector  of 
the  Greek  Church,  and  his  popularity  as  a  sovereign 
depends  largely  upon  the  zeal  he  displays  in  the  de- 
fence of  her  sacred  interests.  The  Russian  people, 
religious  and  superstitious,  regard  the  Holy  Places  of 
Jerusalem  with  a  veneration  wholly  incomprehensible 
to  the  practical  peoples  of  Western  Europe ;  and 
when  the  French  ambassador  assumed  to  revive  the 
grant  of  1740,  it  sent  a  shudder  of  pious  horror 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Czar's 
dominions. 

The  French  ambassador  at  Constantinople,  upon 
finding  his  demands  refused  by  Turkish  statesmen 
imbued  with  fear  of  Russia,  openly  threatened  the 
use  of  a  French  naval  force,  and  even  hinted  at  a 
military  occupation  of  Jerusalem.  The  Russian 
envoy  was  less  violent,  but  no  less  firm,  than  the  rep- 
resentative of  France.  Some  concessions  were  made 
by  both  sides,  until  finally  the  questions  in  dispute 
were  narrowed  down  to  such  points  as  these :  whether 


REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.    19 

the  Latins  should  possess  a  key  to  the  great  door  of 
the  Church  of  Bethlehem,  and  the  privilege  of  placing 
in  the  grotto  of  the  Nativity  a  silver  star  with  the 
arms  of  France.  Situated  between  two  fierce  fires, 
the  Porte  was  in  a  sad  quandary.  Private  guarantees 
of  an  assuring;  nature  were  made  to  both  ambassadors, 

O  7 

but  were  repelled  with  demands  for  public  action. 
The  Frenchman  pressed  his  case  unflinchingly,  and 
temporarily  the  fear  of  the  French  fleet  outweighed 
the  Ottoman  dread  of  Russia.  On  December  22, 
1852,  the  silver  star  with  the  arms  of  France,  having 
previously  been  brought  from  the  sea  with  great  os- 
tentation, was  placed  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  Nativity, 
and  at  the  same  time  the  long-coveted  key  passed  into 
the  possession  of  the  Latin  Church. 

The  Czar  was  in  a  furious  rage,  and  all  Russia  was 
deeply  stirred.  "To  the  indignation  of  the  whole 
people  following  the  Greek  ritual,"  wrote  Count  Nes- 
selrode,  the  Russian  chancellor,  to  Baron  Brunnow, 
"  the  key  of  the  Church  of  Bethlehem  has  been  made 
over  to  the  Latins,  so  as  publicly  to  demonstrate  their 
religious  supremacy  in  the  East.  The  mischief,  then, 
is  done,  M.  le  Baron,  and  there  is  no  longer  any  ques- 
tion of  preventing  it.  It  is  now  necessary  to  remedy 
it.  The  immunities  of  the  orthodox  religion  which 
have  been  injured,  the  promises  which  the  Sultan  had 
solemnly  given  to  the  emperor,  and  which  have  been 
violated,  call  for  an  act  of  reparation.  It  is  to  obtain 
this  we  must  labor.  ...  It  may  happen  that  France, 
perceiving  any  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  Porte, 
may  again  have  recourse  to  menace,  and  press  upon  it 
so  as  to  prevent  it  from  listening  to  our  just  demands. 
.  .  .  The  emperor  has  therefore  considered  it  neces- 
sary to  adopt  in  the  outset  some  precautionary  rneas- 


20        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ures,  in  order  to  support  our  negotiations,  to  neutral- 
ize the  effect  of  M.  Lavalette's  threats,  and  to  guard 
himself  in  any  contingency  which  may  occur  against 
a  government  accustomed  to  act  by  surprises." 

There  was  an  ominous  movement  in  the  Russian 
military  establishment,  and  at  the  time  it  became  def- 
initely known  throughout  Europe  that  three  corps 
d'armee  were  advancing  upon  the  Pruth,  Prince 
Menschikoff  appeared  in  Constantinople  to  extort 
satisfaction  from  the  Sultan  for  the  affront  suffered 
by  the  Greek  Church.  France  was  represented  at 
Constantinople  by  M.  de  la  Cour,  who  had  succeeded 
M.  Lavalette,  and  England  by  Lord  Stratford. 
Menschikoff  did  not  ask  for  an  entire  repeal  of  the 
privileges  just  conferred  upon  the  Latins,  but  de- 
manded merely  counter  privileges  for  the  Greeks. 
Chief  among  these  were  the  following:  that  the 
Greeks  shoidd  have  the  right  to  repair  the  cupola  of 
the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  that  they  should 
have  the  precedence  as  regards  hours  of  worship  at 
the  tomb  of  the  Virgin,  and  that  a  Greek  priest 
should  always  preside  over  the  great  door  of  the 
Church  of  Bethlehem.  To  the  mind  of  western  Eu- 
rope the  questions  in  dispute  seemed  strangely  trivial, 
but  the  Russian  ambassador  stood  as  the  mouthpiece 
of  an  angry  sovereign  and  millions  of  pious  people, 
while  the  Frenchman  represented  a  master  bent  on 
creating  some  disturbance  which  might  tend  to  ob- 
scure the  memory  of  his  usurpation.  Lord  Stratford 
was  the  peacemaker,  and  notwithstanding  the  obstacles 
in  the  way,  the  dispute  was  finally  settled  before  the 
close  of  April  by  the  general  acceptance  of  Russia's 
demands.  The  Greek  Church  had  been  vindicated, 
but  the  end  was  not  yet. 


REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.    21 

The  Czar  was  not  satisfied  with  this  reparation,  and 
he  also  realized  that  no  concessions  could  render  his 
subjects  other  than  joyful  for  an  opportunity  to  wreak 
vengeance  upon  the  enemies  of  the  church.  He  had 
determined  to  cripple  Turkey,  and  so  place  his  holy 
church  beyond  the  possibility  of  the  repetition  of 
such  an  indignity.  In  fact,  Menschikoff  had  taken 
other  instructions  from  St.  Petersburg  than  those 
regarding  the  Holy  Places.  No  sooner  had  this  dis- 
pute been  cleared  away  than  he  demanded  an  acknowl- 
edgment by  the  Porte  of  the  protectorate  of  the  Chris- 
tian peoples  of  Turkey,  which  had  been  given  to  the 
Czars  by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  Kutchuk-Kainardji 
in  1774. 

The  Sultan  knew  that  the  acceptance  of  this  would 
make  the  Czar  the  practical  ruler  over  ten  millions 
of  his  subjects.  Menschikoff  pushed  his  demands 
haughtily,  and  even  fiercely.  The  ministers  of  the 
Porte,  while  appreciating  the  results  of  yielding,  also 
foresaw  the  disastrous  issue  attending  a  conflict  with 
the  great  northern  power.  Behind  the  rough  com- 
mands of  the  ambassador  they  could  hear  the  low 
rumble  of  the  Russian  military  advance,  and  could 
almost  catch  the  glint  of  the  Muscovite  bayonets  re- 
flected in  the  waters  of  the  Pruth. 

Unsupported,  they  must  have  yielded,  but  an  un- 
looked-for ally  came  to  their  aid.  Prince  Menschikoff 
soon  found  himself  opposed,  not  only  by  the  Ottoman 
ministers,  but  by  the  English  ambassador  as  well. 
Before  noticing  the  progress  and  result  of  this  dip- 
lomatic contest,  it  will  be  well  to  glance  at  the  gen- 
eral attitude  of  England  in  regard  to  the  Eastern 
Question,  and  realize  how  it  came  about  that  at  this 
time  Lord  Stratford,  in  behalf  of  his  government, 


22       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  found  standing  squarely  in  the  path  of  Russian 
ambition  as  a  barrier  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Otto- 
man Empire. 

Throughout  Europe  in  general,  but  especially  in 
England,  a  deep  feeling  of  suspicion  prevailed  toward 
the  great  Muscovite  Empire.  The  suddenness  of  its 
rise  from  a  condition  of  indolent  barbarism  to  the 
position  of  a  first-rate  power  in  the  list  of  European 
states  had  fairly  amazed  the  western  nations  of  slower 
growth.  The  disposition  of  Russia  to  extend  her 
frontiers  in  all  directions  was  a  serious  bugbear  to 
Europe,  but  the  standing  menace  against  Constan- 
tinople which  she  had  maintained  since  the  days  of 
Peter  the  Great  had  always  been  a  terror  to  English 
statesmen.  The  strongest  movement  on  the  part  of 
the  Russian  Empire  was  toward  the  south.  Political 
reasons  aside,  there  was  a  deep-seated  longing  in  the 
heart  of  every  true  Russian  to  liberate  the  Christian 
peoples  of  the  Balkan  peninsula  from  the  Moham- 
medan yoke,  and  convert  the  mosques  of  the  Byzan- 
tine capital  into  sanctuaries  of  their  sacred  church. 

The  statesmen  of  Europe  viewed  this  tendency  of 
the  Czar  and  his  people  from  widely  different  stand- 
points. 

Prussia  cared  but  little  for  the  Eastern  Question, 
while  Austria,  on  the  other  hand,  was  deeply  interested. 
The  Russian  path  to  the  Hellespont  lay  through  the 
Danubian  Principalities,  and  the  presence  of  a  Russian 
force  hovering  upon  her  flank  was  something  from 
the  Austrian  view  never  to  be  permitted. 

France  was  indifferent  to  the  matter  save  in  a  gen- 
eral way  as  a  Mediterranean  power,  but  England,  the 
most  distant  power  from  any  scene  of  trouble  in  east- 
ern Europe,  was  interested  far  beyond  any  of  the  rest. 


REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.       23 

Though  she  was  regarded  as  the  leading  Christian 
state  of  Europe,  it  seemed  to  her  right  and  satisfac- 
tory that  the  fairest  lands  of  the  old  Byzantine  Em- 
pire shoidd  remain  the  possession  of  a  foreigner  and 
an  infidel,  whose  only  achievements  had  been  those  of 
treachery  and  blood,  simply  because  he  had  no  power 
to  menace  her  line  of  Indian  communication.  It 
seemed  far  better  to  England  that  the  resources  of 
this  fair  country  should  remain  undeveloped,  and  that 
its  Christian  population  should  be  crushed  in  igno- 
rance and  degradation,  than  that  it  shoidd  ever  pass 
into  the  hands  of  a  more  energetic  owner,  with  the 
power  to  threaten  that  delicate  water-way  to  India. 
In  short,  England's  practical  Christianity  was  seri- 
ously hampered  by  her  anxiety  for  her  possessions  in 
the  far  East. 

Suspicion  of  Russia  was  never  wholly  at  rest  in 
England,  but  perhaps  it  was  less  marked  than  usual 
in  the  period  immediately  following  the  Czar's  visit 
in  1844.  Every  one  was  charmed  with  his  frank 
ways  and  pleasant  speeches.  Only  a  few  were  aware 
how  far  his  frankness  had  carried  him  in  his  conver- 
sations with  the  cabinet  ministers  in  regard  to  the 
future  of  Turkey.  He  spoke  almost  tenderly  of  her, 
but  assured  the  ministers  that  however  matters  might 
appear  upon  the  surface,  the  Ottoman  power  was 
surely  falling  to  pieces.  He  regarded  it  as  better 
for  Europe  that  England  and  Russia  should  arrive 
at  some  understanding  in  regard  to  the  disposition  of 
the  Forte's  dominions  before  the  downfall  really  came. 
After  his  return  to  Russia  he  forwarded  to  the  Eng- 
lish government,  through  his  chancellor,  a  memoran- 
dum or  statement  of  the  understanding  existing 
between  Russia  and  England.  It  was  merely  a  repe- 


24         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tition  of  what  he  had  previously  stated  in  his  conver- 
sations with  the  Duke  of  Wellington  and  Lord  Aber- 
deen. The  memorandum,  it  seems,  was  never  replied 
to  by  the  English  government,  but  was  filed  away 
among  the  state  papers.  Nicholas,  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  "  silence  gives  consent,"  regarded  the  Eng- 
lish government  as  in  sympathy  with  his  ideas  on  the 
Eastern  Question. 

The  dispute  in  regard  to  the  Holy  Places,  first  en- 
gendered, as  we  have  seen,  by  the  French  ambassador, 
had  awakened  the  Czar  from  his  temporary  lethargy 
in  regard  to  the  fate  of  the  Ottoman  Empire.  All 
Russia  was  burning  with  religious  and  patriotic  fervor. 
It  was  an  imperative  necessity  for  the  Czar  to  retrieve 
the  prestige  of  the  church  ;  was  it  not  also  the  fitting 
time  to  break  the  Ottoman  power  in  pieces  with  the 
weapon  which  the  outraged  feelings  of  his  subjects 
had  placed  at  his  command  ? 

His  influence  at  Berlin  was  all  powerful,  and  Prus- 
sia was  his  friend.  The  memory  of  the  Hungarian 
revolt  was  not  forgotten  in  Vienna,  and  he  felt  secure 
in  the  friendship  of  the  young  Kaiser.  England  was 
engrossed  in  commercial  pursuits  and  opposed  to  war, 
and  furthermore  her  statesmen  had  been  in  accord 
with  his  views  in  regard  to  Turkey  for  years.  France 
was  the  only  power  he  had  to  reckon  with,  and 
France  unsupported  would  hardly  deem  it  wise  to 
combat  his  schemes.  This  was  unquestionably  the 
general  line  of  argument  that  Nicholas  was  following 
at  the  opening  of  the  year  1853. 

On  January  9  a  ball  was  given  at  the  palace  of 
the  Archduchess  Helen  in  St.  Petersburg.  Few  who 
mingled  in  the  brilliant  throng  on  that  winter's  even- 
ing dreamed  that  the  occasion  was  destined  to  become 


REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.       25 

more  famous  in  the  diplomatic  than  in  the  social 
annals  of  Europe.  In  the  course  of  the  festivities 
the  Czar  drew  aside  with  the  British  ambassador,  Sir 
G.  Hamilton  Seymour,  and  in  his  frank,  engaging 
way  divulged  his  views,  as  to  a  sympathetic  hearer. 
The  conversation  was  upon  the  prospects  of  Turkey 
and  its  speedy  downfall,  and  was  renewed  again  and 
again  during  the  few  days  succeeding.  "  We  have 
on  our  hands  a  sick  man,  a  very  sick  man,"  said  the 
emperor ;  "  it  will  be  a  great  misfortune  if,  one  of  these 
days,  he  should  slip  away  from  us  before  the  neces- 
sary arrangements  have  been  made."  He  declared 
that  he  did  not  desire  a  permanent  Russian  occupation 
of  Constantinople  and  would  allow  no  other  power 
that  privilege.  He  preferred  that  the  Christian  prov- 
inces north  of  the  Balkan  Mountains  should  become 
independent  states  under  his  protection.  If  England 
wanted  Egypt  "  he  had  no  objection  to  offer ; "  if  Can- 
dia,  he  would  not  oppose  her.  He  dwelt  especially 
upon  the  sad  condition  of  the  Christian  peoples  under 
Turkish  rule,  and  the  duty  that  devolved  upon  him 
to  exercise  a  protecting  care  over  them.  This  duty 
was  made  incumbent  upon  him,  he  explained,  by  the 
treaty  of  1774.  The  Czar  sought  these  conferences 
for  the  purpose  of  acquainting  the  English  government 
with  his  intentions  and  eliciting  a  ratification  of  the 
views  expressed  in  the  memorandum  of  1844.  The 
response  to  his  overtures  was  far  different  from  what 
he  had  expected,  and  chilling  in  the  extreme.  It  was 
hardly  customary,  Lord  Aberdeen  replied,  to  distrib- 
ute the  possessions  of  a  friendly  state  still  in  exist- 
ence. England  had  not  lost  confidence  in  the  stabil- 
ity of  the  Turkish  government. 

The  Czar  was  enraged  at  the  useless  exposure  of 


26         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

his  schemes.  At  least,  he  argued,  if  England  is  not 
in  sympathy,  she  will  not  fight ;  the  English  people  are 
opposed  to  fighting.  Then  he  dispatched  Menschi- 
koff  to  Constantinople,  literally  to  force  a  quarrel,  — 
a  quarrel  in  which  the  wrongs  of  the  church  would 
be  thoroughly  revenged,  and  the  hateful  dominion  of 
the  Sultan  overthrown.  Thus  it  was  that  in  the 
spring  of  1853,  the  integrity  of  the  Ottoman  Empire 
being  threatened,  Lord  Stratford  was  at  Constanti- 
nople stimulating  the  Turkish  ministers  to  resist  the 
demands  of  Prince  Menschikoff  and  his  imperial  mas- 
ter. 

Russia's  claim  to  a  protectorate  over  the  Greek 
Christians  was  based  solely  upon  the  treaty  of  Ku- 
tchuk-Kainardji.  This  treaty  was  forced  upon  the 
Sultan  by  Catherine  II.  after  her  victorious  war  in 
1774.  The  Ottoman  power  had  been  thoroughly 
humbled,  and  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  Russia 
gained  vast  territorial  acquisitions  and  the  free  navi- 
gation of  Turkish  waters.  Furthermore  this  treaty 
allowed  Russia  to  erect  a  Christian  church  in  Con- 
stantinople, to  be  always  under  her  protection. 

It  was  in  reference  to  this  church  that  Russia  and 
Europe  were  openly  at  variance  in  1853.  Russia 
claimed  that  when  the  Sultan  allowed  the  right  of 
Russian  interference  in  the  case  of  the  Constantinople 
church,  he  admitted  her  claim  to  do  likewise  in  behalf 
of  all  Christians  within  his  dominions.  Turkey  denied 
that  any  such  protectorate  was  implied.  A  superficial 
glance  at  the  disputed  clauses  seems  adverse  to  the 
Russian  view  of  the  case,  but  it  is  interesting  to  note 
that  even  among  her  enemies  Russia  has  found  prom- 
inent defenders  of  her  position.1  Lord  John  Russell, 

1  Mr.  Gladstone  has  defended  Russia's  position  in  this  matter. 


REVIVAL    OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.       27 

perhaps  unintentionally,  justified  the  Russian  claim  at 
a  critical  time.  In  writing  to  Sir  G.  Hamilton  Sey- 
mour at  St.  Petersburg  under  date  of  February  9, 
1853,  he  said :  "  The  more  the  Turkish  government 
adopts  the  rules  of  impartial  law  and  equal  adminis- 
tration, the  less  will  the  emperor  of  Russia  find  it 
necessary  to  apply  that  exceptional  protection  which 
his  imperial  majesty  has  found  so  burdensome  and 
inconvenient,  though  no  doubt  prescribed  by  duty  and 
sanctioned  by  treaty."  This  was  pleasant  reading  to 
Nicholas.  He  had  stated  to  the  English  ambassador 
in  his  famous  "sick  man"  interviews  that  he  was 
bound  by  treaty  to  protect  the  Christians  of  the  Bal- 
kan peninsula,  and  this  letter  was  a  virtual  acknowl- 
edgment of  his  claim.  He  felt  that  he  could  press 
the  Porte  without  fear  of  England.  Perhaps  it  was 
due  in  some  part  to  this  admission  of  Lord  John  Rus- 
sell's that  the  Czar  failed  to  comprehend  for  so  long 
a  time  that  Lord  Stratford  really  represented  the 
spirit  of  the  English  government. 

Prince  Menschikoff  had  arrived  at  Constantinople 
early  in  March.  Lord  Stratford  arrived  upon  the 
5th  of  April.  Count  Nesselrode  had  given  the  Eng- 
lish government  to  understand  that  Menschikoff's  mis- 
sion concerned  solely  the  question  of  the  Holy  Places. 
The  English  government  thought  otherwise,  and  Lord 
Stratford  soon  found  that  their  suspicions  were  well 
grounded.  In  four  days  he  had  won  the  confidence  of 
the  Turkish  ministry  so  far  as  to  learn  that  Menschi- 
koff had  been  pressing  upon  them  the  Czar's  claim  for 
a  protectorate,  and  urging,  furthermore,  the  necessity 
of  strict  secrecy  in  the  matter.  By  the  time  the  dis- 
pute over  the  Holy  Places  had  been  settled,  it  had 
become  useless  for  the  Russian  ambassador  to  attempt 


28         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

longer  to  preserve  secrecy  in  regard  to  the  more  im^ 
portant  matter.  It  was  plain  to  him  that  Lord  Strat- 
ford was  aware  of  the  nature  of  his  demands,  and  that 
he  was  responsible  for  the  increasing  firmness  of  the 
Turkish  ministry.  He  saw,  to  his  chagrin,  the  terror 
inspired  by  his  harsh  commands  and  the  presence  of 
the  army  on  the  Pruth  failing  to  impress  the  mind  of 
the  Sultan  under  the  counsel  and  support  of  the  Eng- 
lish ambassador. 

On  May  5  Menschikoff,  in  a  haughty  note,  openly 
demanded  of  the  Porte  an  immediate  compliance  with 
the  requests  of  the  emperor  of  Russia  in  regard  to 
the  protectorate  of  the  Greek  Christians  in  Turkey, 
declaring  in  conclusion  that  he  could  not  "  consider 
longer  delay  in  any  other  light  than  as  a  want  of  re- 
spect towards  his  government,  which  would  impose 
upon  him  the  most  painful  duty."  This  was  just  one 
month  after  Stratford's  arrival.  The  matter  had 
been  under  active  discussion  for  three  weeks,  and  it 
was  evident  that  the  Russian  ambassador  was  deter- 
mined to  push  things  to  a  conclusion. 

The  Turkish  ministry  were  seriously  alarmed  at  this 
peremptory  summons.  They  conferred  anxiously  with 
Lord  Stratford,  and  sought  to  obtain  from  him  some 
pledge  of  material  aid  in  case  they  pushed  the  Czar 
too  far  by  their  opposition.  In  this  they  were  un- 
successful ;  Stratford  counseled  them  to  firmness  and 
patience,  and  wrote  to  Menschikoff,  pointing  out  to 
him  the  danger  of  the  path  in  which  his  imperial 
master  was  treading,  and  the  deep  stain  that  he  was 
bringing  upon  his  hitherto  just  and  temperate  reign. 
Menschikoff  was  immovable,  and  the  Porte  was 
brought  to  another  pitiful  strait.  As  a  last  resort 
Stratford  requested  a  private  audience  with  the  Sul- 


REVIVAL   OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.       29 

tan,  and  then  informed  him  that  in  case  the  Turkish 
integrity  was  seriously  threatened,  he  should  order 
the  admiral  of  the  English  Mediterranean  fleet  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness  for  service.  The  effect  of 
this  communication  was  electrifying.  The  quick- 
witted pashas  comprehended  its  full  import.  It  was 
something  tangible,  it  smacked  of  men  and  guns,  and 
was  far  more  satisfactory  than  any  amount  of  disin- 
terested counsel. 

England  was  rapidly  drifting  into  a  critical  posi- 
tion. Lord  Stratford  had  not  openly  opposed  the 
Russian  claims,  but  the  Czar  realized  that  the  English 
ambassador  alone  stood  between  him  and  the  accom 
plishment  of  his  desires.  Stratford  rebuked  every 
sign  of  wavering  in  the  Ottoman  councils,  and  always 
advocated  refusal  to  the  Russian  demands.  He  be- 
came absolutely  responsible  for  the  strength  of  the 
Turkish  opposition. 

On  the  10th  Menschikoff  received  from  the  Porte 
a  courteous  but  firm  refusal  of  all  his  demands  regard- 
ing the  protectorate,  and  after  a  few  days  more  of 
fruitless  threatening  he  declared  his  mission  at  an  end. 
Before  this  Lord  Stratford  had  assembled  the  am- 
bassadors of  the  three  powers  for  consultation,  and 
secured  their  approval  of  the  course  so  far  pursued 
by  the  Ottoman  government.  On  the  21st,  taking 
with  him  the  entire  legation,  Menschikoff  departed  for 
Russia  to  face  the  wrath  of  an  angry  and  disappointed 
sovereign. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  intelligence  of  Menschi- 
koff's  failure,  Count  Nesselrode  immediately  informed 
Reschid  Pasha  that "  in  a  few  weeks  the  Russian  troops 
will  receive  the  order  to  cross  the  boundaries  of  the  em- 
pire, not  for  the  purpose  of  making  war,  but  in  order 


30         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

to  obtain  material  guarantees,"  etc.  Almost  at  the 
same  time  with  the  receipt  of  Nesselrode's  threat, 
Lord  Stratford  received  from  Lord  Clarendon  a  state- 
ment to  the  effect  that  England  was  "  bound  to  main- 
tain the  independence  of  Turkey,"  and  that  "the  use 
of  force  was  to  be  resorted  to  as  a  last  and  unavoid- 
able resource."  From  this  time  England  was  hope- 
lessly bound  to  the  Porte.  The  policy  of  Lord  Strat- 
ford had  of  necessity  brought  her  to  a  pass  where  she 
was  in  honor  compelled  to  sustain  the  Sidtan  in  any 
crisis  that  might  arise  from  the  stand  he  had  taken 
against  the  Czar. 

On  the  3d  of  July  the  vanguard  of  the  Russian 
army  crossed  the  Pruth  and  entered  Moldavia. 
"Having  exhausted  all  persuasion,"  declared  the 
emperor  to  his  faithful  subjects,  "  we  have  found  it 
needful  to  advance  our  armies  into  the  Danubian 
Principalities,  in  order  to  show  the  Ottoman  Porte  to 
what  its  obstinacy  may  lead.  But  even  now  we  have 
not  the  intention  to  commence  war.  By  the  occupa- 
tion of  the  principalities  we  desire  to  have  such  a 
security  as  will  insure  us  the  restoration  of  our 
rights." 

However  the  presence  of  Russian  troops  in  the 
principalities  might  be  interpreted  by  the  Czar,  it 
was  practically  an  invasion  of  the  territory  of  the 
Porte,  and  as  such  formed  a  good  and  sufficient  casus 
belli.  Lord  Stratford,  however,  held  the  belligerent 
party  at  Constantinople  in  check,  and  the  ministry 
were  not  slow  in  realizing  that  their  safety  depended 
on  the  closeness  and  fidelity  with  which  they  followed 
his  instructions. 

Diplomatists  did  not  despair,  even  after  this  hostile 
move  of  the  Czar.  The  representatives  of  the  four 


REVIVAL  OF  THE  EASTERN  QUESTION.   31 

powers  assembled  in  Vienna  during  July  for  another 
effort  to  settle  the  questions  in  dispute  without  war. 
The  fruit  of  this  meeting  was  the  drafting  of  an 
agreement  purporting  to  come  from  the  Sultan.  This 
paper,  which  became  famous  under  the  title  of  "  The 
Vienna  Note,"  practically  insured  to  the  Czar  the 
right  of  a  protectorate,  thus  yielding  the  chief  point 
of  dispute.  If  there  could  have  been  any  doubt  of 
this  fact,  it  was  dispelled  by  the  extreme  eagerness 
with  which  the  proposals  were  received  by  the  St. 
Petersburg  cabinet.  The  note  reached  Constantinople 
early  in  August.  Lord  Stratford  declared  it  to  be 
a  complete  acceptance  of  all  Russia's  objectionable 
demands,  and  under  his  direction  the  clauses  in  regard 
to  the  protectorate  were  amended  in  such  a  way  as  to 
make  it  plain  that  the  Sultan,  and  he  alone,  should 
exercise  a  tender  watchfulness  over  the  Greek  Chris- 
tians in  his  dominions.  The  note  in  its  altered  form 
was  promptly  rejected  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  Vienna 
Congress  came  to  an  end,  leaving  matters  exactly  as 
they  stood  before  its  labors  began. 

This  was  the  last  serious  effort  made  toward  the 
preservation  of  peace.  The  war  feeling  throughout 
the  Moslem  population  of  the  Sultan's  dominions 
grew  in  intensity  day  by  day.  The  ministry  did  not 
fail  to  take  advantage  of  this,  and  to  warn  the  ambas- 
sadors of  foreign  courts  in  Constantinople  that  the 
peace  of  the  city  and  the  lives  of  Christians  were 
seriously  jeopardized  in  consequence.  The  impres- 
sion upon  the  French  ambassador  was  so  strong  that 
he  openly  advocated  to  his  government  the  expediency 
of  moving  the  French  fleet  from  Besika  Bay  to  Con- 
stantinople. This  was  exactly  what  the  Ottoman 
ministry  wished.  The  Emperor  Napoleon,  perhaps 


32         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

nothing  loath  to  force  hostilities,  called  the  attention 
of  the  British  cabinet  to  the  subject,  and  strenuously 
urged  the  policy  of  sending  the  allied  fleets  into  the 
Sea  of  Marmora.  The  English  government  had  a 
respect  for  treaties,  and  demurred.  Under  the  treaty 
of  1841  no  war  vessel  was  allowed  to  enter  the  Dar- 
danelles in  time  of  peace.  The  English  cabinet  were 
not  certain  as  to  whether  the  state  of  affairs  between 
Russia  and  Turkey  could  be  regarded  as  one  of  war. 
Omar  Pasha,  the  Turkish  commander,  had  on  Octo- 
ber 8  summoned  the  Russian  forces  to  evacuate  the 
principalities  within  fifteen  days,  and  upon  the  ac- 
ceptance or  refusal  of  this  demand  the  question  of 
war  was  hanging.  The  influence  of  the  French  em- 
peror, however,  prevailed,  and  on  the  22d  the  com- 
bined fleets  steamed  through  the  Dardanelles  into  the 
Sea  of  Marmora,  and  came  to  anchor  off  Constanti- 
nople. On  the  next  day,  Omar  Pasha's  summons 
having  been  disregarded,  Turkey  was  openly  at 
with  Russia. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE   DANUBIAN   CAMPAIGN. 

THE  RUSSIAN  ARMY  ENTERS  MOLDAVIA.  —  THE  MILITARY  BLXTNDEB 
OF  THE  CZAR.  —  THE  TURKISH  ARMY  AND  ITS  COMMANDER.  — 
THE  TURKS  CROSS  THE  DANUBE.  —  FIGHTING  ABOUT  KALAFAT.  — 
THE  CZAR  DETERMINES  UPON  THE  OFFENSIVE.  —  THE  CAREER  OF 
PASKEVICH.  —  His  ADVICE  TO  THE  CZAR.  —  THE  RUSSIANS  CROSS 
THE  DANUBE.  —  SIEGE  OF  SILISTRIA  AND  FALL  OF  PASKEVICH. — 
AUSTRIA  INTERFERES.  —  RETREAT  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  ARMY  AND 
BATTLE  OF  GIURGEVO  —  GORTSCHAKOFF  ABANDONS  BUCHAREST. 
—  ENTRY  OF  THE  TURKISH  AND  AUSTRIAN  ARMIES.  —  ISOLATION 
OF  THE  CZAR  IN  EUROPE. 

THE  Russian  army  entered  Moldavia  under  com- 
mand of  Prince  Gortschakoff,  and  the  advance  was 
made  without  haste.1  Gortschakoff  established  his 
headquarters  at  Bucharest,  where  he  was  received  in 
great  pomp  by  the  nobility  and  functionaries  of  the 
church.  In  a  few  weeks  the  advanced  posts  were  on 
the  Danube  and  the  uniform  of  the  Czar  was  a  com- 
mon sight  in  the  streets  of  the  larger  towns.  The 
strength  of  the  army  during  the  first  weeks  of  the 
occupation  was  close  upon  75,000  men,  with  74  guns. 

Upon  the  declaration  of  war  by  Turkey,  the  power 
of  this  army  was  compromised  by  the  foolish  decision 

1  Prince  Mikhail  Gortschakoff.  He  entered  the  Russian  army  in 
1807,  took  part  in  the  Persian  campaign  in  1810  and  those  of  1812-15 
against  France.  He  also  served  in  the  Turkish  campaign  of  1828, 
the  Polish  campaign  of  1831,  and  commanded  the  Russian  artillery 
against  the  Hungarians  in  1849.  He  must  not  be  confounded  with  his 
brother  Prince  Peter,  who  figured  as  a  corps  commander  at  the  Alma 
and  Inkemiann. 


34         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

of  the  Czar  which  Nesselrode  dispatched  to  all  the 
European  courts  on  October  31.  He  declared  that 
notwithstanding  the  declaration  of  war  the  Russian 
troops  would  still  refrain  from  the  offensive  and 
merely  stand  in  defense  of  the  principalities.  This 
rendered  it  incumbent  upon  Gortschakoff  to  cover 
nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  Danube  from  Widdin 
to  Galatz,  making  it  possible  for  the  Turks  to  fall 
upon  his  extended  line  at  any  point  in  overwhelming 
numbers. 

Throughout  the  negotiations  at  Constantinople  the 
Porte  had  been  steadily  preparing  for  war,  and  the 
fanatical  hatred  of  the  Moslem  for  the  Giaour  had 
been  thoroughly  whetted.  When  imbued  with  this 
religious  zeal  and  ably  led,  the  fierce  soldiery  of  the 
Sultan  have  always  proved  themselves  the  equals  of 
any  in  Europe.  They  are  at  their  best  when  com- 
manded by  officers  of  foreign  birth  and  education, 
and  in  the  campaigns  of  the  Danube  in  1853—54  they 
were  officered  by  representatives  of  the  two  peoples 
principally  interested  in  checking  Russian  aggression. 
Omar  Pasha,  the  Ottoman  generalissimo,  was  an 
Austrian,  while  in  nearly  every  critical  engagement 
the  Turkish  soldiers  were  encouraged  to  success  by, 
volunteers  from  the  service  of  the  English  queen. 

Toward  the  close  of  October,  Omar  Pasha  had  un- 
der his  command  in  Bulgaria  a  Turkish  army  of  at 
least  120,000  men.  He  was  quick  to  see  and  improve 
the  advantage  offered  by  the  mistake  of  his  enemy,  and 
commenced  massing  troops  at  Widdin,  situated  on  the 
Danube  just  above  the  point  where  its  course  changes 
to  the  east.  Opposite  Widdin,  in  Wallachia,  is  the 
smaller  town  of  Kalafat,  and  on  October  28  the 
Turkish  force  crossed  the  river  and  occupied  it  after 


THE  DANUBIAN  CAMPAIGN.  35 

a  short  skirmish.  The  result  of  the  move  was  to 
establish  a  strong  Turkish  defense  squarely  upon  the 
Russian  flank.  Another  crossing  was  made  by  the 
Turks  from  Turtukai  to  Oltenitza,  while  they  also 
met  with  temporary  success  in  an  attempt  from  Silis- 
tria  upon  Kalarash. 

These  were  practically  the  only  movements  of  the 
year,  the  approach  of  winter  and  the  enforced  in- 
activity of  the  Russians  conducing  to  a  temporary 
lull.  About  the  middle  of  November,  Omar  Pasha 
withdrew  his  troops  from  Oltenitza,  leaving  the  force 
at  Kalaf  at  his  only  large  detachment  on  Wallachian 
soil.  The  position  of  this  force  was  too  serious  a 
menace  to  be  left  unheeded  by  the  Russian  com- 
mander, who  proceeded  to  mass  his  available  troops 
in  Lesser  Wallachia.  Achmet  Pasha,  commanding 
the  garrison  at  Kalafat,  determined  to  anticipate  the 
Russian  attack,  and  on  the  6th  of  January  moved 
with  15,000  men  against  Citate.  A  Russian  brigade 
held  the  village,  and  had  thrown  up  earthworks  in 
its  rear.  The  Turks  attacked  the  village  furiously 
with  the  bayonet,  and  in  the  streets  and  lanes  a  terri- 
ble conflict  took  place.  The  Russians,  heavily  clothed 
and  accoutred,  were  soon  worsted  by  their  agile  ad- 
versaries, but  driven  from  the  streets  they  threw 
themselves  into  the  houses  and  maintained  a  desper- 
ate resistance.  It  was  four  hours  before  the  last 
Russian  detachment  was  dislodged,  and  by  that  time 
their  supports  were  at  hand.  Achmet  Pasha  brought 
up  his  reserves  to  confront  these  troops,  whose  move- 
ment placed  him  between  two  fires  and  threatened  his 
communications  with  Kalafat.  The  Russians  ad- 
vanced in  close  column  under  cover  of  their  artillery, 
and  despite  their  numerical  inferiority  they  finally 


36         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

recaptured  Citate  and  compelled  the  retirement  of  the 
Turks  upon  Kalafat.1  During  the  week  succeeding 
there  was  severe  and  indecisive  fighting,  after  which 
the  Russians  commenced  a  leisurely  retreat  toward 
the  east,  abandoning  finally  the  object  of  their  ad- 
vance. 

The  Russian  situation  was  by  no  means  promising. 
The  Czar,  mortified  at  the  Ottoman  successes,  deter- 
mined to  relinquish  his  defensive  plan,  and  inaugurate 
without  delay  an  invasion  of  Turkey.  To  insure  suc- 
cess he  called  Prince  Paskevich,  and  sought  his  coun- 
sel as  to  the  best  way  to  push  his  battalions  to  the 
Bosphorous.  Paskevich,  then  an  old  man,  was  an 
honored  soldier  and  the  most  successful  general  that 
Russia  possessed.  He  first  saw  service  in  1805,  and 
fought  in  the  campaign  that  ended  with  the  disastrous 
sunset  of  Austerlitz.  In  1812-14  he  was  again  in 
the  field,  participating  in  the  battle  of  Leipsic  and 
the  victorious  march  to  Paris.  In  1825  he  led  the 
armies  of  the  Czar  in  a  victorious  campaign  against 
the  Persians,  and  in  the  Turkish  campaign  of  1828-29 
he  conquered  Armenia,  subjugating  even  the  great 
fortresses  of  Kars  and  Erzeroum.  In  1831,  when 
Poland  was  in  revolt,  it  was  his  firm  if  cruel  hand 
that  crushed  out  the  insurrection.  In  1848  he  en- 
tered Hungary  at  the  head  of  the  imperial  troops, 
and  in  1850  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  his  entry  into 
the  military  service  was  celebrated  at  Warsaw  amid 
general  rejoicing,  and  the  sovereigns  of  Austria  and 
Prussia  created  him  field  marshal  in  their  respective 

1  This  action  was  reported  in  Vienna,  London,  and  Paris  as  a  great 
Turkish  victory.  Achmet  Pasha's  course  certainly  protected  Kalafat 
from  an  attack,  if  he  cannot  be  credited  with  winning  a  victory  in 
the  field. 


THE  DANUBIAN  CAMPAIGN.  37 

armies.  "With  this  event  the  old  soldier  would  will- 
ingly have  closed  his  active  career,  but  the  summons 
of  the  Czar  in  1854  found  him  ready  for  service  as 
heretofore.  Paskevich  insisted  that  it  was  useless  to 
attempt  to  cover  the  length  of  the  Danube,  and  that 
Lesser  Wallachia  should  be  abandoned.  An  invasion 
of  Turkey,  he  contended,  was  only  feasible  via  Silis- 
tria  and  Shumla,  and  the  success  of  this  plan  de- 
pended upon  the  ability  of  the  imperial  troops  to  re- 
duce Silistria  by  the  1st  of  May. 

The  pride  of  the  Czar  was  touched  at  having  to 
relinquish  any  portion  of  his  "material  guarantee," 
but  he  yielded  nevertheless  to  the  hard  counsel  of  his 
general.  The  Eussian  military  establishment  entered 
into  vigorous  action  once  again.  Heavy  masses  of 
troops  began  to  converge  upon  the  Danube  toward 
Silistria,  while  all  through  April  the  Moldavian  vil- 
lagers witnessed  the  march  of  fresh  battalions  pass- 
ing southward  from  Russia  to  the  front. 

But  the  Czar  had  waited  too  long,  and  no  amount 
of  energy  could  now  retrieve  his  failing  fortunes. 
Russia  was  openly  at  war  with  both  France  and  Eng- 
land, and  their  fleets  had  been  blockading  the  Black 
Sea  since  the  opening  of  the  year.  Furthermore, 
Austria  was  increasing  her  army  on  her  eastern  fron- 
tier and  the  Vienna  cabinet  left  no  room  for  doubt  as 
to  its  purpose.  Paskevich  knew  well  that  even  if 
Silistria  fell  by  May  1,  if  his  hardy  soldiers  succeeded 
in  forcing  the  intrenched  camp  at  Shumla,  and  indeed 
if  they  should  pass  the  Balkan  range  in  the  face  of 
the  Ottoman  resistance,  all  this  would  be  but  the  pref- 
ace to  a  sterner  conflict  beyond.  On  the  plains  of 
Roumelia,  if  not  before,  he  would  have  to  face  the 
combined  strength  of  England  and  France.  Nor 


38         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  this  the  worst  feature  of  his  dilemma.  The  Aus- 
trian army  was  a  yet  more  fatal  menace,  possessing  as 
it  did  the  power  to  break  in  upon  his  flank.  By 
April  1  the  Czar  had  lost  his  last  chance  of  pushing 
his  forces  within  sight  of  the  minarets  of  St.  Sophia. 
Paskevich  entered  upon  his  difficult  task  in  the  hope, 
perhaps,  of  gaining  for  Russia  a  position  of  some  mili- 
tary advantage,  when  she  might  be  better  prepared  to 
throw  her  case  upon  arbitration. 

Silistria,  with  about  20,000  inhabitants,  was  a  for- 
tified Bulgarian  town  on  the  Danube,  forming  at  this 
time  with  Rustchuk  and  Shumla  a  formidable  military 
triangle.  Its  naturally  strong  defenses  had  been  ren- 
dered almost  impregnable  during  the  year  1853  by 
the  erection  of  a  series  of  detached  forts  on  the  south 
and  southeast.  The  Turkish  attempts  to  cross  the 
Danube  here  had  been  unsuccessful,  and  when  the 
Czar  removed  the  restrictions  from  his  troops  they 
forced  a  passage  and  laid  siege  to  the  town  on  the  Bul- 
garian side.  About  the  same  time  the  Russians 
crossed  the  river  lower  down  near  Matchin,  and  after 
a  little  fighting  obtained  control  of  that  large  but 
unhealthy  tract  of  country  known  as  the  Dobrudscha. 
Omar  Pasha,  leaving  Moussa  Pasha  with  15,000  men 
to  defend  Silistria  as  best  he  could,  began  to  concen- 
trate all  his  available  troops  about  Shumla. 

Paskevich  arrived  to  superintend  in  person  the 
siege  of  Silistria,  but  May  was  far  advanced  before 
serious  operations  commenced.  The  1st  of  June 
found  its  defenses  terribly  battered  by  the  Russian 
artillery,  but  still  stubbornly  defended  by  the  soldiers 
of  the  Sultan.  Paskevich  was  badly  wounded  and 
obliged  to  relinquish  his  command,  while  the  gar- 
rison of  Silistria  was  reduced  to  extremities.  Moussa 


THE  DANUBIAN  CAMPAIGN.  39 

Pasha  was  killed  on  June  2,  and  the  command  de- 
volved upon  Hussein  Pasha.  After  this  the .  -^fairs 
of  the  garrison  became  daily  more  desperate  until  the 
efforts  of  the  besiegers  suddenly  relaxed.1  An  influ- 
ence more  potent  than  Ottoman  military  succor  had 
come  to  the  deliverance  of  beleaguered  Silistria. 

On  the  3d  of  June  Austria  had  formally  sum- 
moned the  Czar  to  withdraw  his  troops  from  the 
Danubian  Principalities.  This  fell  like  a  death-knell 
upon  the  heavy-hearted  Autocrat  of  all  the  Russias. 
He  had  seen  his  hopes  for  a  conquest  of  Turkey  fad- 
ing away,  and  had  beheld  with  pain  the  wounding  of 
his  greatest  general  and  the  aimless  slaughter  of  his 
choicest  troops.  These  were  as  nothing,  however, 
compared  with  the  ingratitude  of  Francis  Joseph. 
He  had  "  reckoned "  upon  Austria  because  he  felt 
secure  of  the  Kaiser's  love.2 

On  the  14th  of  June  the  fate  of  the  Czar's  cam- 
paign was  finally  sealed  by  the  agreement  signed 
between  Austria  and  Turkey,  wherein  it  was  declared 
that  "  his  majesty  the  emperor  of  Austria  engages 
to  exhaust  all  the  means  of  negotiation,  and  all  other 
means,  to  obtain  the  evacuation  of  the  Danubian  Prin- 
cipalities by  the  foreign  army  which  occupies  them, 
and  even  to  employ,  in  case  they  are  required,  the 

1  Lieutenant  Nasmyth,  an   English  officer  of   the  garrison,  upon 
whose  statements  English  accounts  of  the  siege  have  been  generally 
founded,  estimates  the  Russian  losses  at  twelve  thousand  men.     Gen- 
eral Todleben,  on  the  other  hand,  ridicules  the  much  vaunted  defense 
of  Silistria,  and  declares  the  Russian  casualties  during  the  investment 
amounted  to  only  twenty-five  hundred,  or  an  average  of  fifty  a  day. 

2  In  one  of  the  sick  man  interviews  with  Sir  Hamilton  Seymour 
the  Czar  spoke  of  his  relations  with  Austria  as  follows:    "  You  must 
understand  that  when  I  speak  of  Russia,  I  speak  of  Austria  as  well. 
What  suits  one  suits  the  other.     Our  interests  as  regards  Turkey  are 
perfectly  identical." 


40         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

number  of  troops  necessary  to  attain  this  end."  "  The 
numbtr of  troops  necessary"  were  already  in  position 
awaiting  orders  to  sweep  down  upon  the  Russian  flank 
and  rear.  Furthermore,  the  green  uplands  about 
Varna  were  already  whitened  by  the  camps  of  the 
French  and  English  soldiery.  It  was  clear  that  the 
Austrian  summons  was  not  to  be  disregarded. 

On  the  morning  of  June  23  the  weary  defenders 
of  Silistria  awoke  to  find  the  Russian  works  deserted 
and  their  recent  occupants  across  the  Danube  retreat- 
ing northward.  The  troops  in  the  Dobrudscha  like- 
wise began  to  retire,  and  soon  all  the  roads  leading  to 
the  north  were  crowded  by  the  broken  and  retreating 
battalions  of  the  Czar.  Omar  Pasha,  stealing  out  of 
his  camp  at  Shumla,  cautiously  advanced  as  his  foes 
retired,  and  on  July  7  the  final  engagements  of 
the  campaign  were  fought  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Giurgevo.  The  Turkish  soldiery  crossed  the  river 
in  small  detachments  from  Rustchuk,  and  furiously 
assailed  the  retiring  Muscovites.  On  an  island  close 
to  the  Giurgevo  shore  the  fighting  was  especially 
fierce,  and  cost  the  lives  of  several  English  officers 
who  were  leading  the  Ottoman  troops.  The  day's 
fighting  may  have  served  to  increase  the  rapidity  of 
the  Russian  retreat,  but  the  results  were  hardly  com- 
mensurate with  the  loss  of  life.  After  these  engage- 
ments Omar  Pasha  crossed  the  Danube  in  force  from 
Rustchuk  and  moved  leisurely  upon  Bucharest. 

On  July  28  Prince  Gortschakoff,  having  already 
informed  the  Wallachians  that  his  troops  were  to  be 
temporarily  withdrawn,  broke  up  his  headquarters  at 
Bucharest,  and  ten  days  later  a  Turkish  army  entered. 
On  the  6th  of  September  the  principalities  were  des- 
tined to  undergo  one  more  humiliation,  when  the 


.THE  DANUBIAN  CAMPAIGN.  41 

Austrian  troops  under  Count  Coronini  marched  into 
Bucharest.  Coronini  proclaimed  to  the  Wallachians 
that  his  troops  came  among  them  as  friends,  and 
would  remain  only  as  long  as  danger  existed  of  a 
second  Russian  occupation  of  the  territory  of  the 
Porte. 

The  Russian  Czar,  as  the  summer  of  1854  was 
waning,  found  himself  hopelessly  isolated  from  the 
consummation  of  his  dearest  schemes.  He  was  openly 
at  war  with  England,  France,  and  Turkey,  while  any 
move  toward  Constantinople  was  sure  to  be  opposed 
by  Austrian  as  well  as  Ottoman  bayonets.  The  fleets 
of  England  and  France  controlled  the  Black  Sea,  and 
compelled  the  retirement  of  his  inferior  squadrons 
under  the  guns  of  Sebastopol.  It  was  literally  the 
Czar  against  all  Europe.  With  anger  and  sorrow 
Nicholas  realized  the  bitter  truth  that  with  all  his 
vast  army,  and  the  years  of  careful  preparation  he 
had  lavished  upon  it,  he  stood  powerless  against  these 
overwhelming  odds. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  WESTERN  ALLIANCE. 

FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  IN  1853.  —  CAUSE  OF  THE  EMPEROR'S  FOR- 
WARDNESS. —  His  INFLUENCE  OVER  THE  ENGLISH  GOVERNMENT. 

—  THE  BATTLE  OF  SINOPE.  —  INJUSTICE  OF  PUBLIC  SENTIMENT 
IN  ENGLAND  AND  FRANCE  RESPECTING  IT.  —  THE  EMPEROR  AD- 
VOCATES A  NAVAL  SEIZURE  OF  THE  BLACK  SEA.  —  HE  CARRIES 
HIS  POINT.  —  RAGE  OF  THE  CZAR.  —  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN 
THE  EMPEROR  AND  THE  CZAR.  —  DECLARATION  OF  WAR  BY  ENG- 
LAND AND  FRANCE  AND  SIGNATURE  OF  THE  TREATY  OF  ALLIANCE. 

—  AUSTRIA'S  WARLIKE  ATTITUDE.  —  THE  ALLIED  COMMANDERS. 

—  CHARACTER  OF  LORD  RAGLAN.  —  THE  ALLIES  AT  CONSTANTI- 
NOPLE AND   AT  VARNA.  —  RAVAGES  OF  THE  CHOLERA.  —  LORD 
RAGLAN'S  VIEWS  ON  THE  INVASION  OF  THE  CRIMEA.  — THE  ALLIES 
EMBARK  AT  VARNA  FOR  THE  CRIMEA. 

THE  great  western  powers  were  at  war  with  Russia. 
A  narrative  of  the  events  that  preceded  the  declara- 
tion of  hostilities  will  help  to  demonstrate  upon  whose 
shoulders  should  rest  the  responsibility  for  this  disturb- 
ance of  the  continental  peace. 

If  Stratford's  course  at  Constantinople  had  bound 
England  to  support  the  Sultan,  then  France  was 
bound  to  the  support  of  England.  As  early  as  Jan- 
uary, 1853,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  had  expressed  the 
opinion  to  the  English  cabinet  that  France  and  Eng- 
land together  shoidd  preserve  "  the  integrity  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire."  On  July  8,  1853,  Lord  Palmer- 
ston  declared  in  the  House  of  Commons  "  that  Eng- 
land and  France  were  agreed,  that  they  continued  to 
follow  the  same  policy,  and  that  they  had  the  most 


THE   WESTERN  ALLIANCE.  43 

perfect  confidence  in  each  other."  The  speech  from 
the  throne  was  to  the  same  effect. 

In  fact,  so  vigorously  had  the  Paris  government 
adopted  the  hereditary  English  views  on  the  Eastern 
Question  that  it  actually  pushed  Lord  Aberdeen  and 
his  ministers  into  decisive  measures  which  otherwise 
they  might  have  been  slow  to  adopt. 

The  question  naturally  arises,  Why  should  France 
have  thrust  herself  so  prominently  forward  in  a  mat- 
ter so  foreign  to  her  interest  as  the  Eastern  Question  ? 
It  was  not  France  which  was  responsible,  but  the 
French  emperor.  It  was  the  same  influence  that  led 
M.  Lavalette  to  threaten  the  Porte  with  fleets  and 
armies  during  the  first  debates  on  the  Holy  Places. 
Napoleon  was  bent  on  a  showy  policy,  and  was  willing 
to  enter  upon  any  course  that  promised  prestige  for 
his  government.  The  English  people,  from  the  queen 
downward,  had  been  shocked  at  his  coup  d'etat,  and  he 
well  knew  the  moral  effect  which  an  English  alliance 
would  have  upon  his  standing  in  Europe.  England's 
"  hobby,"  so  to  speak,  being  the  Eastern  Question, 
he  adopted  unreservedly  her  policy.  His  gratifica- 
tion must  have  been  keen  when,  as  the  months  went 
by,  he  found  his  influence  over  Lord  Aberdeen's 
cabinet  steadily  growing,  until  at  last  it  became  all 
powerful. 

Through  the  spring  of  1853,  while  Lord  Stratford 
was  duelling  with  Menschikoff  at  Stamboul,  the  hand 
of  the  French  emperor  did  not  prominently  appear, 
and  his  representative  at  Vienna  agreed  to  the  Note 
which  it  was  hoped  would  preserve  the  peace  of  Eu- 
rope. Upon  the  rejection  of  this,  however,  and  the 
entry  of  the  Russian  troops  into  the  principalities, 
while  still  retaining  his  representative  at  the  Vienna 


44        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Congress,  he  commenced  to  urge  warlike  measures 
upon  the  London  cabinet.  It  was  his  influence  that 
sent  the  allied  fleets  to  Constantinople  on  the  22d  of 
October,  one  day  before  Russia  and  Turkey  were 
actually  at  war. 

The  presence  of  a  foreign  war-flag  in  the  Sea  of 
Marmora  was  perhaps  the  most  galling  affront  that 
Nicholas  could  suffer.  Whether  or  not  there  was  any 
immediate  connection  between  this  event  and  the  one 
which  followed,  the  movement  of  the  allied  fleets  was 
terribly  revenged  on  the  30th  of  November.  It  had 
been  known  for  several  days  to  the  Turkish  ministers, 
and  the  allied  admirals  as  well,  that  the  Russian  fleet 
was  cruising  in  the  Black  Sea,  and  that,  if  so  disposed, 
it  could  easily  annihilate  the  inferior  Turkish  squad- 
ron at  Sinope.  The  Turkish  commander  at  Sinope 
realized  the  danger,  and  repeatedly  warned  his  govern- 
ment of  the  great  peril  in  which  he  stood.  Perhaps 
Turkey,  like  England  and  the  rest  of  Europe,  was 
lulled  into  a  sense  of  security  by  Nesselrode's  declara- 
tion of  October  31,  that  Russia  would  "  remain  with 
folded  arms,  resolved  only  to  resist  all  aggression."  l 
At  all  events,  the  appeal  of  the  Turkish  admiral  re- 
mained unheeded,  while  Omar  Pasha  attracted  all 
attention  by  his  brilliant  operations  on  the  Danube. 
Early  in  December  the  tidings  reached  Constanti- 
nople that  the  Sultan's  fleet  at  Sinope  had  been  de- 
stroyed ;  that  four  thousand  men  had  been  killed,  and 
the  town  of  Sinope  itself  badly  battered  by  Russian 
broadsides.  The  news  was  received  with  dismay  by 
the  Ottoman  government,  while  in  England  and 

1  This  expression  was  used  by  Nesselrode  in  conversation  •with  Sir 
Hamilton  Seymour,  but  the  same  idea  was  embodied  in  the  October 
circular. 


THE    WESTERN  ALLIANCE.  45 

France  it  aroused  a  storm  of  rage.  All  England 
was  stirred  to  its  depths,  and  so  unreasonable  had 
popular  opinion  become  that  the  Czar  was  univer- 
sally condemned  as  having  broken  his  plighted  word. 
He  stood  before  the  English  people  as  a  man  devoid 
of  honor,  with  innocent  blood  upon  his  hands.  The 
Sinope  affair  was  never  dignified  by  the  title  of  "  bat- 
tle," but  was  alluded  to  as  a  treacherous  massacre. 
English  writers  of  the  present  day,  in  cooler  blood, 
candidly  admit  the  distortion  of  public  opinion  on 
this  point.  In  the  activity  of  Omar  Pasha,  whose 
achievements  on  the  Danube  they  applauded  to  the 
echo,  the  public  failed  to  detect  any  provocation  for 
aggressive  measures  on  the  part  of  the  Czar.  The 
presence  of  the  allied  fleet  at  Constantinople  was  en- 
tirely overlooked,  as  was  also  the  fact  that  the  first 
shot  at  Sinope  had  been  fired  by  a  Turkish  vessel. 

The  voice  of  the  nation  was  for  war,  and  the  cabinet 
with  its  peaceable  hopes  and  projects  came  to  repre- 
sent but  tamely  the  spirit  of  the  masses. 

The  French  government  declared  the  "  massacre  " 
of  Sinope  to  be  an  insult  to  France,  perpetrated  as  it 
was  almost  under  the  guns  of  the  allied  fleet.  The 
English  cabinet,  while  deploring  the  event,  was  little 
inclined  to  take  a  decisive  step.  Lord  Palmerston 
resigned  in  consequence ;  but  as  December  advanced, 
Napoleon  again  tried  his  hand  with  the  London  states- 
men. He  urged  that  a  summons  should  be  immedi- 
ately forwarded  to  St.  Petersburg  to  this  effect,  "  that 
France  and  England  were  resolved  to  prevent  the  rep- 
etition of  the  affair  of  Sinope,  and  that  every  Rus- 
sian ship  thenceforward  met  in  the  Euxine  would  be 
requested  and,  if  necessary,  constrained  to  return  to 
Sebastopol ;  and  that  any  act  of  aggression  after- 


46        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

wards  attempted  against  the  Ottoman  territory  or 
flag  would  be  repelled  by  force."  The  English  cab- 
inet yielded,  and  Palnierston  returned.  Napoleon's 
responsibility  in  this  move  is  clearly  shown  by  Lord 
Clarendon's  statement  that  the  government  "  believed 
the  whole  matter  might  be  left  to  the  discretion  of 
the  admirals,  but  they  attach  so  much  importance,  not 
alone  to  the  united  action  of  the  two  governments,  but 
to  the  instructions  addressed  to  their  respective  agents 
being  precisely  the  same,  that  they  are  prepared  to 
adopt  the  specific  mode  of  action  now  proposed  by 
the  government  of  the  emperor." 

In  compliance  with  instructions  forwarded  from 
Paris  and  London,  the  allied  fleets  entered  the  Black 
Sea  on  the  4th  of  January,  1854.  A  few  days  later 
the  Emperor  Nicholas  at  St.  Petersburg  was  officially 
informed  of  the  determination  to  drive  his  flag  from 
the  Euxine.  He  responded  by  recalling  his  legations 
from  Paris  and  London.  If  the  presence  of  hostile 
war-flags  in  the  Dardanelles  had  been  a  thorn  to  the 
Czar,  their  appearance  in  the  Black  Sea  could  have 
been  little  less  than  maddening.  The  Black  Sea  he 
regarded  as  his  own  peculiar  property,  and  in  fact, 
the  treaties  of  1774  and  1828  had  rendered  it  in  all 
save  name  a  Russian  lake.  To  see  its  supremacy 
snatched  from  him  by  the  tremendous  naval  prepon- 
derance of  the  western  powers  was  a  staggering  blow, 
and  from  the  day  that  the  allied  fleets  passed  into  the 
Bosphorus  there  never  existed  a  chance  of  peace. 

The  Emperor  of  the  French  now  came  before  Eu- 
rope in  the  role  of  a  pacific  letter-writer,  and  posed 
as  a  ruler  who  was  being  forced  into  hostilities  for  the 
sake  of  principle  alone.  His  correspondent  was  the 
Czar  of  all  the  Russias.  If  you  do  thus  and  so, 


THE    WESTERN  ALLIANCE.  47 

the  letter  implied,  peace  is  assured  ;  "  if  you  do  other- 
wise, then  France  as  well  as  England  would  be  obliged 
to  leave  to  the  arbitrament  of  arms  and  the  chances 
of  war  that  which  might  be  decided  at  once  by  rea- 
son and  justice."  This  letter  was  written  with  the 
knowledge  and  consent  of  the  English  government. 
Useless  in  any  circumstances  as  a  medium  of  peace, 
the  closing  threat  only  added  fuel  to  the  anger  of  the 
Czar.  "  Whatever  your  majesty  may  decide,"  replied 
Nicholas,  after  reviewing  the  letter,  "  threats  will  not 
induce  me  to  recede.  My  trust  is  in  God  and  in  my 
right,  and  Russia,  as  I  can  pledge,  will  prove  herself 
in  1854  what  she  was  in  1812."  This  last  reference 
to  the  year  of  the  discomfiture  of  the  grand  army  on 
the  bleak  plains  of  Russia  could  not  be  lost  upon  the 
heir  of  the  First  Napoleon.  Personal  animosity  now 
served  to  quicken  the  movements  of  the  Emperor  of 
the  French  in  warlike  channels. 

Russia's  isolation  was  complete.  The  four  powers 
were  in  full  accord  as  to  the  evacuation  of  the  princi- 
palities and  the  preservation  of  the  "  integrity  of  the 
Ottoman  Empire."  Austria  was  bellicose  in  the  ex- 
treme, and  Prussia,  while  less  aggressive,  had  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  Austria  that  bound  them  both 
alike  for  the  protection  of  their  respective  territories. 
On  the  whole,  the  attitude  of  Austria,  even  after  the 
fleets  had  entered  the  Euxine,  was  the  most  warlike 
of  any  of  the  powers.  Her  troops  were  swarming  in 
the  Banat  and  on  the  Transylvanian  frontier,  while  on 
February  22  Count  Buol,  the  Austrian  chancellor, 
informed  the  representative  of  France  at  Vienna  that 
"  if  England  and  France  will  fix  a  day  for  the  evacua- 
tion of  the  principalities,  the  expiration  of  which  shall 
be  the  signal  for  hostilities,  the  cabinet  of  Vienna  will 
support  the  summons." 


48        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

On  February  27  Lord  Clarendon  dispatched  a 
special  messenger  to  St.  Petersburg  via  Vienna,  where, 
however,  no  effort  was  made  to  obtain  a  further  pledge 
of  Austria's  "  support."  The  summons  declared  that 
if  the  Czar  did  not  pledge  himself  to  evacuate  the 
principalities  by  the  30th  of  April,  "  the  British  gov- 
ernment must  consider  the  refusal  or  the  silence  of 
the  cabinet  of  St.  Petersburg  as  equivalent  to  a  dec- 
laration of  war,  and  will  take  its  measures  accord- 
ingly." A  similar  message  was  forwarded  from  Paris 
at  the  same  time.  The  messengers  reached  the  Rus- 
sian capital  on  the  13th  of  March,  and  on  the  fifth 
day  after  their  arrival  Count  Nesselrode  stated  that 
the  emperor  "thought  it  unbecoming  to  make  any 
reply." 

On  the  27th  of  March  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
informed  the  Senate  and  Assembly  that  the  refusal  of 
his  demands  by  the  Czar  had  placed  France  in  a  state 
of  war  with  Russia.  On  the  same  day  the  queen 
communicated  the  situation  to  Parliament,  and  on  the 
next  issued  her  declaration  of  war.  On  the  10th  of 
April  was  signed  the  treaty  of  alliance  between  Eng- 
land and  France  that  bound  them  to  act  harmoniously 
together  for  the  protection  of  the  Sultan's  dominions 
and  the  restoration  of  peace  in  Europe.  They  pro- 
fessed a  willingness  to  receive  any  other  power  into 
their  agreement,  but  were  not  solicitous  in  this  re- 
gard. 

The  last  demand  of  the  western  cabinets  had  been 
that  the  Czar  should  evacuate  Moldavia  and  Wal- 
lachia,  and  upon  his  refusal  they  had  taken  up  arms. 
Austria  had  far  more  interest  in  securing  this  evacua- 
tion than  either  of  the  powers  which  had  made  it  their 
ultimatum.  Austria's  hand  was  upon  her  sword  hilt, 


THE   WESTERN  ALLIANCE.  49 

and  apparently  she  was  determined  at  all  hazards  to 
break  the  Muscovite  grip  on  the  Danubian  Princi- 
palities. Perhaps  she  was  nothing  loath  to  find  what 
seemed  her  own  especial  task  undertaken  by  the  two 
powers,  which,  in  their  hot  zeal,  never  waited  to  secure 
even  her  cooperation.  Austria  was  not  destined  to 
fire  a  shot,  but  when,  after  three  months  of  hostilities, 
she  found  the  principalities  still  held  by  the  Russian 
troops,  she  sternly  commanded  the  Czar  to  retire. 
What  the  summons  of  the  allies,  supplemented  by 
three  months  of  military  and  naval  demonstration, 
had  failed  to  bring  about,  the  command  of  Austria 
effected. 

The  war  fever  in  England  increased  steadily  after 
the  Sinope  affair.  For  weeks  before  the  declaration 
of  war,  preparations  for  the  struggle  had  been  vigor- 
ously pushed  in  all  the  military  and  naval  centres. 
From  time  to  time  troops  were  forwarded  to  Malta, 
while  Liverpool,  Southampton,  and  Cork  were  gay 
and  sad  together,  as  to  the  strains  of  martial  music 
the  men  marched  aboard  the  transports.  The  first 
detachment  of  the  enormous  fleet  destined  for  service 
in  the  Baltic  under  the  command  of  Sir  Charles 
Napier  sailed  from  Spithead.  The  Guards  departed 
for  Gibraltar  late  in  March,  and  upon  receiving  the 
news  of  the  declaration  of  war  were  forwarded  to  the 
East. 

In  France,  too,  the  war  was  popular.  No  French- 
man is  indifferent  when  an  opportunity  to  achieve 
martial  glory  is  in  prospect.  The  officer  appointed 
by  the  French  emperor  to  command  his  armies  in 
the  field  was  Marshal  St.  Arnaud,  of  Algerian  and 
coup  d'etat  fame.  The  direction  of  the  forces  of  the 
queen  was  given  to  Lord  Raglan,  an  honorable  gen- 


50        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tleman,  a  brave  soldier,  and  a  friend  and  pupil  of  the 
great  duke.  Lord  Raglan's  only  military  experience 
had  been  in  Wellington's  campaigns.  He  was  his 
aide  and  military  secretary,  and  lost  his  arm  during 
the  thickest  of  the  fighting  about  La  Haye  Sainte  on 
the  day  of  Waterloo.  He  served  as  military  secre- 
tary at  the  Horse  Guards  from  1827  to  1852,  when 
he  was  made  master  general  of  the  ordnance  and 
raised  to  the  peerage.  In  February,  1854,  he  was 
made  a  general,  and  in  April,  at  sixty-six  years  of 
age,  found  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army  destined 
for  service  in  the  East.  Lord  Raglan  left  England 
on  the  10th  of  April.  He  called  at  Paris,  and  with 
the  Duke  of  Cambridge  was  received  at  the  Tuileries 
by  the  emperor,  presented  to  Marshal  St.  Arnaud, 
and  treated  to  a  military  pageant  on  the  Champ  de 
Mars. 

French  as  well  as  English  troops  began  to  congre- 
gate at  Malta,  and  in  the  quaint  streets  of  Valetta 
the  Zouave  and  Highlander  met  as  friends  and  gazed 
in  gaping  wonder  upon  each  other.  Gallipoli  was 
soon  fortified  by  an  allied  force,  and  Constantinople 
itself  was  thronged  with  tangible  evidence  of  the  great 
alliance.  Guardsmen,  cuirassiers,  and  soldiers  of  the 
line  jostled  each  other  in  the  narrow  streets,  and 
swarmed  in  the  cafe's,  while  the  placid  sea  was  alive 
with  the  boats  of  pleasure-loving  officers  passing  to 
and  fro  between  the  camps. 

As  summer  approached,  however,  and  the  situation 
at  Silistria  became  more  and  more  precarious,  the 
rendezvous  at  Constantinople  was  broken  up  and  the 
troops  pushed  on  to  Varna,  to  be  ready  if  need  be,  to 
repel  the  Russians  on  the  north  of  the  Balkan  range. 
The  plans  of  the  western  powers  do  not  seem  at  this 


THE   WESTERN  ALLIANCE.  51 

time  to  have  been  clearly  defined.  If  Silistria  fell, 
there  would  be  work  enough  in  Bulgaria,  beating 
back  the  tide  of  Russian  invasion  that  would  be  sure 
to  follow,  but  while  the  Russians  were  held  on  the 
Danube,  the  military  councils  were  at  sea.  The 
armies  concentrated  slowly  at  Varna,  but  by  the  1st 
of  August  at  least  60,000  troops  were  in  camp  about 
the  town.  The  green  rolling  country  beyond,  with 
its  broad  views  and  glimpses  of  the  blue  swelling 
Balkans,  is  a  feast  to  the  eye,  but  proved  the  last 
glimpse  of  life  to  many  a  stout  soldier.  Cholera  ap- 
peared in  the  allied  camps  during  the  last  of  July, 
and  spread  rapidly  through  the  ranks.  The  news 
had  arrived  that  the  siege  of  Silistria  was  raised, 
and  the  Russians  in  retreat.  There  was  nothing  left 
to  stimulate  the  heavy-hearted  troops,  and  the  gen- 
erals saw  that  some  change  of  plan  must  be  imme- 
diately fixed  upon.  "  We  must  escape  from  this 
sepulchre  of  Varna,"  wrote  Marshal  St.  Arnaud. 

The  Russians  retreating,  and  the  Austrians  in  the 
principalities,  the  nominal  end  for  which  the  expedi- 
tion had  been  sent  out  was  accomplished.  The  west- 
ern governments,  however,  had  determined  upon  a 
more  thorough  humiliation  of  Russia.  It  was  now 
that  the  plan  for  the  invasion  of  the  Crimea  was  pro- 
mulgated. It  originated  among  the  statesmen  in 
Paris  and  London,  and  not  among  the  soldiers  in  the 
field.  On  the  29th  of  June  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
wrote  to  Lord  Raglan  advocating  the  reduction  of 
Sebastopol  with  a  vigor  which  rendered  it  tantamount 
to  an  order  from  the  government.  Lord  Raglan, 
realizing  the  almost  total  ignorance  that  prevailed  in 
regard  to  the  Czar's  strength  and  resources  in  the 
Crimea,  was  opposed  to  the  plan.  So  were  Omar 


52       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Pasha  and  St.  Arnaud.  Lord  Raglan's  reply  to  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  was  that  of  an  honest  soldier  who 
disbelieved  in  the  move  he  felt  obliged  to  make.  "  It 
becomes  my  duty,"  he  said,  "  to  acquaint  you  that 
it  was  more  in  deference  to  the  views  of  the  British 
government  as  conveyed  to  me  in  your  grace's  dis- 
patch, and  to  the  known  acquiescence  of  the  Emperor 
Louis  Napoleon  in  those  views,  than  to  any  informa- 
tion in  the  possession  of  the  naval  and  military  au- 
thorities, either  as  to  the  extent  of  the  enemy's  forces, 
or  their  state  of  preparation,  that  the  decision  to  make 
a  descent  upon  the  Crimea  was  adopted." 

The  last  of  August  the  camp  about  Varna  was 
broken  up  and  the  troops  began  to  embark  for  the 
new  field  of  action.  The  generals  were  entering  upon 
the  new  project  with  doubt  and  misgiving,  but  as  for 
the  men,  the  whole  mighty  Muscovite  army  possessed 
no  such  dread  for  them  as  the  smiling  but  pestilential 
country  they  were  leaving. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA. 

POPULARITY  OF  THE  CONQUEST  OF  SEBASTOPOL  IN  ENGLAND. — 
LANDING  OF  THE  ALLIES  IN  THE  CRIMEA.  —  THE  ADVANCE  ON 
SEBASTOPOL  BEGINS.  —  PRINCE  MENSCHIKOFF  SEIZES  THE  LINE: 
OF  THE  ALMA.  —  CHARACTER  OF  THE  POSITION  AND  STRENGTH 
OF  THE  RUSSIAN  ARMY.  —  MENSCHIKOFF'S  FATAL  BLUNDER.  — 
THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  ALMA.  —  THE  FKENCH  TURN  THE  RUSSIAN 
LEFT  WING.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  —  THEIR  ADVANCK 
CHECKED.  —  THE  FRENCH  FLANK  ATTACK  SUCCEEDS.  —  RETREAT 
OF  THE  RUSSIANS. — ST.  ARNAUD'S  OPINION  OF  THE  BATTLE  — 
THE  ALLIES  CONTINUE  THEIR  ADVANCE.  —  THEIR  FLANK  MARCH. 

—  OBTUSENESS  OF  MENSCHIKOFF.  —  His  LETTER  TO  KORNILOFF. 

—  OCCUPATION  OF  BALACLAVA  BY  THE   ENGLISH.  —  DEATH  OF 
ST.  ARNAUD.  —  CANROBERT  OPPOSES  THE  MOTION  TO  ATTACK  SE- 
BASTOPOL. —  PROBABLE  RESULT  OF  SUCH  AN  ATTACK. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  SEBASTOPOL  —  ARRIVAL  OF  COLONEL  DE  TODLEBEN 
THERE.  —  THE  ALLIED  FLEET  is  SIGHTED.  —  EFFECT  OF  THE 
BATTLE  OF  THE  ALMA  UPON  SEBASTOPOL.  —  MENSCHIKOFF'S 
ORDERS  —  HE  RETIRES  FROM  THE  TOWN  WITH  THE  ARMY.  — 
DESPAIR  OF  KORNILOFF  AND  TODLEBEN.  —  KORNILOFF  ACCEPTS 
THE  COMMAND  OF  THE  GARRISON.  —  His  ENTHUSIASM.  —  THE  DE- 
FENSES OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  KORNILOFF'S  CONTROVERSY  WITH  MEN- 
SCHIKOFF. —  THE  LATTER  INDUCED  TO  SEND  TROOPS  TO  SEBAS- 
TOPOL. —  STRENGTH  OF  THE  GARRISON  ON  OCTOBER  6.  —  THE 
ALLIED  BOMBARDMENT  OF  OCTOBER  17. — KORNILOFF'S  DEMEANOR 
ON  THAT  DAY.  —  His  DEATH.  —  RESULT  OF  THE  BOMBARDMENT. 

I. 

THE  conquest  of  Sebastopol  was  thoroughly  popular 
in  England  and  France  outside  of  military  circles. 
The  rage  engendered  by  the  Sinope  affair  was  still 
high,  and  to  the  public  mind  there  was  a  poetic  jus- 
tice in  the  destruction  of  the  naval  port  that  equipped 


54       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

and  sheltered  the  obnoxious  Black  Sea  fleet.  "  The 
Times  "  voiced  the  popular  opinion,  when  it  declared 
that  "  the  grand  political  and  military  objects  of  the 
war  could  not  be  attained,  so  long  as  Sebastopol  and 
the  Russian  fleet  were  in  existence  ;  but,  if  that  cen- 
tral position  of  the  Russian  power  in  the  south  of  the 
empire  were  annihilated,  the  whole  fabric,  which  it 
had  cost  the  Czars  of  Russia  centuries  to  raise,  must 
fall  to  the  ground." 

Toward  the  middle  of  September  the  great  allied 
armada  in  the  Black  Sea  began  to  converge  upon  the 
northwestern  coast  of  the  Crimea.  Eupatoria  was 
occupied  without  resistance,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  14th  the  general  debarkation  of  the  troops  began 
at  a  point  fourteen  miles  south  of  that  town.  By 
the  18th  the  whole  army,  comprising  30,000  French, 
27,000  English,  and  7,000  Turks  were  on  Russian 
soil.1  The  commanders  found  themselves  in  a  hostile 
country,  only  a  score  of  miles  from  the  famous  for- 
tress of  Sebastopol,  entirely  ignorant  as  to  the  strength 
or  whereabouts  of  their  enemy.  It  was  determined 
to  follow  the  coast  in  the  advance,  keeping  in  commu- 
nication with  the  fleet,  upon  which  the  armies  were 
dependent  for  supplies. 

On  the  19th  the  advance  commenced,  with  the 
Turks  on  the  right  close  to  the  sea,  the  French  in  the 

1  The  English  possessed  the  only  cavalry  in  the  one  thousand  sabres 
of  the  weak  division  under  Lord  Lucan.  They  had  five  infantry 
divisions  -with  artillery  attached,  as  follows :  First  Division  com- 
manded by  Duke  of  Cambridge ;  Second  Division,  by  Sir  De  Lacy 
Evans  ;  Third  Division,  by  Sir  Richard  England ;  Fourth  Division, 
by  Sir  George  Cathcart ;  Light  Division,  by  Sir  George  Browne.  The 
French  had  four  infantry  divisions,  commanded  as  follows :  First 
Division,  by  General  Canrobert ;  Second  Division,  by  General  Bos- 
quet ;  Third  Division,  by  Prince  Napoleon ;  Fourth  Division,  by  Gen. 
eral  Forey. 


THE  COUNTRY  FEOM  THE  ALMA  TO  BALACLAVA 


1.  Land  Quarant 

2.  Cetitral  Batlion. 

3.  Flagstaff  Basilic 

4.  Redan. 

5.  MalaJcoff. 

6.  Little  Redan. 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA.          55 

centre,  and  the  English  on  the  left,  with  the  hostile 
country  on  their  flank.  It  was  an  inspiring  pageant, 
and  the  men  moved  over  the  grassy,  rolling  country 
in  excellent  spirits.  That  night  the  army  bivouacked 
a  few  miles  north  of  the  Alma  River,  and  it  was 
rumored  through  the  ranks  that  the  enemy  were  close 
at  hand. 

•  Prince  Menschikoff,1  commander  of  the  Czar's  mili- 
tary and  naval  forces  in  the  Crimea,  had  seized  with 
all  his  available  troops  an  exceedingly  strong  position 
on  the  heights  south  of  the  river  Alma.  These  heights 
rise  abruptly  from  the  river,  and,  while  higher  far- 
ther east,  are  steepest  from  a  point  nearly  opposite 
the  village  of  Almatamack  and  from  there  to  the 
sea.  Prince  Menschikoff  regarded  this  portion  of  the 
heights  as  insurmountable,  and  consequently  neglected 
to  occupy  it.  A  space  of  two  miles  thus  intervened 
between  the  sea  and  the  left  of  his  forces,  his  entire 
front  extending  about  three  miles.  Rather  on  the 
left  of  his  position,  opposite  the  village  of  Bour- 
liouk,  is  a  deep  ravine  through  which  the  road  from 
Eupatoria  to  Sebastopol  passes.  This  road  crosses 
the  Alma  at  Bourliouk,  but  Menschikoff  destroyed 
the  bridge,  and  placed  his  heaviest  batteries  to  cover 
the  ravine,  which  he  regarded  as  the  weak  spot  in  his 
position.  To  defend  these  lines  he  had  a  force  aggre- 
gating nearly  34,000  men.2  It  comprised  some  of 
the  choicest  battalions  in  the  Russian  establishment, 
and  he  was  confident  in  his  ability  to  hold  his  ground 
against  any  force  at  the  disposal  of  the  allies.  A 
good  general  would  certainly  have  been  justified  in 

1  The  same  who  conducted  the  negotiations  at  Constantinople. 

2  According   to    Todleben.    Mr.   Kinglake    figures    the   Russian 
strength  at  40,000  men. 


56       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

this  feeling  of  assurance,  but  Menschikoff,  when  he 
determined  to  leave  his  left  protected  only  by  cliffs 
presumably  insurmountable,  committed  a  blunder,  to 
which  the  result  of  the  battle  that  followed  can  be 
justly  attributed. 

The  allied  armies  came  within  sight  of  their  ene- 
mies shortly  before  noon  on  the  20th.  From  a  height 
of  land  that  sloped  gently  into  the  Alma  valley,  they 
could  see  the  cliffs  beyond  capped  with  artillery  and 
bristling  with  infantry.  The  English  were  on  the 
left,  the  French  and  Turks  on  the  right  as  usual. 
The  French  commenced  the  action,  and  their  skir- 
mishers soon  discovered  that  the  heights  in  their  front 
were  not  inaccessible.  The  conflict  that  ensued  for 
the  next  three  hours  has  become  famous  under  the 
title  of  the  battle  of  the  Alma.  It  has  been  desig- 
nated by  an  eminent  English  historian  as  "  a  big 
scramble,"  and  this  conveys  the  true  idea  of  the  ac- 
tion. General  Canrobert's  French  division  clambered 
up  the  heights  between  Bourliouk  and  Almatamack 
almost  unopposed.  General  Bosquet1  reached  the 
summit  of  the  cliffs  farther  west  from  Almatamack. 
Menschikoff's  plan  of  battle  was  thrown  hopelessly 
out  of  joint  by  these  movements,  and  he  dispatched 
all  his  available  forces  to  protect  his  left.  Meanwhile 
the  English  were  dashing  blindly  and  bravely  against 
the  face  of  the  main  Russian  position.  Avoiding  the 
blazing  village  of  Bourliouk,  fired  by  the  Russian  out- 
posts, they  pushed  through  the  vineyards,  forded  the 
river,  and  clambered  up  the  heights  to  get  at  bayonet's 
point  with  their  foes.  Codrington's  brigade  was 

1  Mr.  Kinglake  cites  Bosqnet  as  being  the  only  divisional  or  bri- 
gade commander  in  the  French  army  of  the  East  who  was  not  promi- 
nent in  the  Paris  massacre  of  the  4th  of  December. 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA.          57 

driven  back  with  awful  slaughter,  but  was  supported 
by  the  Guards  in  the  nick  of  time.  Prince  Gortscha- 
koff l  came  up  with  the  Vladimir  regiment,  and  the 
struggle  became  desperate  and  stationary  in  the  heart 
of  the  Russian  position.  At  this  crisis  the  French 
made  their  presence  severely  felt  on  the  Russian  flank. 
Menschikoff  had  lost  all  idea  of  his  battle,  and  his 
troops  began  sullenly  to  retire.  The  retreat  was  a 
strange  mixture  of  order  and  confusion.  The  "  big 
scramble  "  was  at  an  end,  and  the  French  and  English 
rested  on  the  summits  they  had  so  gallantly  carried. 

It  is  rarely  that  a  battle  reveals  such  a  total  lack 
of  generalship  as  did  this.  The  English  claim  that 
St.  Arnaud's  movements  were  bungling  and  left  them 
practically  to  fight  the  battle  single-handed.  The 
French  assert,  however,  that  they  saved  the  English 
from  defeat.  2  St.  Arnaud  expressed  himself  tersely 
as  to  both  English  and  Russian  generalship :  "  As 
Lord  Raglan  was  the  pupil  of  the  Duke  of  Welling- 
ton, so  Prince  Menschikoff  followed  the  rules  be- 
queathed by  Suvarof  to  Kutusof."  3  Fortunately  for 
the  allies,  generalship  was  not  a  necessity  for  them. 
The  great  strength  of  the  Russian  position  and  the 
acknowledged  bravery  of  the  Russian  soldiers  were 
wholly  neutralized  by  the  gross  carelessness  and  mis- 
calculation of  Menschikoff. 4 

1  Prince  Peter  Gortschakoff,  brother  of  Mikhail. 

2  Todleben  agrees  with  St.  Arnaud,  and  regards  the  French  move- 
ments as  the  decisive  ones  of  the  day.     He  ascribes  the  Russian  de- 
feat to  bad  manoeuvring  and  the  inferiority  of  their  muskets,  which 
had  only  one  third  the  carrying  power  of  the  allied  weapons.     He 
deplores  the  machine  tactics  practiced  by  the  Russians  as  tending  to 
destroy  the  self-reliance  of   the  soldier  and  to  render  him  dependent 
upon  masses. 

8  Rousset,  vol.  i.  p.  330. 

*  The  English  loss  at  the  Alma  was  2,002  killed  and  wounded.    The 


58       THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE. 

No  pursuit  was  attempted,  the  English  having  but 
one  thousand  cavalry,  and  the  French  being  wholly 
destitute  of  this  branch  of  the  service.  On  the  23d 
the  advance  recommenced,  and  the  armies  encamped 
that  night  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Katscha  River.  On 
the  next  day  the  march  was  continued  to  the  Belbek, 
and  from  the  high  ground  south  of  the  river  the  city 
of  Sebastopol,  the  coveted  prize  of  the  expedition, 
was  plainly  visible.  So  near,  indeed,  had  the  army  ap- 
proached to  the  great  stronghold  of  the  Czar  that  the 
military  councils  were  rendered  spicy  by  the  questions 
as  to  how  and  from  what  point  the  city  should  be  ap- 
proached. The  opinion  prevailed  that  the  north  side 
had  been  rendered  impregnable  by  the  garrison,  and 
it  was  determined  to  make  a  flank  march,  and,  leav- 
ing the  town  on  the  right,  approach  it  from  the  south. 
The  route  of  this  march  was  over  a  rough,  broken 
country,  covered  with  low,  thick  woods.  The  English 
led  the  advance,  and  tne  army  wound  about  among 
the  hills  like  an  attenuated  serpent.  On  the  after- 
noon of  the  25th  a  detachment  of  cavalry  and  horse 
artillery  debouched  upon  a  broad  plateau  known  to 
the  allies  as  Mackenzie's  farm,  and  came  squarely 
upon  a  Russian  column  moving  northeast  at  right  an- 
gles to  their  line  of  march.  The  surprise  was  mutual, 
but  the  Russians  were  seized  with  something  like  a 
panic.  The  English  artillery  fired  a  few  shots  after 
the  fugitives,  and  the  excitement  was  over.  Lord 
Raglan  surmised  correctly  that  the  Russian  troops 
were  the  rear-guard  of  an  army  that  had  just  left 
Sebastopol.  It  was,  in  fact,  the  army  of  Prince  Men- 
Russians  estimated  their  losses  at  5,709  and  the  French  theirs  at  1,343. 
Mr.  Kinglake  asserts  that  Lord  Raglan  considered  the  French  loss  to 
be  grossly  exaggerated.  He  placed  it  at  less  than  000. 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA.  59 

schikoff  that  for  thirty-six  hours,  during  the  25th  and 
26th,  had  the  allies  completely  in  its  power.  Had 
Menschikoff  taken  any  measures  to  learn  the  where- 
abouts of  his  enemy  and  his  line  of  advance,  he  could 
have  hopelessly  crushed  him,  as  he  struggled  through 
the  difficult,  wooded  country.  At  the  very  hour,  how- 
ever, when  the  allied  arniy  was  painfully  defiling 
within  a  few  miles  of  his  headquarters,  he  was  writ- 
ing these  words  to  Admiral  Korniloff  in  Sebastopol : 
"  Our  further  movements  will  depend  upon  the  posi- 
tion of  the  enemy,  and  it  would  be  therefore  desirable 
to  get,  from  time  to  time,  some  information  from 
Sebastopol  as  to  the  position  of  our  adversaries.  We 
neither  see  nor  hear  anything  of  the  enemy  here." 

Delivered  again  from  peril  by  the  carelessness  of 
their  opponent,  the  allied  generals  pushed  on  their 
columns  toward  Sebastopol.  The  English  occupied 
Balaclava  after  a  bloodless  skirmish  with  its  handful 
of  defenders.  This  was  a  gratifying  success,  as  this 
place  had  already  been  settled  upon  as  the  base  of 
supplies  for  the  army  before  Sebastopol.  Its  harbor 
is  narrow,  surrounded  by  high  hills,  and  so  deep  as  to 
afford  access  to  the  largest  ships.  The  highlands  of 
the  Chersonese,  sloping  off  on  the  north  into  the  har- 
bor of  Sebastopol,  are  traversed  from  Balaclava  by  a 
good  road.  Upon  these  heights,  carpeted  with  green 
grass  and  swept  by  the  pure  sea  breezes,  the  English 
and  French  began  to  establish  themselves.  The  clear 
air  cheered  and  invigorated  the  men,  wasted  by  fa- 
tigue and  the  disease  that  had  followed  them  from  the 
deadly  Bulgarian  coast.  Marshal  St.  Arnaud,  how- 
ever, was  beyond  the  reviving  powers  of  the  sea  winds, 
and  yielding,  like  many  a  lesser  soldier,  to  the  grim 
scourge  of  cholera,  was  soon  overcome  by  the  uni- 


60   THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

versal  conqueror.  He  was  in  ill  health  on  leaving 
France,  and  on  the  day  of  the  Alma  was  barely  able 
to  keep  his  saddle.  On  the  29th  he  was  taken  aboard 
a  French  man-of-war,  where  he  expired  in  a  few 
hours.  General  Canrobert  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  the  French  armies,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  at 
a  most  critical  time.  The  question  of  assaulting  the 
city  was  then  under  discussion.  Lord  Raglan  was  in 
favor  of  an  immediate  attack,  and  entertained  but 
little  doubt  of  its  success.  Canrobert,  however,  was 
opposed,  and  advocated  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
siege  trains,  when  the  place  could  be  reduced  with 
less  waste  of  life. 

Canrobert's  opinion  was  based  upon  sound  military 
grounds  and  prevailed,  but  we  know  at  this  day  that 
had  the  allies  attacked,  either  from  the  north  or  the 
south,  any  time  previous  to  September  29  they  could 
hardly  have  failed  of  success.  The  interval  between 
the  battle  of  the  Alma  and  this  date  was  not  lost  by 
the  defenders  of  the  town.  Thanks  to  the  devotion 
of  soldiers,  seamen,  and  citizens,  inspired  by  the  pa- 
triotic enthusiasm  of  an  admiral,  and  directed  by  the 
splendid  genius  of  a  colonel  of  engineers,  its  defenses 
were  made  well-nigh  impregnable.  The  operations 
of  the  allies  during  the  last  ten  days  of  September 
were  tame  indeed  compared  with  the  stirring  events 
that  occurred  within  Sebastopol.  The  skill,  energy, 
and  unselfish  patriotism  displayed  by  all  classes  of  its 
defenders  certainly  deserve  some  notice. 

II. 

Sebastopol  in  1854  had  a  population  of  45,000,  of 
which  38,000  were  connected  with  the  army  and  navy. 
It  stood  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  roadstead  or 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA.  61 

great  harbor,  a  deep  cut  between  the  hills  extending 
eastward  a  distance  of  three  and  a  half  miles  from  the 
sea  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tchernaya  River.  The  city 
was  separated  from  the  Karabel  suburb  on  the  east 
by  a  branch  of  the  larger  harbor  known  as  the  "  Port " 
of  Sebastopol.  The  main  city  was  traversed  by  broad 
thoroughfares  running  north  and  south,  while  the 
streets  crossing  these  at  right  angles  were  narrower 
and  less  pretentious.  On  the  most  commanding  point 
of  the  city  stood  the  building  known  as  the  Naval 
Library,  a  sort  of  exchange  or  kursaal,  where  the 
officers  of  the  garrison  met  for  business  or  social  in- 
tercourse. The  Karabel  suburb  contained  the  gov- 
ernment storehouses,  barracks,  and  dock-yards.  On 
the  northern  side  of  the  roadstead  opposite  the  city 
there  were  other  military  buildings  covered  by  strong 
sea  forts,  but  almost  unprotected  from  land  attacks. 

Under  the  Emperor  Nicholas  Sebastopol  had  be- 
come strictly  a  naval  port.  The  Black  Sea  fleet  had 
its  headquarters  here,  where  all  the  machinery  and 
supplies  that  would  insure  its  efficiency  were  to  be 
found.  The  docks  were  among  the  finest  in  the  world, 
being  in  many  cases  hewn  out  of  the  solid  cliffs.  To- 
ward the  sea  the  place  had  been  rendered  impregnable 
by  a  chain  of  magnificent  forts  and  batteries.  Against 
land  attacks,  however,  Sebastopol  was  almost  defense- 
less. A  series  of  fortifications  had  been  projected  to 
protect  the  place  on  the  south,  but  little  work  had 
been  accomplished  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war. 

Prince  Menschikoff  steadily  refused  to  credit  the 
idea  that  the  allies  would  attempt  an  invasion  of  the 
Crimea.  He  was  not,  however,  left  without  warnings. 
As  the  Danubian  campaign  approached  its  disastrous 
end,  Prince  Gortschakoff  sent  a  messenger  to  him 


62       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

with  a  letter  calling  his  attention  to  the  immediate 
necessity  of  fortifying  Sebastopol  on  the  landward 
side.  The  letter  also  informed  Menschikoff  that  in 
this  work  of  fortification  the  messenger  would  be 
found  a  valuable  counselor.  This  messenger  was 
Lieutenant-Colonel  de  Todleben  of  the  engineers. 

It  was  the  22d  of  August  when  Todleben  reached 
Sebastopol  with  the  letter  of  his  commander.  He 
was  well  received  by  Menschikoff  until  he  began  to 
urge  too  strenuously  the  fortification  of  the  place. 
Menschikoff  was  still  unconvinced  even  by  Gortscha- 
koff's  warning,  and  it  is  certain  that  Todleben  would 
have  been  dismissed  from  Sebastopol,  had  not  the 
allied  fleet  suddenly  appeared  off  the  coast. 

The  hostile  squadrons  were  first  sighted  on  Septem- 
ber 12.  In  the  harbor  lay  the  Russian  Black  Sea 
fleet,  comprising  about  forty  ships  of  all  classes, 
carrying  1,908  guns,  and  manned  by  18,500  well- 
disciplined  seamen.  Leaving  this  fleet  in  command 
of  Admiral  Korniloff,  his  chief  of  staff,  Menschikoff 
proceeded  to  mass  his  land  forces  on  the  Alma.  All 
the  afternoon  of  the  20th  the  firing  was  plainly  audi- 
ble in  Sebastopol,  and  toward  night  Korniloff  and 
Todleben  rode  out  toward  the  battlefield.  They  met 
the  prince  returning  from  the  scene  of  disaster,  heavy- 
hearted  and  almost  prostrated  with  fatigue.  His  only 
orders  that  night  were  to  sink  some  of  the  ships  across 
the  entrance  of  the  roadstead  to  prevent  the  entry  of 
the  enemy's  fleet.  To  Korniloff,  an  enthusiastic  naval 
officer,  these  were  cruel  orders.  By  dawn  of  the  23d, 
however,  eight  fine  ships  had  been  scuttled,  the  har- 
bor had  been  closed,  and  the  hearts  of  thousands  of 
brave  seamen  had  been  wrung  with  sorrow.  It  was 
on  this  day  that  Menschikoff  came  to  his  extraordi- 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA.  63 

nary  decision  to  withdraw  the  army  and  leave  Sebas- 
topol  to  its  fate.  He  determined  to  move  northeast 
and  gain  possession  of  the  great  road  to  Simpheropol, 
in  order  to  secure  his  communication  with  Russia. 
Against  this  Korniloff  protested,  but  the  prince 
assured  him  of  his  cooperation  against  the  flank  of 
any  enemy  that  threatened  Sebastopol.  On  the  night 
of  the  24th  the  army  withdrew  from  the  town,  Men- 
schikoff  leaving  General  Mbller  in  command  of  the 
handful  of  militia  and  gunners,  Admiral  Nachimoff1 
in  command  of  all  the  seamen  that  had  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  south  side  of  the  roadstead,  while  to 
Korniloff  he  left  the  charge  of  the  forces  on  the 
north  side,  against  which  it  was  believed  the  allies 
would  move. 

The  position  in  which  Sebastopol  was  left  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  army  was  a  desperate  one.  The 
whole  garrison,  including  the  seamen  landed  from 
the  fleet,  comprised  but  16,000  men,  a  force  wholly 
inadequate  to  cope  with  the  allied  armies  behind  half- 
finished  works.  Korniloff,  a  true-hearted,  religious 
patriot,  made  the  best  use  of  his  scanty  means  of  de- 
fense on  the  north  side.  He  encouraged  his  men, 
but  to  the  officers  on  his  staff  he  openly  expressed  his 
hopelessness.  "  From  the  north  side,"  he  declared, 
"  there  is  no  retreat.  All  of  us  who  are  there  will 
also  find  our  graves."  He  carefully  assigned  his  staff 
officers  to  positions  elsewhere.  "  I  should  not  like," 
he  said,  "  to  have  all  fall  with  me."  Colonel  Todle- 
ben  was  scarcely  more  hopeful.  Speaking  of  the 
efforts  made  by  the  garrison,  he  declared  that  "there 
remained  to  them  no  alternative,  but  that  of  seeking 
to  die  gloriously  at  the  post  committed  to  their 
bravery." 

1  This  officer  commanded  the  Russian  fleet  at  Sinope. 


64       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

It  was  about  noon  on  the  25th  that  the  officers  con- 
gregated at  the  Naval  Library  saw  the  allied  armies 
marching  southward  over  the  heights  at  the  head  of 
the  harbor.  It  was  plain  at  a  glance  that  the  north 
side  was  not  to  be  molested.  Korniloff  immediately 
threw  up  the  command  imposed  upon  him  by  Men- 
schikoff,  and  passing  over  to  the  south  side,  offered  his 
services  to  Nachimoff.  Later  a  conference  was  held 
between  Nachimoff,  M  oiler,  Korniloff,  and  Todleben. 
Precedence  of  rank  was  disregarded,  and  influenced 
only  by  motives  of  the  purest  patriotism,  Moller  and 
Nachimoff  offered  the  supreme  command  of  the  Se- 
bastopol  garrison  to  Korniloff.  Korniloff  accepted, 
and  from  that  moment,  shoulder  to  shoulder  with 
Todleben,  for  whom  he  had  conceived  a  great  respect 
and  admiration,  he  pushed  with  all  his  energy  the 
work  of  defense.  Korniloff  inspired  the  men  by  his 
piety  and  enthusiasm,  while  Todleben  turned  the 
energy  thus  awakened  into  the  most  useful  channels. 
The  work  on  the  fortifications  was  pushed  with  the 
most  unremitting  zeal.  Soldiers,  sailors,  citizens,  and 
even  women  toiled  night  and  day  unceasingly.  While 
the  engineer  grew  more  and  more  absorbed  in  the 
vast  system  of  defenses  he  had  planned,  Korniloff 
still  continued  anxious.  Where  was  Menschikoff 
with  the  army?  On  the  26th,  heavy-hearted  and 
harassed  by  many  cares,  he  made  the  entry  in  his 
diary,  "  Of  the  prince  nothing  is  heard."  The  next 
day  he  had  divine  service  performed  in  the  presence 
of  the  soldiers,  and  then  addressed  them  himself. 
"  Let  the  troops,"  he  said,  "  first  be  reminded  of  the 
Word  of  God,  and  then  I  will  impart  to  them  the 
word  of  the  Czar."  That  evening  he  seems  again  to 
have  been  overcome  by  despondency.  "  Of  the  prince 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE  CRIMEA.  65 

nothing  still  is  to  be  heard.  The  evening  passed  in 
gloomy  thoughts  about  the  future  of  Russia." 

On  the  28th  tidings  were  received  from  Menschi- 
koff,  but  he  evinced  little  inclination  to  come  to  the 
aid  of  the  city.  He  merely  wished  to  know  the 
whereabouts  of  the  enemy.  On  the  29th  the  de- 
fenses were  practically  completed,  forming  a  half 
circle  on  the  south  of  the  city,  four  miles  in  length. 
On  the  western  side,  from  north  to  south,  the  three 
salient  points  in  the  lines  became  known  as  the  Land 
Quarantine  Bastion,  the  Central  Bastion,  and  the 
Flagstaff  Bastion.  On  the  east  side  were  three  other 
strong  works,  from  south  to  north,  as  follows :  the 
Redan,  the  Malakoff  Tower,  and  the  Little  Redan.1 
To  arm  these  fortifications  the  ships  were  dismantled, 
and  their  great  guns  brought  ashore.  The  seamen 
likewise  were  transferred  to  the  land  service,  but  even 
with  this  addition  Korniloff  knew  that  the  presence 
of  trained  troops  was  a  necessity  of  the  situation. 

On  the  30th  Prince  Menschikoff  himself  appeared 
on  the  north  side  of  the  harbor,  and  had  an  interview 
with  Korniloff,  whom  he  found  in  command  of  the 
place.  He  reiterated  his  intention  to  keep  his  army 
aloof,  upon  which  Korniloff,  hot  with  patriotic  rage, 
retorted,  "  If  that  takes  place,  then  farewell  to  Sebas- 
topol !  "  The  entry  that  night  in  Korniloff's  diary 
shows  that  he  was  brooding  over  the  strange  policy 
of  the  prince.  "  To  hold  Sebastopol  with  troops  is 
very  possible  ;  nay,  it  is  possible  even  to  hold  out  long, 
but  without  troops  —  that  alters  the  case !  " 

Korniloff's  retort  had  induced  Menschikoff  to  call 
a  council  of  war,  and  upon  hearing  this  Korniloff 

1  These  are  the  names  by  which  they  were  known  to  the  allies  and 
to  the  world. 


66       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

determined  upon  presenting  there  a  written  protest. 
Upon  being  informed  of  this  Menschikoff  weakened. 
Whatever  the  motives  that  were  inducing  him  to 
pursue  his  extraordinary  tactics,  he  was  not  prepared 
to  let  this  emphatic  paper  pass  under  the  eye  of  the 
Czar.  He  yielded  before  the  council  met,  and  de- 
tached twelve  battalions  from  his  field  army  to  the 
assistance  of  the  garrison.  Korniloff  and  Todleben 
could  now  breathe  freely  for  a  time,  for  on  October  6 
25,000  soldiers  and  13,000  seamen  were  ready  for  the 
defense  of  the  town.  The  energy  of  the  defenders 
never  flagged ;  and  when  on  the  17th  of  October  the 
allies  opened  their  bombardment,  they  were  enabled 
to  return  a  fire  of  equal  power.  At  early  dawn  the 
French  batteries  opened  against  the  western  defenses, 
the  English  against  the  lines  on  the  east,  while  from 
the  sea  the  men-of-war  trained  their  broadsides  upon 
the  coast  forts.  Shortly  after  ten  o'clock  the  French 
batteries  were  silenced  by  the  explosion  of  a  powder 
magazine,  'nor  was  their  fire  resumed  during  the  day. 
Korniloff  was  early  on  horseback,  riding  from 
work  to  work,  watching  the  progress  of  the  contest, 
and  encouraging  the  gunners  at  their  toil.  His  course 
could  be  traced  from  a  distance  by  the  "  hurrahs " 
that  greeted  him  as  he  passed  along.  He  had  an  eye 
for  everything.  At  one  moment  he  was  directing  the 
care  of  the  wounded,  at  another  superintending  the 
transfer  of  some  regiment  to  a  place  of  greater  secu- 
rity, at  another  arranging  for  the  transportation  of 
water  to  the  men  at  the  front.  He  exposed  his  life 
almost  recklessly,  and  was  often  on  the  parapets 
among  the  screaming  shot,  peering  through  the  smoke 
to  detect,  if  possible,  the  effect  of  the  Russian  fire. 
It  was  in  vain  that  his  officers  entreated  him  to  cau- 


THE  INVASION  OF  THE   CRIMEA.  67 

tion.  To  one  he  replied,  "  What  will  the  soldiers  say 
of  me  if  they  do  not  see  me  to-day  ?  "  to  another,  with 
a  smile,  "  You  can  never  run  away  from  a  shot."  Just 
before  noon,  as  he  was  leaving  the  Malakoff  Tower, 
he  was  struck  down  by  a  cannon  ball.  "  Now,  gen- 
tlemen," he  said  to  the  officers  who  thronged  about 
him,  "  I  leave  you  to  defend  Sebastopol.  Do  not  sur- 
render it."  He  was  carried  to  the  hospital,  where  he 
lived  for  a  short  time  in  great  pain.  "  Tell  all,"  he 
said,  "  it  is  sweet  to  die  when  the  conscience  is  at 
rest;"  then,  as  the  roar  of  the  bombardment  fell  upon 
his  ears,  he  prayed  again  and  again,  "  O  God !  bless 
Eussia  and  the  emperor.  Save  Sebastopol  and  the 
fleet."  An  orderly  came  into  the  apartment  with 
the  tidings  that  the  English  guns  were  being  silenced. 
Korniloff,  summoning  all  his  strength,  cried  out, 
"  Hurrah !  hurrah ! "  and  a  few  moments  later  ex- 
pired. 

All  unconscious  of  Korniloff 's  death,  the  Russian 
gunners  still  toiled  at  their  heated  pieces ;  and  when 
darkness  began  to  fall  it  was  plain  that  the  allied 
attack  had  been  a  failure.  The  ships  were  withdraw- 
ing, and  the  English  guns  alone  were  left  to  maintain 
the  unequal  contest.  No  assault  had  been  attempted, 
and  Todleben  still  lived  to  direct  the  defense.  The 
Russian  people  regard  their  prolonged  and  resolute 
defense  of  Sebastopol  with  pride,  but  they  look  upon 
it  as  something  more  than  a  common  honor  to  have 
been  numbered  in  the  garrison  during  this  brief, 
heroic  period  of  Korniloff's  command. 


CHAPTER  VH. 

BALACLAVA   AND   INKERMANN. 

THE  ALLIED  POSITIONS  OK  THE  CHERSONESE.  —  FAILURE  OF  THEIR 
BOMBARDMENT.  —  THE  ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  THE  FALL  OF  SEBAS- 
TOPOL  IN  LONDON.  —  EFFECT  OF  THIS  REPORT  UPON  THE  ARMIES. 
—  CHAGRIN  OF  LORD  RAGLAN.  —  THE  SIEGE  OF  SEBASTOPOL 
BEGINS. — ITS  PECULIAR  CHARACTER.  —  THE  RUSSIAN  FIELD  ARMY 
ASSUMES  THE  OFFENSIVE.  —  BATTLE  OF  BALACLAVA  AND  CHARGE 
OF  THE  LIGHT  BRIGADE.  —  RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE.  —  THE 
BATTLE  OF  INKERMANN.  —  ITS  IRREGULAR  CHARACTER  AND  ITS 
RESULTS.  —  THE  GREAT  HURRICANE.  —  TERRIBLE  SUFFERING 
AND  LOSSES  OF  THE  ALLIES.  —  PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  FRANCE  AND 
ENGLAND  CONCERNING  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

THE  allied  positions  south  of  Sebastopol  formed  a 
half  circle.  The  French  held  the  lines  on  the  west, 
from  a  point  nearly  south  of  the  formidable  Russian 
work  known  as  the  Redan.  The  English  positions 
extended  from  the  Redan  to  Mt.  Inkermann,  over- 
looking the  Tchernaya  a  short  distance  above  its 
confluence  with  the  harbor  of  Sebastopol.  General 
Canrobert's  judgment  having  prevailed,  intrenching 
was  pushed  during  the  first  weeks  of  October,  while 
heavy  guns  were  brought  up  from  the  coast.  The 
confidence  of  the  allied  commanders  in  the  success  of 
their  bombardment  increased  with  every  day,  and 
when  on  the  17th  the  batteries  opened  fire,  the  least 
sanguine  were  inclined  to  limit  the  Muscovite  defense 
to  three  days.  By  the  night  of  the  17th  not  only  had 
this  confidence  disappeared,  but  all  hope  of  reducing 


BALACLAVA   AND  INKERMANN.  69 

the  place  with  artillery  had  gone  down  with  the  sun. 
The  naval  and  military  commanders  were  compelled 
to  admit  that  they  had  made  no  serious  impression 
upon  the  Russian  works,  while  they  had  received  a 
return  fire  at  once  vigorous  and  destructive.  The 
next  day  the  bombardment  was  renewed,  and  indeed 
it  was  not  finally  relinquished  until  the  25th ;  but 
after  the  first  day  of  fruitless  powder  burning,  no 
decisive  results  were  looked  for. 

On  the  18th  a  mail  arrived  from  England  with 
London  papers  enthusiastically  announcing  "  the 
fall  of  Sebastopol."  To  the  men  on  the  shot-swept 
ridges  of  the  Chersonese  these  glowing  and  ill-founded 
accounts  were  the  most  cruel  mockeries.  Said  "  The 
Times  :  "  "  The  latest  dispatches  received  from  our 
correspondents  at  Vienna  and  Paris  remove  all  doubt 
as  to  the  triumph  of  the  allied  armies,  and  the  reality 
of  the  most  splendid  achievement  of  modern  warfare, 
an  exploit  alike  unequaled  in  magnitude,  in  rapidity, 
and  in  its  results.  It  may  now  be  confidently  stated 
that  the  forts  of  Sebastopol  fell  successively  before 
the  combined  forces  of  the  assailants  ;  that  at  least 
half  of  the  Russian  fleet  perished ;  that  the  flags  of 
the  allies  were  waving  on  the  Church  of  St.  Vladimir, 
and  that,  on  the  26th  at  latest,  Prince  Menschikoff 
surrendered  the  place.  The  battles  are  over,  and  the 
victory  is  won.  .  .  .  Never  since  the  days  of  Napoleon, 
we  may  almost  say  since  the  days  of  Caesar,  has  an 
exploit  of  arms  been  attended  with  such  entire,  or 
such  instantaneous,  success.  The  arrival,  the  sight, 
and  the  conquest  form  parts  of  one  and  the  same 
event.  The  final  triumph  followed  close  on  the  first 
disembarkation ;  and  all  the  anticipated  incidents  of 
an  arduous  campaign  —  marches,  battles,  sieges,  and 


70       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

stormings  —  have  been  crowded  into  a  single  impulse 
of  onslaught  and  victory.1 

So  spake  "  The  Times,"  and  from  the  perusal  of 
such  pompous  exultations  the  British  soldier  turned 
again  to  the  reality  about  him,  the  air  screaming  with 
Russian  missiles  and  the  wounded  passing  to  the  rear. 
Lord  Raglan  was  deeply  chagrined  and  mortified 
that  such  a  rumor  should  have  been  circulated  as 
truth  in  England.  On  the  day  of  the  receipt  of  the 
mail  he  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  as  follows : 
"  I  cannot  but  deplore  the  ready  credence  which  has 
been  given  by  the  public  in  England  to  the  announce- 
ment in  the  newspapers  of  the  capture  of  Sebastopol ; 
and  indeed  it  is  an  injustice  to  our  troops  to  view  the 
accomplishment  of  the  enterprise  as  an  easy  opera- 
tion, and  with  the  full  determination  to  do  everything 
to  insure  success,  I  must  still  regard  it  as  one  of 
extreme  difficulty,  and  of  no  great  certainty." 

With  the  abandonment  of  the  idea  of  the  speedy 
reduction  of  Sebastopol  the  allies  entered  upon  "  the 
siege,"  —  a  siege,  however,  in  which  at  times,  they 
themselves  were  the  besieged.  By  the  middle  of  Octo- 
ber, as  we  have  noticed,  Sebastopol  was  garrisoned  by 
a  force  sufficiently  large  to  insure  a  stout  defense  of 
all  its  works.  The  allied  forces  at  the  same  time,  in- 
cluding seamen  and  marines  from  the  fleet,  comprised 
40,000  French,  25,000  English,  and  11,000  Turks. 
The  Sebastopol  garrison  was  left  free  to  communicate 

1  Mention  of  this  false  rumor  is  found  in  Prosper  Me'rime'e's  Let- 
ters to  an  Incognita.  Writing  from  Vienna,  he  says :  "  We  are 
agitated  by  news  from  the  Crimea.  Is  Sebastopol  taken  ?  It  is  be- 
lieved so  here ;  and  the  Austrians,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  ancient 
families  who  are  Russian  at  heart,  congratulate  us.  God  grant  that 
the  news  may  not  be  an  invention  such  as  the  telegraph  delights  in 
when  at  leisure." 


BALACLAVA   AND  INKERMANN.  71 

with  Russia,  and  open  at  all  times  to  the  receipt  of 
supplies  and  reinforcements.  In  other  words,  unless 
the  allies  could  render  Sebastopol  untenable  by  direct 
assault  or  the  power  of  their  bombardment,  its  gar- 
rison had  nothing  to  fear.  The  4th  Russian  army 
corps,  which  had  been  detained  on  the  Bessarabian 
frontier  through  fear  of  the  Austrians  in  the  princi- 
palities, was  moved  to  the  south  when  it  became  evi- 
dent that  the  Kaiser's  government  was  not  for  war. 
As  a  result,  the  Sebastopol  garrison  was  again  rein- 
forced, while  it  was  assisted  furthermore  by  the 
appearance  of  the  field  army  which  Menschikoff  so 
long  and  fatally  mismanaged.  With  the  Sebastopol 
garrison  nearly  equal  in  numbers  to  the  hostile  force 
on  the  Chersonese,  and  in  perfect  communication  with 
a  field  army  of  considerable  strength,  the  difficulty  of 
settling  at  all  times  the  question  as  to  who  was  be- 
sieged will  be  readily  appreciated. 

On  the  25th  of  October  the  Russian  field  army 
under  General  Liprandi,  comprising  about  25,000 
men  of  all  arms,  advanced  from  the  northeast  and 
east  for  a  demonstration  against  Balaclava.  It  was 
early  morning  when  their  movements  were  first  de- 
scried, and  much  later  when  Lord  Raglan  learned  the 
fact  and  ordered  two  infantry  divisions  down  to  the 
plain  for  the  protection  of  the  threatened  point.  The 
town  itself  was  covered  by  the  guns  of  an  English 
frigate,  and  garrisoned  by  a  force  of  marines  and 
artillery.  On  the  north,  a  short  distance  from  the 
village  of  Kadikoi,  was  the  camp  of  the  93d  High- 
landers, while  the  advanced  line  of  defenses  on  the 
Causeway  heights,  which  cross  the  plain  from  east  to 
west,  was  held  by  the  Turks.  Against  these  latter 
works,  preceding  their  action  by  a  heavy  artillery  fire, 


72       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

the  Russians  moved  in  overwhelming  numbers.  The 
Turks,  finding  themselves  unsupported  and  their  line 
of  retreat  threatened,  were  seized  with  a  panic  and 
abandoned  their  guns.  With  the  capture  of  these 
redoubts  the  affair  might  have  ended  but  for  a  chain 
of  accidents  that  precipitated  more  useless  carnage. 

Upon  the  flight  of  the  Turks,  a  portion  of  the  Eng- 
lish heavy  cavalry  brigade,  under  General  Scarlett, 
moved  from  its  position  near  the  western  base  of 
the  Causeway  heights  in  a  southeasterly  direction  to 
cover  Balaclava.  At  the  same  time  a  heavy  column 
of  Russian  cavalry,  advancing  from  the  northeast, 
passed  over  the  Causeway  heights  and  down  the 
southern  slope,  toward  the  plain  where  the  English 
cavalry  were  marching.  Notwithstanding  his  great 
inferiority  in  numbers  (he  had  but  300  men)  Scar- 
lett charged  the  Russians  furiously,  overthrowing 
them  by  the  mere  impetus  of  his  onset.  The  discom- 
fited troops  fell  back  over  the  ridge,  and  again  the 
fighting  seemed  over. 

At  this  time  the  Russians  still  held  in  force  the 
Causeway  heights  and  the  Fedioukine  Hills  across 
the  valley  on  the  north.  At  the  eastern  end  of  this 
valley  their  discomfited  cavalry  halted  and  reformed 
under  the  protection  of  some  batteries  of  horse  artil- 
lery. At  the  western  end  of  the  valley,  under  the 
heights  of  the  Chersonese,  stood  the  English  light  bri- 
gade, nearly  700  strong,  under  Lord  Cardigan,  which 
up  to  this  time  had  not  been  engaged.  Lord  Raglan, 
from  his  commanding  position  on  the  Chersonese, 
thought  he  detected  signs  of  withdrawal  among  the 
Russians  on  the  Causeway  ridge.  Anxious,  if  possi- 
ble, to  recover  the  guns  lost  by  the  Turks  in  the  morn- 
ing, he  forwarded  by  Captain  Nolan  an  order  to  the 


BALACLAVA  AND  INKERMANN.  73 

Earl  of  Lucan  commanding  the  cavalry  division  as 
follows :  "  Lord  Raglan  wishes  the  cavalry  to  advance 
rapidly  to  the  front  and  try  to  prevent  the  enemy 
carrying  away  the  guns.  Troop  of  horse  artillery 
may  accompany.  French  cavalry  is  on  your  left." 
Lord  Lucan,  it  seems,  protested  against  the  move- 
ment in  Nolan's  hearing.  He  asked  him  where  and 
what  he  should  attack.  Nolan's  reply  was  not  a 
model  of  military  respect ;  he  asserted  that  Lord 
Eaglan's  orders  were  positive,  and  as  he  rode  away, 
it  is  said,  pointed  up  the  valley,  at  the  farther  end  of 
which  the  Russian  guns  were  located.1  "  The  guns  " 
that  Lord  Raglan  meant  were  the  captured  ones  on 
the  Causeway  heights,  and  this  had  been  clearly  des- 
ignated to  Lucan  in  a  former  order.  In  some  way, 
however,  the  orders  became  hopelessly  jumbled  in  the 
process  of  conveyance  from  Lord  Raglan  to  Lord 
Cardigan,  the  general  commanding  the  light  brigade. 
Cardigan  certainly  failed  to  comprehend  that  any 
other  guns  were  meant  than  those  of  the  batteries  in 
the  valley.  Exposed  the  whole  distance  to  a  murder- 
ous flanking  fire,  few  of  his  gallant  corps  reached  the 
hostile  guns.  Some  indeed  penetrated  beyond  and 
crossed  swords  with  the  supporting  cavalry,  but  in 
fifteen  minutes  from  the  moment  that  the  brigade 
had  left  its  position  the  scattered  survivors  were 
streaming  back  toward  their  rendezvous.  The  corps 
might  have  been  utterly  destroyed  but  for  the  timely 
and  brilliant  charge  of  the  French  4th  Chasseurs 
d'Afrique  against  the  Fedioukine  Hills.  This  tem- 
porarily demoralized  the  Russian  artillery  stationed 

1  This  is  Lord  Lucan's  description  of  what  passed  between  Nolan 
and  himself.  Nolan  accompanied  the  brigade,  and  was  the  first  man 
killed. 


74       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

there,  and  left  the  valley  comparatively  clear  for  the 
retreat  of  the  light  brigade.1 

The  Chersonese  heights  were  thronged  with  mili- 
tary spectators  gazing  down  upon  the  battlefield.  In 
fact,  the  cavalry  manreuvred  all  day  under  the  eyes 
of  some  of  the  keenest  military  critics  in  Europe. 
Perhaps  the  day's  work  showed  that  English  cavalry 
generals  did  not  know  how  to  handle  their  men,  but 
the  bold  ride  of  the  light  brigade  through  that  tem- 
pest of  plunging  cannon-shot  proved  that  the  men 
knew  how  to  handle  themselves.  The  French  gen- 
eral Bosquet  appreciated  the  affair  in  all  its  phases 
when  he  exclaimed,  "  C'est  magnifique ;  mais  ce  n'est 
pas  la  guerre." 

Who  was  to  blame  for  the  charge  of  the  light 
brigade  ?  To  this  day  opinions  differ  as  to  where  the 
weight  of  responsibility  should  lie.  This  much  is  cer- 
tain, that  Lord  Lucan,  Lord  Cardigan,  Lord  Raglan, 
and  the  memory  of  Captain  Nolan,  who  fell  in  the 
charge,  have  all  suffered  in  consequence.  Further- 
more, it  cost  Lord  Lucan  his  command. 

The  results  of  the  battle  of  Balaclava,  aside  from 
the  disputes  it  engendered  in  English  military  circles, 
were  the  loss  of  the  Woronzoff  road  to  the  allies,  the 
practical  blockade  of  the  English  in  Balaclava,  and 
the  earning  of  a  great  prestige  for  the  English  cav- 
alry soldier. 

This  October  skirmish  proved  but  the  prelude  to  the 
grand  effort  of  the  Russians  to  break  the  allied  hold 
upon  the  Chersonese.  On  the  evening  of  November 

1  The  light  brigade  out  of  673  men  lost  247  killed  and  wounded. 
Only  195  horses  escaped.  The  English  losses  in  the  day's  fighting 
were  about  600  men,  the  French  and  Turks  losing  200  more.  The 
Russian  casualties  amounted  to  600  men  killed  and  wounded. 


BALACLAVA   AND  INKERMANN.  75 

4th  the  English  pickets  on  Mt.  Inkerinann  were  warned 
that  some  unusual  event  was  taking  place  among  the 
Russians  from  the  clanging  of  the  Sebastopol  bells 
that  was  borne  along  to  them  on  the  wind.  The  even- 
ing being  rainy,  nothing  could  be  seen ;  and  as  dawn 
approached,  the  fog  rising  from  the  dripping  valleys 
settled  down  upon  the  Chersonese  like  a  pall.  It 
was  scarcely  light  when  the  rattle  of  musketry  and 
the  scream  of  shells  announced  to  the  astonished  pick- 
ets that  the  Russians  were  upon  them.  Bewildered 
by  the  suddenness  of  the  attack,  the  English  camps 
sprang  quickly  into  life.  There  was  no  tune  to  form, 
and  in  broken  detachments  the  half -awakened  soldiers 
moved  forward  through  the  mist  to  where  the  uproar 
told  them  that  the  enemy  was  attacking.  Colonels 
lost  their  regiments,  captains  their  companies,  while 
officers  were  found  in  the  ranks  that  day,  armed  with 
rifles.  In  fact,  during  the  battle  of  Inkerinann,  from 
the  moment  when  the  Russian  shells  began  to  cleave 
the  fog  until  the  hour  when  the  last  dropping  fire 
was  dying  away,  there  was  absolutely  no  system  in 
the  English  defense. 

On  the  Russian  side  the  scheme  of  attack  was 
boldly  conceived  and  bravely,  if  clumsily,  executed. 
The  movement  against  Mt.  Inkermann  was  confided 
to  General  Dannenburg.  One  column,  under  General 
Soimonoff  moved  up  from  the  Karabel  suburb  through 
the  Careenage  ravine,  while  another,  under  General 
Pauloff,  attacked  from  the  Tchernaya  valley  on  the 
north.  Prince  Gortschakoff 1  with  22,000  men  oc- 
cupied the  Tchernaya  valley  toward  Kadikoi,  with 
orders  to  move  upon  the  Chersonese  when  the  English 
grip  upon  Mt.  Inkermann  had  been  broken.  An- 
1  Prince  Peter  Gortscbakoff. 


76       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

other  force  under  General  Timofeieff  was  detailed  to 
create  a  diversion  from  Sebastopol  against  the  French 
left.  Owing  to  Dannenburg's  failure  to  make  any 
serious  impression  upon  the  Inkermann  position, 
Gortschakoff's  troops  remained  inactive  through  the 
day.1  The  Russians  engaged  against  Mt.  Inker- 
mann comprised  nearly  40,000  men,2  and  to  them 
were  opposed  8,000  English  and  6,000  Frenchmen. 
Owing  to  the  dense  mist,  it  is  doubtful  if  at  the  time 
the  allies  had  any  idea  of  the  vast  odds  against  which 
they  were  contending,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is 
clear  that  the  Russians  wholly  failed  to  comprehend 
the  weakness  of  the  forces  opposing  them.  The 
great  numerical  superiority  of  the  Russians  was 
largely  neutralized  by  the  unfavorable  character  of 
the  ground,  which  prevented  the  cooperation  of  their 
columns  3  and  allowed  the  allies  to  fight  on  a  narrow 
front.  General  SoVmonoff's  death  early  in  the  action 
paralyzed  the  Russian  right  column,  nor  was  it  rallied 
again  during  the  day.  The  battle  swayed  to  and  fro 
upon  the  heights  during  the  early  hours  of  the  morn- 
ing, and  the  French  regiments  arrived  not  a  moment 
too  soon.  At  noon  the  Russians  practically  relin- 
quished the  struggle,  retiring  all  along  the  line  by 
order  of  General  Dannenburg. 

The  battle  of  Inkermann  cost  the  British  in  killed 
and  wounded  nearly  2,600  men,  while  the  French 
losses  aggregated  nearly  1,800.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Russian  losses  have  been  computed  as  between 
eleven  and  twelve  thousand.  This  unequal  showing 

1  This  inaction  is  alluded  to  by  Todleben  in  an  uncomplimentary 
manner. 

2  34,835  according  to  Todleben. 

8  It  is  questionable  if  the  Russians  had  20,000  men  engaged  at 
any  one  time. 


BALACLAVA   AND  INKERMANN.  11 

at  least  reflects  credit  upon  the  stolid  bravery  of  the 
poorly  armed  Russian  soldier. 

In  England  Inkermann  became  renowned  as  "  the 
soldiers'  battle."  The  private  soldiers  took  the  affair 
in  charge  and  fought  it  through,  unhampered  by 
"generalship."  They  demonstrated  the  fact  that 
forty  years  of  enervating  peace  had  failed  to  eradicate 
from  the  national  character  those  indomitable  qualities 
that  rendered  Wellington's  squares  impregnable  on 
the  slopes  of  Mt.  St.  Jean.1 

Prince  Menschikoff  was  bitterly  disappointed  over 
the  failure  of  his  crowning  effort  to  crush  his  foes. 
Had  his  troops  succeeded  in  getting  a  permanent  foot- 
hold on  the  Inkermann  heights,  the  allied  situation 
could  have  been  nothing  less  than  desperate.  The 
defeat  at  Inkermann  dissipated  his  last  hope  of  gain- 
ing a  position  on  the  Chersonese  before  winter. 

Relieved  in  a  measure  by  their  victory  from  the 
danger  of  Russian  aggression,  the  allies  found  them- 
selves called  upon  to  confront  other  trials  and  hard- 
ships. Winter  was  approaching,  and  the  management 
of  the  Russian  campaign  was  slowly  drifting  into  the 
hands  of  those  two  merciless  chieftains,  "  Janvier 
and  Fevrier."  2  The  blue  sky  had  become  murky,  the 
bright  expanse  of  the  Euxine  a  leaden  gray.  The 
grassy  slopes  of  the  Chersonese  were  transformed 
into  slippery  mire,  while  the  white  city  of  Sebastopol 
appeared  black  and  forbidding  through  drifting 
clouds  of  fog.  Everything  was  cheerless  and  gloomy. 
Rain  fell  incessantly,  and  the  road  from  Balaclava  to 

1  The  battle  of  Inkermann  demonstrated  the  force  of  the  remark 
attributed  to  Marshal  8oult,  "  The  British  infantry  is  the  finest  in 
the  world,  but  I  thank  God  there  is  n't  much  of  it." 

2  The  Emperor  Nicholas  used  to  say  that  Russia  had  two  generals 
upon  whom  she  could  always  rely,  "Janvier  aud  Fe'vrier." 


78       THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE.  • 

the  camps  became  a  slough,  in  which  men  waded  and 
supply  wagons  floundered  and  collapsed.  Notwith- 
standing these  surroundings,  up  to  November  14  the 
tents  were  fairly  dry  and  habitable.  On  this  day, 
however,  during  the  early  morning  hours  a  great  hur- 
ricane arose.  It  was  accompanied  at  first  with  tor- 
rents of  rain,  which  diminished  toward  dawn,  as  the 
wind  increased  in  violence.  The  furious  blast  roared 
through  the  camps,  literally  sweeping  away  the  tents. 
The  men  came  staggering  in  from  their  fatiguing 
duties  in  the  trenches  to  find  their  habitations  gone, 
and  their  belongings  scattered  for  miles  over  the  miry 
plains.  The  hospital  tents  went  with  the  rest,  and 
the  sick  as  well  as  the  strong  were  left  unprotected 
in  the  gale. 

To  the  men  on  the  ships  at  Balaclava  and  all  along 
the  coast  it  was  a  trying  time.  The  seas,  beating  in 
at  Balaclava  harbor,  brought  huge  masses  of  floating 
debris  that  told  of  destruction  among  the  shipping 
outside.  When  the  gale  subsided  it  was  found  that 
between  forty  and  fifty  vessels  had  been  wrecked  or 
disabled  and  1,000  lives  lost.  Eleven  transports  were 
lost  and  with  them  vast  amounts  of  supplies,  including 
ammunition,  medical  stores,  and  warm  clothing  for 
the  troops.  The  Henri  Quatre,  the  finest  ship  in 
the  French  navy,  was  driven  ashore  near  Eupatoria. 
The  losses  suffered  by  the  allies  through  this  disas- 
trous freak  of  nature  could  not  be  reckoned  in  gold. 
The  men  on  the  heights  found  themselves  almost  shel- 
terless, with  nothing  but  their  ragged  summer  uni- 
forms to  protect  them  from  the  wintry  blasts.  To 
add  to  their  misery  cholera  broke  out  again  with  re- 
newed severity,  and  the  dismal  scenes  of  Bidgaria 
were  repeated.  The  rain  was  superseded  by  sleet  and 


BALACLAVA   AND  INKERMANN.  79 

snow,  and  portions  of  the  trenches  were  knee-deep 
with  icy  water.  Fuel  was  scarce,  and  provender  for 
the  animals  as  well.  The  horses  died  in  great  num- 
bers, and  their  carcasses  festered  on  the  plains  until 
they  sank  out  of  sight  in  the  mire  or  were  devoured 
by  the  hungry  dogs  which  infested  the  camps. 

Meanwhile  in  England  the  people  were  wrought 
up  to  a  high  pitch  of  rage  and  disgust,  and  it  was 
asserted  on  all  hands  that  the  war  had  been  an  un- 
mitigated failure.  The  contradiction  of  the  fictitious 
statement  of  the  fall  of  Sebastopol  was  the  first  blow 
to  the  calm  assurance  that  had  existed  before.  To 
make  matters  worse,  the  Baltic  fleet,  of  which  so  much 
had  been  expected,  returned  after  an  experience  re- 
sembling that  of  the  king  of  France  who  marched 
up  the  hill  and  down  again.  The  details  of  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  soldiers,  resulting  from  the  total  inca- 
pacity of  the  medical  and  commissary  departments, 
stirred  the  popular  feeling  almost  to  frenzy.  Miss 
Florence  Nightingale,  a  lady  of  vast  experience  in 
hospital  affairs,  was  induced  by  the  government  to  go 
to  the  East  and  supervise  personally  a  reform  in  the 
wretched  state  of  affairs  existing  in  the  Crimea  and 
at  Scutari.  This  move  allayed  but  little  the  public 
discontent.  Parliament  met  just  before  Christmas, 
and  a  motion  to  investigate  the  management  of  the 
war  was  carried  by  a  large  majority.  As  a  result 
Lord  Aberdeen's  government  went  out  of  office,  and 
it  devolved  upon  Lord  Palmerston  to  form  a  new  one. 

It  was  the  habit  of  the  English  people  during  these 
times  to  exalt  the  French  military  establishment  as  a 
model  for  their  government  to  follow.  The  French 
people  naturally  became  magnificently  conceited  over 
their  admitted  superiority.  Perhaps  the  different 


80        THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

estimate  in  England  and  France  in  regard  to  the  state 
of  their  military  affairs  was  owing  somewhat  to  the 
measure  in  which  free  speech  was  allowed  in  the  two 
countries.  In  England  every  weakness  in  the  army 
was  ruthlessly  exposed  by  an  unhampered  press.  In 
France  disagreeable  facts  were  smothered,  or  so  per- 
verted by  a  cringing  press  as  to  suit  the  ends  of  a 
government  whose  existence  depended  upon  success. 


CHAPTER  VIH. 

THE  FALL   OF   SEBASTOPOL. 

DEATH  OF  THE  CZAR  NICHOLAS.  —  SARDINIA  JOINS  THE  WESTERN 
ALLIANCE.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  ALLIES  BEFORE  SEBASTOPOL.  — 
PELISSIER  SUCCEEDS  CANROBERT  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE  FRENCH 
ARMY.  —  THE  JUNE  BOMBARDMENT  AND  FIRST  ASSAULT.  —  CAP- 
TURE OF  THE  MAMELON  BY  THE  FRENCH.  —  FAILURE  OF  THE  SEC- 
OND ASSAULT.  —  DEATH  OF  LORD  RAGLAN.  —  DESPERATE  CONDI- 
TION OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  TODLEBEN  WOUNDED.  —  THE  RUSSIANS 

DEFEATED  ON  THE  TcHERNAYA. THE  GREAT  ALLIED  ASSAULT 

IN  SEPTEMBER.  —  THE  FRENCH  CARRY  THE  MALAKOFF.  — EVACU- 
ATION AND  BURNING  OF  SEBASTOPOL.  —  PRINCE  GORTSCHAKOFF's 

ESTIMATE  OF  THE  DEFENSE.  —  THE  FRENCH  EMPEROR  AND  THE 
CZAR  DESIRE  PEACE. — THE  CONGRESS  OF  PARIS.  — SIGNATURE 
OF  PEACE.  —  RESULTS  OF  THE  WAR.  —  SARDINIA  THE  ONLY 
GAINER. 

Two  events  of  deep  import  to  Europe  opened  the 
year  1855.  The  first  was  the  death  of  the  emperor 
of  Russia,  the  other  the  entrance  of  Sardinia  into  the 
Western  Alliance. 

The  death  of  the  Czar  occurred  on  the  2d  of  March. 
The  battle  of  the  Alma  was  his  deathblow,  and  after 
that  all  hope  forsook  him.  The  window  of  his  sick- 
room commanded  the  stately  splendor  of  his  capital, 
but  his  mind  still  retained  the  vision  of  the  hostile 
fleet  before  Cronstadt,  his  ear  seemed  to  catch  the 
low  moan  of  his  suffering  people,  and  the  ominous 
roar  of  the  Sebastopol  cannon.  Upon  realizing  that 
his  end  was  near,  he  dictated  the  telegram  for  trans- 
mission to  the  country,  "  The  emperor  is  dying."  On 


82   THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

the  2d  of  March  he  delivered  these  parting  words  to 
his  son  and  successor :  "  All  my  care,  all  my  endeavors, 
have  been  directed  for  Russia's  welfare.  I  was  anx- 
ious to  continue  to  labor  so  that  I  might  leave  you 
the  empire  steadfast  and  orderly,,  safe  against  dan- 
gers from  without,  thoroughly  prosperous,  and  at 
peace.  But  you  see  at  what  a  time  and  under  what 
circumstances  I  am  dying.  God  has  willed  it  so. 
You  will  find  the  burden  hard  to  bear."  A  few 
hours  later,  with  a  simple  prayer  upon  his  lips,  the 
broken-hearted  emperor  passed  away. 

It  was  not  apparent  to  the  superficial  observer  what 
interest  Sardinia,  one  of  the  smallest  of  European 
states,  could  have  in  the  Eastern  Question,  but  com- 
ing forward  at  a  critical  time,  her  aid  was  not  to  be 
despised.  On  the  26th  of  January  King  Victor  Em- 
manuel signed  at  Turin  the  treaty  that  bound  him  to 
furnish  15,000  men  for  service  against  Russia.  Early 
in  the  spring  the  first  detachments  sailed  for  the 
Crimea,  and  a  few  weeks  later,  under  the  command  of 
General  La  Marmora,  were  in  camp  side  by  side  with 
the  soldiers  of  two  of  the  great  European  powers. 

The  first  military  movements  of  the  year  1855  oc- 
curred at  Eupatoria,  where  Omar  Pasha,  in  an  in- 
trenched position,  worsted  a  Russian  force  sent  from 
Sebastopol  to  dislodge  him.  This  affair  concluded 
Menschikoff's  long  season  of  mismanagement  in  the 
Crimea  and  threw  the  burden  of  the  Russian  leader- 
ship upon  Prince  Gortschakoff,  who  had  directed  the 
Danubian  campaign. 

Meanwhile  the  siege  of  Sebastopol  was  being  ac- 
tively pushed  by  the  allies.  By  the  first  of  March 
the  hospitals  were  thoroughly  renovated,  the  English 
commissariat  overhauled,  and  the  thinned  ranks  rein- 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  83 

forced.  The  severity  of  the  winter  had  been  favora- 
ble to  the  allies,  inasmuch  as  by  rendering  the  roads 
impassable  it  checked  the  flow  of  Russian  reinforce- 
ments and  supplies.  During  January,  February,  and 
March  skirmishing  frequently  occurred,  but  as  the 
allies  pushed  their  siege  lines  nearer  to  the  Russian 
defenses,  the  genius  and  ceaseless  activity  of  Todleben 
foiled  them  at  every  turn.  New  redoubts  sprang  up 
in  their  front  as  if  by  magic,  to  sweep  their  path  with 
"mitrail."1  On  the  9th  of  April  the  second  bom- 
bardment of  Sebastopol  was  undertaken.  It  was  a 
repetition  of  the  events  of  the  preceding  fall,  and  on 
the  night  of  the  20th,  when  the  firing  ceased,  nothing 
had  been  accomplished. 

On  May  16  General  Canrobert  resigned  his  com- 
mand in  consequence  of  ill  health.2  The  French 
army  at  this  time  numbered  120,000  men.  The  Eng- 
lish strength,  which  during  the  winter  months  had 
fallen  as  low  as  12,000,  had  been  restored  to  nearly 
30,000.  Beside  these  there  were  50,000  Turks  under 
Omar  Pasha  and  the  15,000  Sardinians  under  La 
Marmora.  In  consequence  of  their  superior  strength, 

1  This  is  the  word  used  by  Todleben  to  indicate  the  cross  fire  of  the 
defenders  of  Sebastopol. 

2  Mr.  Kinglake  asserts  in  his  closing  volumes  that  Canrobert' s  cau- 
tious tactics  and  final  resignation  were  induced  by  the  extraordinary 
orders  of  the  French  emperor,  who  contemplated  going  to  the  Crimea 
to  assume  command  himself.      "  No  one  seems  to  have  divined  that 
the  emperor,  though  a  man  strangely  fond  of  effecting  theatric  sur- 
prises and  believed  to  be  intent  on  the  notion  of  assuming  high  com- 
mand at  the  seat  of  war,  might  desire  to  keep  Canrobert's  army 
in  a  state  of  restraint,  with  its  fires,  as  the  phrase  is,  '  banked  up,' 
until  the  time  of  his  own  arrival,  when  troubles  unnumbered  and  suc- 
cessive   disappointments   and  the  weariness   of   hope  long  deferred 
would  be  all  at  once  followed  by  what  the  play-books  call  '  flour- 
ishes,' by  victory,  conquest,  and  triumph."  —  King-lake,  "  From  the 
Morrow  of  Inkennan  to  the  Fall  of  Canrobert,"  chap.  v. 


84       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

the  French  had  gradually  assumed  the  defense  of  the 
ground  occupied  by  the  English  during  the  early  days 
of  the  campaign.  Indeed,  by  the  middle  of  May  the 
English  were  only  holding  a  small  portion  of  the  al- 
lied line,  with  the  Redan  in  their  front.  General 
Pelissier,1  who  succeeded  Canrobert,  was  anxious  to 
justify  his  reputation  as  a  brilliant  soldier,  and  the 
belief  became  prevalent  throughout  Europe  that  some 
extraordinary  efforts  would  now  be  made  toward 
breaking  down  the  Russian  defense. 

A  council  of  war  held  early  in  June  decided  to 
reopen  the  bombardment  on  the  6th,  to  be  followed 
by  a  general  infantry  assault.  Accordingly  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  appointed  day  the  cannonade  recom- 
menced, and  was  maintained  through  the  night  to  pre- 
vent the  Russians  repairing  damages.  The  bombard- 
ment on  the  part  of  the  allies  was  of  greater  power  and 
better  sustained  than  either  of  the  previous  ones,  while 
the  Russians  maintained  a  comparatively  sluggish  fire 
in  response.  On  the  7th  the  allied  commanders  deliv- 
ered their  assault.  Pdlissier  was  to  direct  his  main 
attack  against  the  Mamelon  redoubt,  a  dangerous  out- 
post of  the  Malakoff ,  and  upon  its  capture  the  English 
were  to  make  a  rush  for  the  Quarries  under  the  Redan. 
All  through  the  afternoon  the  cannonade  languished, 
and  the  troops  destined  for  the  attack  were  drawn  up 
in  readiness.  At  half  past  six  the  signal  rockets  were 
discharged,  and  the  French  columns  broke  forward 
with  wild  cheers.  The  Russians,  lulled  into  a  sense 
of  security  by  the  waning  of  the  bombardment,  were 

1  Pelissier,  "the  short,  thickset,  resolute  Norman,"  as  Mr.  King- 
lake  describes  him,  entirely  disregarded  the  commands  of  the  Tuile- 
ries.  He  persisted  in  handling  his  army  with  reference  to  the  enemy 
in  his  front. 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  85 

taken  unawares,  and  the  French  bayonets  were  swarm- 
ing over  the  parapets  on  the  Mamelon  before  they 
realized  that  an  attack  was  in  progress.  Had  the 
French  troops  been  under  good  control  at  this  time, 
their  victory  might  have  been  cheaply  bought.  The 
heat  of  the  charge  was  upon  them,  however,  and  as 
they  clambered  over  the  crest  of  the  hill  they  saw 
before  them,  separated  only  by  a  gentle  hollow,  the 
shot-scarred  Malakoff  looming  defiantly  against  the 
evening  sky.  They  charged  down  the  slope,  while  its 
great  guns  played  upon  them  and  the  dusk  was  illu- 
minated by  the  flashing  of  the  Russian  musketry. 
When  the  rush  is  on  them  French  troops  care  little 
for  death-dealing  missiles,  and  it  was  not  till  they 
came  close  under  the  deadly  work,  and,  baffled  by  the 
abattis  and  abrupt  parapets,  found  themselves  help- 
less under  a  galling  fire,  that  the  reaction  came.  A 
Russian  column  emerged  from  the  redoubts  adjacent 
to  the  Malakoff  and  fell  furiously  upon  them.  The 
retreat  became  a  rout  and  swept  over  the  crest  of  the 
Mamelon,  leaving  it  again  in  the  hands  of  the  Rus- 
sians. The  whole  object  of  the  attack  seemed  lost, 
and  it  was  with  extreme  difficulty  that  the  discomfited 
troops  were  rallied  in  the  trenches  at  the  foot  of  the 
Mamelon.  The  reserves  under  General  Brunet  com- 
ing up,  however,  at  eight  o'clock,  just  after  sunset 
another  attack  was  made,  and  when  darkness  had 
fallen  on  the  Chersonese,  at  a  terrible  cost  of  life  the 
French  had  again  made  themselves  masters  of  the 
coveted  hill. 

Meanwhile  Lord  Raglan,  upon  the  first  capture  of 
the  Mamelon,  had  sent  a  column  of  1,000  men  against 
the  Quarries.  The  conquest  was  achieved  with  slight 
loss,  but  in  defending  the  position  against  the  Rus- 


86   THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

sian  attacks  that  followed,  the  English  suffered  great 
slaughter.  "At  intervals  throughout  the  night,  the 
heavy  rolling  of  musketry  and  the  lurid  flickerings  in 
front  of  the  English  lines  told  the  weary  soldiery  on 
the  heights  that  the  Russians  were  still  disputing  the 
possession  of  the  Quarries  with  their  comrades. 

The  next  morning  the  allied  commanders  could 
congratulate  themselves  upon  having  made  progress, 
almost  the  first  since  the  siege  began.  The  English 
in  the  Quarries  and  the  French  on  the  Mamelon 
were  within  striking  distance  of  the  Redan  and  Mala- 
koff. 

Pelissier  was  impatient  of  delay.  On  the  15th  a 
council  of  war  was  held,  and  it  was  determined  to 
strike  another  blow  for  Sebastopol.  It  was  to  be  no 
affair  of  outworks  this  time,  but  a  general  assault 
along  the  whole  line.  The  French  were  to  exercise 
their  main  strength  against  the  Malakoff,  and  the 
English,  as  usual,  against  the  Redan.  The  details 
were  arranged  with  great  precision.  Upon  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Malakoff  a  flag  was  to  be  displayed  on 
the  work  as  the  signal  of  success,  when  Lord  Raglan 
would  make  his  assault  upon  the  Redan. 

At  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  the  ex- 
pectant French  infantry  was  under  arms,  massed  in 
three  strong  divisions.  The  mistaking  of  a  bomb  for 
the  signal  rocket  threw  Pelissier 's  plans  into  hope- 
less confusion.  The  three  divisions  were  beaten  in 
detail,  and  the  whole  assault  repulsed  before  it  had 
been  ordered.  The  English,  too,  failed  utterly  at  the 
Redan.  Their  columns  became  confused  in  the  ad- 
vance and  were  beaten  back  with  terrible  slaughter. 

To  the  English  commander  this  was  a  heavy  blow. 
Worn  with  care  and  emaciated  by  cholera,  he  was 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  87 

unable  to  rise  above  the  mortification  of  his  defeat, 
and  his  sorrow  at  the  useless  sacrifice  of  so  many 
lives.  On  the  28th,  just  ten  days  after  the  disaster, 
he  passed  away.  He  was  succeeded  by  Sir  James 
Simpson,  who  had  been  sent  out  by  Lord  Palmer- 
ston  to  investigate  the  management  of  the  campaign. 
Once  again  the  siege  settled  down  into  trench  work 
and  desultory  skirmishing. 

Meanwhile  within  Sebastopol  the  Russian  leaders 
realized  that  events  were  approaching  a  crisis.  The 
parallels  of  the  enemy  had  approached  close  under 
their  main  defenses,  and  the  new  artillery  placed  in 
position  against  them  had  proved  of  far  greater  power 
than  any  in  their  possession.  Furthermore  the  de- 
struction of  the  great  granaries  on  the  Sea  of  Azov 
made  it  necessary  to  bring  their  supplies  from  Russia, 
and  the  roads  were  often  rendered  impassable  by  the 
weather.  From  this  and  other  causes  reinforcements 
were  slow  in  arriving.  The  army  in  Sebastopol  and 
its  vicinity  numbered  less  than  half  as  many  bayonets 
as  the  allies.  Of  the  18,000  seamen  who  had  fought 
under  Korniloff  in  the  previous  October  only  4,000 
were  left,  and  on  July  11  Admiral  Nachimoff  their 
commander  was  killed  in  the  Malakoff  Tower.  Tod- 
leben  himself  was  suffering  from  a  severe  wound, 
though  he  still  continued  to  superintend  the  defense 
from  a  villa  in  the  suburbs.1 

By  August  1  the  Russian  commanders  were  at  log- 
gerheads as  to  whether  it  were  wise  to  prolong  the 
defense  of  the  city,  already  badly  injured  by  repeated 
bombardments.  On  the  9th  a  council  of  war  was 

1  The  personal  presence  of  Todleben  had  become  an  inspiration  to 
the  garrison.  From  the  day  he  was  wounded  the  vigor  of  the  defense 
began  to  wane. 


88         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

held,  upon  the  arrival  of  General  Vrevski  from  St. 
Petersburg.  The  sentiment  of  the  assembly  was  for 
a  vigorous  sortie,  and  Gortschakoff ,  while  personally 
opposed  to  the  measure,  issued  his  orders  for  an 
attack  upon  the  Franco-Sardinian  positions  on  the 
Fedioukine  heights  in  the  Tchernaya  valley.  The 
object  of  this  attack  was  to  secure  control  again  of 
the  whole  valley  as  far  as  Kadikoi,  and  to  threaten 
the  allied  positions  on  the  Chersonese  from  the  east. 
That  he  was  almost  hopeless  of  success  Gortscha- 
koff's  dispatch  to  the  minister  of  war  proves.  "  There 
is  no  doubt  about  it.  I  am  attacking  the  enemy  un- 
der wretched  circumstances.  ...  If  things  go  wrong, 
it  will  not  be  my  fault.  I  have  done  my  best,  but 
the  task  has  been  too  difficult  ever  since  I  came  to 
the  Crimea."  On  August  16  the  attack  was  made  at 
dawn  under  cover  of  a  dense  fog.  The  rank  and  file 
of  the  Russian  army  had  imbibed  something  of  the 
hopelessness  of  their  general,  and  failed  to  fight  as 
stoutly  as  usual.  Several  assaults  were  made,  and  at 
first  with  some  success.  Later,  Generals  Read  and 
Vrevski  were  killed,  and  before  noon  Gortschakoff 
abandoned  the  struggle  and  a  general  retreat  com- 
menced. This  contest,  generally  known  to  the  allies 
as  the  battle  of  the  Tchernaya,  was  the  last  aggressive 
movement  of  the  Russians  in  the  Sebastopol  cam- 
paign. Their  next  step  was  of  a  different  nature,  the 
construction  of  a  floating  bridge  from  Sebastopol  to 
the  north  side  of  the  great  harbor.  Even  the  com- 
mon soldiers  could  not  mistake  the  meaning  of  this. 
Sebastopol  was  to  be  given  up.  Their  generals  were 
securing  their  retreat. 

The  long  campaign  was  surely  drawing  to  a  close. 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  89 

With  their  vastly  superior  resources  the  allied  gen- 
erals were  determined  at  whatever  cost  to  break  the 
Russian  defense.  On  September  5  the  allied  bat- 
teries began  to  rain  a  destructive  tempest  of  missiles 
upon  forts,  town,  and  suburbs.  All  through  the  6th 
and  7th  the  cannonade  was  steadily  maintained,  the 
Russian  works  were  terribly  battered,  while  at  night 
dull,  lurid  clouds  of  smoke  told  of  devastation  worked 
in  the  town  itself.  At  noon  on  the  8th  the  bombard- 
ment, which  had  been  waning  for  a  few  hours,  broke 
out  with  redoubled  violence.  This  was  maintained 
for  about  twenty  minutes,  when  suddenly  it  entirely 
ceased.  Scarcely  had  the  reverberation  died  away 
than  the  pealing  of  the  French  bugles  rang  out  upon 
the  air,  and  the  chasseurs  and  zouaves  of  MacMahon's 
division  swept  up  the  slope  of  the  Malakoff  Hill.  It 
was  a  rush  of  only  seventy-five  feet  to  the  ditch  of 
the  tower,  which  had  been  almost  filled  by  the  debris 
of  the  bombardment.  The  Russians  were  surprised 
again,  and,  opposed  only  by  a  feeble  musketry  fire, 
the  French  in  a  twinkling  were  clambering  over  the 
parapets  and  through  the  embrasures  of  the  work. 
General  Pelissier,  from  his  position  on  the  Mamelon, 
scanned  with  intense  anxiety  the  progress  of  the 
struggle.  Regiment  after  regiment  swept  across  the 
hollow  to  the  support  of  the  troops  already  engaged, 
hand  to  hand,  with  the  defenders  of  the  Malakoff 
which  had  cost  France  so  many  lives.  At  last  with 
exultant  eyes  the  French  commander  descried  the  tri- 
color waving  from  the  parapet.  "  Tenez !  voila  mon 
baton  de  marechal !  "  he  exclaimed  as  he  lowered  his 
field-glass.1 

1  Pelissier  was  right.     He  became  a  Marshal  of  France  with  the 
title  of  Due  de  Malakoff. 


90         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

The  attacks  at  all  other  points  had  utterly  failed. 
The  French  were  repulsed  at  the  Little  Redan,  while 
at  the  Redan  itself  the  English  soldiers,  after  strug- 
gling valiantly  to  a  position  close  under  the  work  in 
the  face  of  a  decimating  fire,  were  compelled  to  re- 
treat for  lack  of  supports. 

But  the  possession  of  the  Malakoff  was  the  posses- 
sion of  Sebastopol.  It  completely  dominated  the 
harbor,  the  town,  and  all  its  important  defenses.  The 
Russians,  realizing  this,  made  almost  superhuman 
efforts  to  recapture  it.  A  terrible  contest  was  waged 
in  its  passages  and  inclosures  throughout  the  after- 
noon, the  Russians  pushing  up  heavy  columns  from 
the  north,  while  the  French  supports  poured  in  from 
the  other  side.  At  dusk,  however,  the  Russians  were 
sullenly  retiring.  The  last  fight  for  Sebastopol  had 
been  fought  and  won. 

With  the  cessation  of  the  struggle  at  the  Malakoff 
an  almost  complete  silence  reigned.  The  sky  was 
murky  and  overcast,  and  an  impenetrable  darkness 
settled  upon  the  country.  As  the  night  deepened  the 
muffled  tread  of  marching  columns  arose  from  the 
gloomy  town.  Then  puffs  of  flame  became  visible 
far  below,  and  spreading  rapidly  they  began  to  dis- 
pel the  darkness  and  reveal  buildings  on  fire.  The 
crackle  and  roar  of  the  flames  soon  became  audible 
on  the  heights,  while  the  explosion  of  vast  magazines 
shook  the  very  hills  of  the  peninsula.  At  midnight 
Sebastopol  was  literally  in  flames.  The  harbor,  the 
ships,  the  heights,  and  ruined  forts  were  all  revealed 
as  by  day,  while  the  French  tricolor,  on  the  Mala- 
koff, as  once  at  Moscow,  tossed  in  the  fierce  glare  of 
a  Russian  conflagration.  The  English  outposts  found 
the  Redan  unoccupied,  and  soon  it  became  evident 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  91 

that  the  Russians  had  abandoned  their  defenses  all 
along  the  line.  Their  retreating  masses  of  bayonets, 
that  flashed  back  the  glare  of  the  fire,  could  be  traced 
passing  over  the  bridge  to  the  north,  while  the  con- 
stantly recurring  explosions  in  the  ill-fated  town  ef- 
fectually prevented  any  interruption  with  their  move- 
ments. 

When  morning  dawned  the  Russians  were  gone, 
the  ships  burned  or  sunk,  and  the  bridge  destroyed. 
Sebastopol  itself  was  a  smoking  waste,  scarce  a  dozen 
buildings  remaining.  Well  might  Prince  Gortscha- 
koff  declare,  "  It  is  not  Sebastopol  which  we  have  left 
to  them,  but  the  burning  ruins  of  the  town,  which  we 
ourselves  set  fire  to,  having  maintained  the  honor  of 
the  defense  in  such  a  manner  that  our  great-grand- 
children may  recall  with  pride  the  remembrance  of  it, 
and  send  it  down  to  all  posterity." 

With  the  fall  of  Sebastopol  the  campaign  in  the 
Crimea  came  practically  to  a  close,  though  the  Rus- 
sians still  clung  to  the  north  side  of  the  harbor  and 
confronted  their  foes  in  the  Tchernaya  Valley. 

With  Sebastopol  in  their  possession,  and  the  prose- 
cution of  hostilities  still  upon  their  hands,  the  allied 
generals  were  at  a  loss  what  course  to  pursue.  An 
advance  into  the  interior  of  the  bleak  and  thinly 
settled  Crimea  was  not  an  attractive  or  promising 
undertaking.  The  cabinets  of  London  and  Paris  took 
the  question  in  hand,  while  the  military  men  occupied 
themselves  in  the  destruction  of  those  magnificent 
docks  and  fortifications  that  had  rendered  Sebastopol 
famous. 

The  Emperor  of  the  French,  having  awakened  in 
Europe  a  satisfactory  opinion  of  his  military  strength, 


92       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  anxious  to  be  rid  of  the  war  and  gather  new 
laurels  as  a  peacemaker.  The  English  government, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  more  strongly  inclined  toward 
aggressive  movements.  English  pride  had  been 
touched.  The  second  Baltic  expedition  under  Ad- 
miral Dundas  had  returned  after  bombarding  Svea- 
borg  and  executing  a  few  harmless  manoeuvres  off 
the  Russian  coast.  The  operations  in  the  Black  Sea 
and  Sea  of  Azov  had  been  mostly  confined  to  the 
destruction  of  the  batteries  at  Odessa  and  the  reduc- 
tion of  Kertch,  Yenikale,  and  Kinburn,  and  there 
was  little  in  these  affairs  to  gratify  the  British  ambi- 
tion for  naval  glory. 

The  sentiment  of  the  continent  was  for  peace. 
Austria  at  this  crisis  redoubled  her  efforts  for  the 
achievement  of  a  settlement  of  the  dispute.  She 
found  the  French  emperor  in  accord  with  her  designs, 
and  the  new  Czar  to  be  far  more  pliable  than  his  im- 
perious father.  Alexander  II.  was  not  of  a  warlike 
temperament,  and  he  regarded  peace  at  this  time  as  an 
absolute  necessity  to  the  empire.  The  finances  were 
in  a  terribly  reduced  and  disordered  state,  the  expen- 
diture of  life  had  been  enormous,  and  he  was  willing 
to  avail  himself  of  any  plan  that  seemed  to  afford  an 
honorable  retreat.  The  tidings  of  the  fall  of  Kars, 
the  celebrated  Turkish  fortress  in  Armenia,  came  as 
a  soothing  balm  to  the  mortified  military  pride  of 
Russia.  In  fact,  the  campaigns  in  Armenia  had  been 
throughout  generally  favorable  to  the  Russian  arms. 
The  capture  of  Kars  was  a  brilliant  consummation  of 
the  fighting  in  Asia,  and  with  this  fortress  in  his  pos- 
session the  Czar  might  reasonably  hope  for  easier 
terms  from  the  western  powers. 

During  the  last  of   December  Austria  submitted 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  93 

to  the  St.  Petersburg  cabinet  proposals  for  peace. 
After  some  bickering  over  the  clauses  relative  to  the 
supremacy  of  the  Black  Sea,  on  January  16  the 
Czar  accepted  the  propositions  entire.  On  February 
25  the  plenipotentiaries  of  Great  Britain,  Austria, 
France,  Russia,  Sardinia,  and  Turkey  convened  at 
the  palace  of  the  ministry  for  foreign  affairs  in  Paris.1 
An  armistice  was  concluded  between  the  belligerents, 
and  on  March  30,  the  day  before  its  expiration,  the 
plenipotentiaries  waited  upon  the  emperor  at  the 
Tuileries,  and  informed  him  of  the  conclusion  of  a 
treaty  of  peace. 

This  famous  congress  discussed  and  acted  upon 
other  matters  than  those  immediately  pertaining  to 
the  belligerents  in  the  eastern  war.  Privateering  was 
declared  abolished,  and  the  state  of  affairs  in  Bel- 
gium, Greece,  and  Italy  was  brought  to  notice.  It 
was  owing  to  the  exertions  of  Count  Cavour  that  the 
Italian  question  was  introduced,  and  forced  into  a 
prominence  that  committed  every  power  to  an  expres- 
sion of  opinion.  This  discussion,  which  practically 
closed  the  work  of  the  congress,  developed  at  least 
three  facts :  First,  that  the  French  emperor  was  will- 
ing to  withdraw  his  troops  from  Rome ;  second,  that 
the  Austrian  occupation  of  the  Papal  States  was  in  no 
sense  beneficial ;  and  third,  that  there  was  no  prob- 
ability that  Austria  would  of  her  own  free  will  dis- 
continue that  occupation. 

Peace  having  resumed  her  sway,  the  belligerents  in 
the  eastern  war  could  count  the  cost.  Russia,  it  is 

1  Prussia  was  not  represented  at  the  congress  until  some  days  later, 
when  Baron  Manteuffel  was  admitted  at  the  instigation  of  the  French 
emperor.  This  incident  gives  a  striking  idea  of  the  relative  standing 
of  France  and  Prussia  in  Europe  in  18.J(i. 


94         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

said,  lost  250,000  men  by  wounds,  exposure,  and  dis- 
ease, France  lost  nearly  100,000,  Engknd  26,000, 
Turkey  35,000,  and  Sardinia  3,000.  Russia  entered 
the  war  to  maintain  her  right  of  protectorate  over 
the  Greek  Christians  in  Turkey,  to  humiliate  the 
Porte,  and  perhaps  destroy  it.  By  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  of  Paris  she  not  only  failed  in  this,  but  lost 
her  nominal  protectorate  over  the  Danubian  Princi- 
palities. She  also  lost  her  supremacy  on  the  Black 
Sea,  being  forbidden  to  maintain  a  naval  fleet  on  its 
waters.  She  yielded  Kars  for  Sebastopol  and  other 
points  held  by  the  allies,  and  was  obliged  to  suffer  a 
loss  of  territory  on  her  southeastern  frontier.  Aside 
from  the  expenditure  in  blood  and  treasure,  Russia 
stood  as  the  principal  loser  by  the  war. 

The  Emperor  of  the  French  had  entered  the  contest 
for  military  "  glory,"  and  to  strengthen  the  insecure 
foundations  of  his  throne.  He  gained  the  plaudits 
of  an  admiring  world,  which  hastened  to  crown  him 
as  the  sovereign  of  the  first  military  power  of  Eu- 
rope. 

England  had  taken  up  arms  to  maintain  the  integ- 
rity of  the  Ottoman  empire,  to  curb  the  ambition  of 
Russia,  and  to  settle  the  Eastern  Question  :  England 
was  regarded  in  the  light  of  a  power  that  had  gained 
her  ends. 

Turkey  fought  for  self-preservation,  and,  propped 
by  the  strong  arms  of  the  western  powers,  she  still 
lived.  Furthermore,  she  gained  admittance  into  the 
great  family  of  European  states,  with  all  that  the 
dignity  implied.  The  Sultan  renewed  his  old  pledge 
to  close  the  Sea  of  Marmora  to  ships  of  war  during 
times  of  peace. 

Sardinia  fought  to  gain  the  attention  and  ear  of 


THE  FALL   OF  SEBASTOPOL.  95 

Europe.  The  8th  of  April  at  the  Paris  congress 
demonstrated  her  success. 

This  is  the  way  in  which  the  nations  were  affected 
by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  Paris,  in  the  days  when 
the  treaty  was  young.  After  a  lapse  of  twenty-five 
years,  what  are  the  permanent  results  achieved  by 
two  years  of  bloodshed  in  the  East? 

Russia  has  scoffed  at  the  treaty,  and  resumed  her 
sway  on  the  Euxine  and  in  the  principalities. 

The  French  emperor  sleeps  in  exile,  and  the 
"  glory  "  the  world  awarded  him  has  passed  away  in 
the  wreck  of  his  tinsel  empire. 

England  still  frets  over  the  unsettled  Eastern 
Question. 

The  "  sick  man  "  lives  on,  but  his  palsied  hand  has 
lost  its  grip  on  the  north  of  the  Balkan  range. 

Sardinia,  and  Sardinia  alone,  has  proved  to  be  the 
real  gainer  by  the  Crimean  war ;  for  from  the  day 
when  the  gallantry  of  the  Bersaglieri  on  the  heights 
of  the  Tchernaya  gained  Cavour  an  influential  voice 
in  the  congress  of  Paris  dates  the  birth  of  the  king- 
dom of  Italy. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    RISE   OP    SARDINIA. 

THE  MAP  OF  ITALY  IN  1850.  —  POLITICAL  STATE  OF  SARDINIA.  — 
THE  Two  SICILIES.  —  STATES  OF  THE  CHURCH.  —  TUSCANY.  — 
PARMA. —  MODENA. —  LOMBARDY  AND  VENETIA.  —  SECRET  SOCIE- 
TIES. —  YOUNG  ITALY  AND  ITS  MISSION.  —  THE  SARDINIAN  KING 
AND  HIS  POLICY.  —  His  PARLIAMENTARY  TRIALS  AND  LOYALTY 
TO  THE  CONSTITUTION.  —  LEGISLATION  IN  THE  SARDINIAN  PAR- 
LIAMENT AGAINST  CLERICAL  ABUSES.  —  ADVENT  OF  CAVOUR.  — 
THE  DIPLOMATIC  DUEL  BETWEEN  SARDINIA  AND  AUSTRIA  AND 
ITS  INFLUENCE  UPON  EUROPE.  —  CAVOUR  TAKES  THE  HELM.  — 
His  DISLIKE  FOR  SECRET  SOCIETIES.  —  His  POLICY  DEFINED. — 
THROWS  SARDINIA  INTO  THE  ALLIANCE  AGAINST  RUSSIA.  —  DE- 
PARTURE OF  THE  ARMY  FOR  THE  CRIMEA.  —  EFFECT  OF  THE  WAR 
NEWS  IN  PIEDMONT.  —  VICTOR  EMMANUEL  VISITS  LONDON  AND 
PARIS.  —  NAPOLEON'S  SOLICITUDE  FOR  ITALY.  —  Is  APPEALED  TO 
BY  CAVOUR.  — CAVOUR  IN  THE  PARIS  CONGRESS. 

IN  the  year  1850  Italy  had  almost  realized  the  pre- 
diction of  Prince  Metternich  as  a  "  mere  geographical 
expression."  The  divisions  of  the  peninsula  remained 
practically  as  they  had  been  settled  by  the  treaty  of 
1815.  The  kingdom  of  the  Two  Sicilies  comprised 
all  southern  Italy,  including  the  island  of  Sicily.  The 
States  of  the  Church,  with  the  grand  duchies  of  Tus- 
cany, Parma,  and  Modena,  occupied  all  central  Italy 
northward  to  the  Po.  The  territory  of  the  Sardinian 
kingdom  on  the  west  and  the  Lombardo- Venetian 
provinces  of  Austria  on  the  east  carried  the  Italian 
frontiers  high  up  among  the  Alps. 

Of  all  these  states  Sardinia  was  the  only  one  gov- 
erned constitutionally  by  an  Italian  prince.  The 


THE  RISE  OF  SARDINIA.  97 

Bourbon  dynasty  continued  to  disgrace  the  throne  of 
the  Two  Sicilies.  The  Pope  directed  the  temporal  as 
well  as  the  spiritual  affairs  of  his  realm,  while  the 
grand  dukes  followed  the  standard  set  by  the  Vienna 
government  in  its  administration  of  its  Italian  prov- 
inces. 

The  condition  of  the  majority  of  these  states  was 
most  deplorable.  As  for  the  Two  Sicilies,  the  govern- 
ment of  "  King  Bomba  "  had  become  a  scandal  to  civ- 
ilization. The  history  of  the  state  since  1815  had 
been  one  dark  page  of  royal  perjury  and  popular  in- 
surrections cruelly  suppressed.  Twice,  in  1820  and 
in  1848,  the  unhappy  people  had  seen  their  hopes 
strangled  by  sovereigns  whose  lack  of  honor  was  as 
notorious  as  their  ingenuity  in  all  manner  of  oppres- 
sion and  misrule.  In  only  one  respect  did  this  for- 
eign dynasty  seem  to  become  nationalized.  The  in- 
habitants of  the  volcanic  districts  of  southern  Italy 
are  notoriously  careless  of  the  future,  and  refuse  to 
be  taught  by  hard  experience.  The  dwellers  on  the 
slopes  and  along  the  base  of  Vesuvius,  after  losing 
their  all  in  some  sudden  outburst,  will  rebuild  on  the 
same  precarious  spots.  With  the  smoking  mountain 
in  view  from  his  palace  windows,  perhaps  the  Bourbon 
caught  this  much  of  the  national  character.  At  all 
events  he  failed  to  profit  by  previous  experience,  and 
in  the  lurid  flickerings  of  discontent  that  blazed  out 
here  and  there  within  his  realm,  he  failed  to  compre- 
hend the  great  popular  upheaval  that  it  presaged. 
So  the  Neapolitan  dungeons  swarmed  with  miserable 
prisoners  arrested  on  suspicion  and  committed  without 
trial.  So  the  people  sank  lower  in  ignorance  and  deg- 
radation, while  poverty,  villainy,  and  brigandage 
grew  apace. 


98         THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

In  the  States  of  the  Church  matters  were  scarcely 
better.  Pius  IX.  forfeited  the  love  and  confidence 
of  his  subjects  when,  in  1848,  he  refused  to  use  his 
troops  against  Austria  and  fled  into  the  arms  of  the 
Neapolitan  king.  When  under  the  protection  of 
French  bayonets  he  resumed  his  rule  in  Rome,  no 
Italian  patriot  looked  to  him  for  the  lightening  of  the 
national  burdens.  With  his  return  the  Jesuits  again 
resumed  their  sway,  and  the  whole  state  became  mis- 
erably priest-ridden.  Liberalism  in  religion  became 
the  worst  crime  of  which  a  subject  of  the  Pope  could 
be  guilty,  offenses  against  the  civil  law  receiving  com- 
paratively slight  attention.  As  a  result  crime  flour- 
ished, and  brigands  found  another  successful  field  for 
operation.  The  papal  government  was  cruel  yet 
weak,  oppressive  yet  inefficient.  The  subjects  of  the 
Holy  See  were  held  in  check  only  by  the  French  in 
Rome  and  the  Austrians  in  the  Legations. 

In  Tuscany  greater  liberty  and  comfort  were  en- 
joyed, thanks  to  the  disposition  of  the  Grand  Duke 
Leopold.  But  the  Tuscans  had  never  forgiven  the 
duke  for  his  course  in  1848,  when,  disregarding  their 
invitation  to  return  to  them  in  peace,  he  chose  to 
come  back  with  Austrian  bayonets  and  over  the  wreck 
of  a  short-lived  constitution. 

In  the  grand  duchies  of  Parma  and  Modena  the 
will  of  Vienna  was  maintained  in  a  rigforous  rule, 

O 

while  the  Austrian  eagle  with  whetted  beak  hovered 
ever  ready  within  the  famous  "  Quadrilateral."  The 
turbulence  of  the  people  of  the  Lombard  o- Venetian 
provinces  necessitated  the  employment  of  a  vast  secret 
police.  The  work  of  this  organization  in  a  province 
charged  with  conspiracy  can  be  better  imagined  than 
described.  The  Austrian  dominion  in  Lombardy  and 


THE  RISE   OF  SARDINIA.  99 

Venetia  deserves  little  else  than  condemnation,  and 
none  the  less  that  Austria  was  one  of  the  leading 
powers  of  the  civilization  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

Such,  briefly,  was  the  condition  of  the  Italian  states 
in  1850.  It  was  the  old  sad  story.  Wars  had  swept 
over  the  peninsula  again  and  again,  only  to  leave  it 
more  hopelessly  enslaved.  In  that  year  there  seemed 
no  ray  of  light  on  the  horizon  to  the  millions  of  Ital- 
ians gazing  longingly  for  the  rising  of  the  sun  of  lib- 
erty and  national  regeneration.1 

One  result  of  the  stolid  indifference  of  the  rulers 
to  the  interests  of  their  peoples  was  the  formation  of 
secret  societies.  The  most  celebrated  of  these  was  the 
Carbonari,  which,  originating  in  the  south  of  Italy, 
spread  rapidly  into  the  Papal  States  and  northern 
provinces.  It  included  within  its  ranks  the  noble 
and  gifted  as  well  as  the  ignorant  and  villainous. 
The  ends  to  be  attained  were  vague,  beyond  the  over- 
turning of  the  existing  order  of  things.  No  oppor- 
tunity was  to  be  lost  to  incite  and  promote  revolution. 
The  torch  and  stiletto  were  its  legitimate  weapons. 

The  papal  power,  finding  itself  helpless  against  this 
hidden  danger,  had  sanctioned  the  organization  of  a 
counter  society  opposed  to  its  aims.  The  notorious 
sect  of  the  Sanfedisti  was  the  result.  The  character 
of  the  work  to  be  accomplished  by  this  organization 
can  be  comprehended  by  a  few  clauses  from  their 
oath.  The  neophyte  swore  "  to  have  no  pity  either 
on  children  or  old  men,  and  to  shed  the  last  drop  of 
the  Liberals'  blood  without  regard  to  sex  or  rank."  2 

1  For  a  condensed  narrative  of  the  terrible  state  of  Italian  affairs  in 
1852  see  the  letter  of  Luigi  Carlo  Farini  written  in  December  of  that 
year  to  Mr.  Gladstone.    It  is  appended  to  vol.  iv.  of  Mr.  Gladstone's 
translation  of  Farini's  Roman  State. 

2  See  introduction  to  Godkin's  Victor  Emmanuel  II.  p.  xvii. 


100      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Furthermore  this  society,  working  presumably  in  the 
interest  of  Christ  on  earth,  swore  to  "  implacable  ha- 
tred of  the  enemies  of  our  Holy  Roman  Catholic  and 
only  true  religion."  So  the  subterranean  struggle 
grew  fiercer  and  fiercer,  until  the  whole  structure 
upon  which  the  Roman  and  Neapolitan  governments 
rested  was  honeycombed  to  the  core. 

But  the  most  active  society  in  1850,  for  the  achieve- 
ment of  Italian  independence,  was  known  as  "  Young 
Italy."  It  was  founded  by  Joseph  Mazzini,  and  first 
came  into  notice  about  1831.  "  Young  Italy  "  had 
one  advantage  over  the  Carbonari  inasmuch  as  it 
aimed  at  a  definite  result,  the  foundation  of  an  Italian 
republic  with  Rome  as  its  capital.  "  Young  Italy  " 
was  bitterly  opposed  to  all  things  monarchical.  The 
numbers  of  the  society  increased  rapidly,  but  its  move- 
ments were  governed  by  zeal  rather  than  judgment. 
The  misdirected  efforts  of  its  devotees  threw  serious 
obstacles  in  the  path  of  the  calmer  and  more  constitu- 
tional methods  of  achieving  national  unity. 

There  is  but  one  state  that  we  have  failed  to  notice, 
the  kingdom  of  Sardinia,  including  Piedmont,  Savoy, 
Nice,  and  the  island  of  Sardinia.  From  the  year  1850 
the  history  of  this  little  state  is  the  history  of  Italy. 
In  1848  Charles  Albert,  king  of  Sardinia,  at  the  head 
of  his  brave  and  enlightened  people,  took  the  field 
against  Austria  in  the  cause  of  Italian  independence. 
Deserted  in  the  hour  of  need  by  Rome  and  Naples, 
he  sacrificed  the  blood  and  treasure  of  his  little  state 
on  the  altar  of  Italian  freedom.  Since  the  mournful 
evening  when  his  abdication  left  the  destinies  of  the 
kingdom  in  the  hands  of  his  son,  Sardinia  had  taken 
no  step  backward.  When  Victor  Emmanuel  assumed 
the  duties  his  father  had  laid  aside,  he  found  his  peo- 


THE  RISE   OF  SARDINIA.  101 

pie  wearied  with  the  war  and  heart-broken  at  its 
results.  At  the  outset  the  fidelity  of  the  king  to  con- 
stitutional principles  was  severely  tested,  the  parlia- 
ment refusing  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  peace  he  had 
concluded  with  Austria  at  Milan.  The  terms  were 
by  no  means  light,  but  he  had  refused  to  adopt  the 
one  course  that  would  have  won  Austrian  leniency, 
the  abolition  of  constitutional  government  in  his 
realms.  It  was  a  hard  position  for  a  young  king. 
On  the  one  hand  an  easy  peace  and  Austrian  protec- 
tion over  his  despotism,  on  the  other,  harsher  terms 
and  a  conflict  with  an  injudicious  and  ungrateful  par- 
liament. His  high  sense  of  honor  asserted  itself  in 
this  the  first  crisis  of  his  reign.  He  rejected  the 
40,000  bayonets  which  Marshal  Radetzky  declared  to 
be  at  his  service,  and  returned  to  his  capital  and  hos- 
tile parliament. 

It  became  clear  immediately  that  nothing  reason- 
able could  be  hoped  from  the  Chambers.  They  were 
composed  largely  of  "  Young  Italy,"  while  the  judg- 
ment of  many  of  the  wiser  heads  had  become  dis- 
torted by  the  national  misfortunes.  The  king  seized 
boldly  the  only  course  open  to  him  and  dissolved  the 
Chambers.  Then,  calling  a  new  election,  he  entreated 
the  people  to  return  wise  and  patriotic  representatives 
for  his  support.  The  result  was  a  more  reasonable 
parliament,  which  recognized  above  all  that  the  neces- 
sities of  the  state  compelled  an  immediate  settlement 
of  peace.  The  first  danger  of  Victor  Emmanuel's 
reign  was  over,  and  constitutional  government  became 
more  strongly  rooted  by  the  ordeal  through  which  it 
had  passed. 

The  king  and  his  ministry  then  turned  to  the  de- 
velopment of  the  country,  healing  the  ravages  of  the 


102      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

war,  and  righting  long  condoned  clerical  abuses. 
The  prime  minister  was  the  Marquis  Massimo  d'  Aze- 
glio,  a  man  of  intelligence  and  refinement,  who  had 
made  himself  famous  by  his  exposure  of  misrule  in 
central  Italy,  and  by  his  general  prominence  in  mat- 
ters relating  to  national  unification.  For  these  ten- 
dencies he  was  expelled  from  Tuscany  in  1846, 
returning  to  Piedmont,  his  native  state.  The  reor- 
ganization of  the  army  was  confided  to  General  Al- 
fonzo  La  Marmora,  while  Count  Siccardi  was  sent  to 
Rome  to  discuss  reforms  of  the  church  in  Piedmont. 
Siccardi  found  the  Pope  obdurate  and  unwilling  to 
yield  a  jot.  Upon  his  return  hi  February,  1850,  and 
his  admission  to  the  cabinet  as  minister  of  grace  and 
justice,  he  brought  a  bill  before  parliament  abolish- 
ing the  "  Foro  Ecclesiastico,"  the  courts  held  by  the 
bishops  of  the  church,  and  the  only  ones  to  which 
ecclesiastical  offenders  against  the  civil  law  were 
amenable.  In  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Rome  the 
bill  was  finally  carried,  and  its  practical  enforcement 
was  soon  demonstrated  by  the  arraignment  of  clerical 
criminals  in  the  civil  courts. 

It  was  in  the  fall  of  1850  that  Count  Camillo  Benso 
di  Cavour  first  appeared  in  the  cabinet  as  minister  of 
agriculture  and  commerce.  He  was  a  true  represen- 
tative of  the  old  Piedmontese  aristocracy,  had  been 
trained  for  the  army,  and  later  made  himself  a  reputa- 
tion for  great  political  ability.  He  had  strong  liberal 
tendencies,  and  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  English 
governmental  methods.  He  was  a  prominent  sup- 
porter of  Siccardi's  bill  for  the  abolition  of  the  eccle- 
siastical courts.  His  talents  were  of  such  an  order 
as  to  immediately  impress  the  king.  Upon  the  de- 
cision to  tender  him  a  portfolio,  the  king  is  reported 


THE  RISE  OF  SARDINIA.  103 

to  have  said  laughingly  to  D'  Azeglio,  "Look  out 
what  you  are  doing ;  Cavour  will  soon  be  master  of 
you  all." 

The  royal  speech  at  the  opening  of  parliament  in 
November,  1850,  evinced  no  intention  of  retracing  a 
step  taken  in  the  teeth  of  papal  protestation.  It  was 
plain  that  the  papal  thunders  were  powerless  against 
the  resolution  of  the  king.  Already  he  had  earned 
the  title  of  "  II  Re  Galantuomo,"  in  which  he  gloried 
through  his  life. 

The  efforts  of  the  Sardinian  government  toward 
the  development  of  free  institutions  received  a  tem- 
porary check  when  the  influences  awakened  by  the 
French  coup  d'etat  swept  over  Europe.  The  only 
popular  government  of  the  continent  had  been  over- 
thrown, and  the  supreme  power  seized  by  a  man  who 
appealed  to  the  military  traditions  of  the  Bonapartes 
to  stir  enthusiasm.  The  downfall  of  the  French  Re- 
public left  Piedmont  like  a  green  spot  of  liberty  in 
the  far-spreading  desert  of  European  autocracy. 

Austria,  already  dreading  the  influence  of  Turin 
upon  the  people  of  Italy,  seized  this  moment  of  ap- 
parent despotic  ascendency  to  terrorize  the  Sardinian 
king  by  protestations  and  warnings  which  the  Berlin 
cabinet  supported.  On  December  10,  1851,  the  Mar- 
quis d'  Azeglio  replied,  defending  the  policy  of  Pied- 
mont, and  concluded  in  this  fashion :  "  His  majesty 
was  unable  to  forbear  observing  that  the  political 
condition  of  the  two  countries  governed  by  the  two 
sovereigns  who  addressed  to  him  this  species  of  ulti- 
matum, appeared  to  him  to  stand  much  more  in  need 
of  advice  than  to  give  them  any  right  to  offer  their 
advice  to  others.  The  king  added  that  he  was  master 
in  his  own  house,  that  he  in  no  way  interfered  with 


104      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

what  other  sovereigns  thought  fit  to  do,  and  that  he 
desired,  on  his  part,  perfect  liberty  of  action;  he 
again  expressed  his  perfect  confidence  in  the  efforts 
by  which  he  continued  to  support  the  wise  and  mod- 
erate course  of  his  government." 

This  was  hot  shot  for  the  governments  of  central 
Europe.  It  was  plain  to  Austria,  as  it  was  to  the 
Pope,  that  the  Sardinian  king  was  incorrigible.  She 
saw  trouble  in  the  future,  and  went  on  building  up 
her  military  strength  within  the  Quadrilateral. 

In  the  fall  of  1852  D'  Azeglio,  wearied  with  his  long 
contest  with  the  papal  authority,  resigned  his  premier- 
ship, and  it  devolved  upon  Cavour  to  form  a  new  min- 
istry. Scarcely  had  he  assumed  his  duties  when  in 
February,  1853,  he  was  diverted  from  his  contem- 
plated task  of  internal  development  by  an  incipient 
uprising  against  the  Austrian  authority  in  Milan.  It 
was  probably  the  work  of  "  Young  Italy,"  and  per- 
haps the  product  of  Mazzini's  plotting  brain.  The 
Austrian  government,  however,  laid  the  charge  of 
being  accessory  to  it  at  the  door  of  Sardinia.  This 
was  indignantly  denied  by  Cavour,  who  proved  the 
innocence  of  his  government  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
continental  courts. 

Cavour  had  always  deprecated  the  violent  methods 
of  the  great  Italian  societies  in  the  cause  of  freedom. 
As  for  "  Young  Italy,"  it  had  been  from  the  first  a 
serious  embarrassment  to  the  benevolent  designs  of 
Sardinia.  In  former  days  Charles  Albert,  upon  his 
refusal  to  take  up  arms  against  Austria  at  Mazzini's 
appeal,  had  found  himself  compelled  to  defend  his 
borders  against  Mazzini's  revengeful  attack  from 
Switzerland.  Cavour  deplored  lawlessness  and  assas- 
sination as  political  methods,  and  was  especially  tena- 


THE  RISE   OF  SARDINIA.  105 

cious  of  maintaining  constitutional  obligations.  The 
Carbonari  and  "  Young  Italy  "  might  be  striving  for 
the  same  end  as  the  Sardinian  government,  but  they 
struggled  on  in  secret  and  divergent  channels,  inspir- 
ing crime  and  impeding  healthful  progress.  In  the 
mind  of  Cavour  no  less  than  in  Mazzini's,  was  the 
picture  of  a  united  Italy,  but  Cavour's  sight  was 
clearer  and  more  definite,  revealing  the  House  of 
Savoy  dominant  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber.  He  be- 
lieved Piedmont  must  of  necessity  be  the  principal 
agent  in  effecting  this  transformation.  "  Events  have 
led  Piedmont  to  take  a  clear  and  decided  position  in 
Italy,"  he  wrote  at  this  time.  "  That  position  is  not, 
I  am  well  aware,  without  danger,  and  I  feel  all  the 
weight  of  the  responsibility  that  in  consequence  presses 
on  me,  but  duty  and  honor  alike  impose  it  upon  us. 
As  providence  has  willed  that  in  Italy  Piedmont 
alone  should  be  free  and  independent,  Piedmont  ought 
to  use  her  liberty  and  her  independence  to  plead  be- 
fore Europe  the  cause  of  the  unhappy  peninsula.  We 
shall  not  recoil  from  this  perilous  task :  the  king  and 
the  country  are  decided  to  go  through  with  it  to  the 
end." 

In  furtherance  of  this  policy,  and  while  using 
every  endeavor  to  force  the  Italian  question  upon 
the  attention  of  Europe,  Cavour  went  on  strengthen- 
ing his  own  state  for  the  great  duties  to  which  with 
the  approval  of  the  king  he  had  dedicated  it.  The 
taxation  was  overhauled,  free  trade  introduced,  rail- 
ways opened,  and  bridges  built  under  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  government.  In  1854  the  final  and 
decisive  blows  were  struck  at  clerical  abuses.  A  law 
of  civil  marriage  was  passed,  while  certain  religious 
corporations  were  abolished  and  church  property  gen- 


106       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

erally  brought  under  control  of  the  state.  Against 
these  measures,  as  was  anticipated,  the  Pope  pro- 
tested in  unison  with  the  local  clergy.  Cavour  was 
immovable,  however,  in  his  consistent  adherence  to 
his  policy  of  a  "  free  church  in  a  free  state." 

Moreover,  during  these  debates  in  the  Chambers, 
Cavour's  mind  was  running  in  other  channels.  The 
Crimean  war  was  in  progress,  winter  was  approach- 
ing, and  the  condition  of  the  allied  armies  was  known 
to  be  anything  but  satisfactory.  Piedmont  with  its 
well-trained  army  would  be  no  contemptible  succor  in 
a  time  like  this.  Cavour  was  little  inclined  to  run 
a  great  risk,  but  he  recognized  in  the  condition  of 
affairs  a  glorious  opportunity.  In  fact,  he  favored 
the  sending  of  a  military  force  to  the  Crimea  to  assist 
the  allies.  England  was  known  to  be  desirous  of 
this,  and  here  was  an  opportunity  to  win  her  gratitude 
and  perhaps  assistance,  later,  in  his  settlement  of  the 
Italian  question.  Furthermore  the  alliance  of  Sar- 
dinia with  England  and  France  would  accomplish  the 
great  purpose  of  bringing  her  into  friendly  sympathy 
with  the  two  great  courts.  A  successful  campaign  in 
the  Crimea  would  also  raise  the  "  morale  "  of  the 
Piedmontese  army  and  give  it  confidence  for  future 
service.  This  consideration  had  great  weight  with 
the  king.  "  Our  defeat,"  he  exclaimed,  referring  to 
Novara,  "was  too  ignominious,  we  have  need  of  a 
little  glory  to  raise  us  up."  There  was  one  other 
reason,  perhaps,  that  may  have  influenced  Cavour's 
mind;  a  blow  at  Russia  was  a  blow  at  European 
despotism. 

The  ministry  was  opposed  to  Cavour's  bold  plan. 
In  the  Chambers,  too,  it  provoked  bitter  criticism.  It 
was  represented  as  ruinous,  as  suicidal,  for  a  little 


THE  RISE  OF  SARDINIA.  107 

state  scarcely  able  to  preserve  her  free  institutions 
against  vast  hostile  influences,  to  waste  her  strength 
in  a  quarrel  in  which  she  had  not  even  a  remote  in- 
terest. But  Cavour  remained  steadfast  to  his  purpose, 
confident  in  the  royal  approbation.  His  firmness  and 
patience  were  rewarded  ;  the  Chambers  supported  his 
project,  the  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed,  and  the 
battle-flags  of  Sardinia  again  committed  to  the  charge 
of  her  devoted  soldiery. 

These  were  trying  days  for  the  king.  At  the  open- 
ing of  the  year  1855,  with  the  church  still  heaping  its 
anathemas  upon  him,  and  the  strong  minority  in  the 
Chambers  bitterly  condemning  his  folly,  the  hand  of 
domestic  affliction  was  laid  heavily  upon  him.  The 
treaty  of  alliance  between  Piedmont  and  the  western 
powers  was  signed  on  January  10,  and  within  a 
month  of  that  event  the  king  lost  his  wife,  mother, 
and  his  only  brother,  the  Duke  of  Genoa.  These 
trials  aroused  the  deep  sympathy  of  his  people,  but 
they  were  cited  by  the  church  as  the  punishment  of 
God  upon  an  impious  monarch.  The  king,  fatigued 
and  sorrowing,  leaned  more  than  ever  upon  the  wis- 
dom of  Cavour.  He  would  have  been  glad  to  leave 
the  atmosphere  of  civil  and  clerical  strife  that  sur- 
rounded him,  for  the  head  of  his  army  in  the  East. 
On  April  14,  at  a  review  of  the  troops  destined  for 
the  Crimea,  he  bade  farewell  to  General  La  Marmora 
with  these  words :  "  Ah,  general,  happy  you.  You 
go  to  fight  soldiers.  I  remain  to  fight  monks  and 
nuns." 

Meanwhile  the  struggle  in  the  Chambers  went  on 
over  the  Rattazzi  bill  for  the  abolition  of  religious 
corporations.  The  clamors  of  the  angry  clergy  that 
followed  its  passage  were  soon  drowned  in  the  en- 


108      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

thusiastic  acclamations  that  greeted  the  tidings  of  the 
Franco-Sardinian  victory  of  the  Tchernaya.  The  last 
note  of  the  opposition  was  silenced,  and  no  one  could 
question  longer  that  the  prime  minister's  foreign 
policy  had  been  right.  The  narrow  streets  of  Genoa 
and  the  broad  avenues  of  the  royal  capital  only  re- 
flected the  pride  and  joy  that  were  animating  every 
village  and  mountain  chalet  over  the  news  that  the 
gallant  soldiers  of  Sardinia  had  again  proved  their 
valor  against  one  of  the  first  military  powers  of 
Europe. 

Cavour  determined  to  strike  while  the  iron  was 
hot,  and  force  Sardinia  still  more  upon  the  notice  of 
the  courts  and  people  of  western  Europe.  It  was  in 
furtherance  of  this  policy  that  in  November  the  king 
paid  a  visit  to  Paris  and  London.  He  was  received 
with  courtesy  and  an  interest  bordering  perhaps  upon 
curiosity.  It  was  during  his  stay  in  Paris  that  the 
king  received  his  first  intimation  from  the  lips  of  the 
emperor  that  he  was  deeply  interested  in  the  solution 
of  the  Italian  question.  What  did  the  emperor  mean 
by  that  inquiry,  "  Que  peut  on  faire  pour  1'Italie  ? " 
After  all,  the  destroyer  of  the  French  republic  might 
become  the  destroyer  of  Austrian  despotism  in  Italy. 
Soon  after  the  return  of  the  king,  Cavour,  presuming 
upon  the  solicitude  the  emperor  had  expressed,  wrote 
as  follows  to  him :  "  The  emperor  can  render  immense 
service  to  Italy:  first,  by  inducing  Austria  to  do 
justice  to  Piedmont  and  maintain  her  engagements  ; 
secondly,  by  obtaining  from  her  a  mitigation  of  the 
regime  that  weighs  upon  Lombardy  and  Venetia ;  in 
the  third  place  by  forcing  the  king  of  Naples  not  to 
scandalize  civilized  Europe  by  a  deportment  contrary 
to  all  the  principles  of  justice  and  equity  ;  in  the  fourth 


THE  RISE  OF  SARDINIA.  109 

place,  by  reestablishing  an  equilibrum  in  Italy  such 
as  was  settled  by  the  treaty  of  Vienna,  that  is  to  say, 
rendering  possible  the  removal  of  the  Austrians  from 
the  Legations  and  the  Romagna;  by  placing  these 
provinces  under  a  secular  prince,  or  procuring  them 
the  benefit  of  a  laic  and  independent  administration." 
Then  followed  the  congress  of  Paris,  and  it  was 
the  French  plenipotentiary  who  opened  the  way  for 
Cavour's  exposure  of  the  evils  resulting  from  the 
Austrian  domination  in  Italy.  Cavour  much  desired 
the  support  of  England  as  a  constitutional  power  of 
far  greater  moral  weight  than  the  French  empire. 
He  was  not,  however,  to  be  lulled  into  a  sense  of  false 
security.  While  still  hoping  for  signs  of  tangible 
encouragement  from  the  reticent  statesmen  of  Great 
Britain,  he  never  for  a  moment  relaxed  that  vigilance 
and  marvelous  skill  which  in  their  subtle  development 
were  drawing  the  French  emperor  into  the  position  of 
the  champion  of  Italian  unity. 


CHAPTEE  X. 

ITALY   AND   CAVOUR. 

AUSTRIA'S  INFLUENCE  UPON  THE  ITALIAN  GOVERNMENTS.  —  MET- 
TERNICH  ON  CAVOUR.  —  CAVOUR  DISAPPOINTED  IN  ENGLAND.  — 
HE  TURNS  TO  FRANCE  AS  AN  ALLY.  —  THE  ORSINI  INCIDENT. 

CAVOUR  APPEASES  THE  EMPEROR,  AND  STRIKES  AT  THE  PAPAL 

GOVERNMENT.  —  THE  CONFERENCE  AT  PLOMBikRES.  —  CAVOUR 
JUBILANT.  —  WARLIKE  DECLARATIONS  AT  THE  TUILERIES  AND 
AT  TURIN.  —  MARRIAGE  OF  PRINCE  NAPOLEON  AND  THE  PRIN- 
CESS CLOTILDE.  —  CAVOUR  IMPELS  THE  EMPEROR  TOWARD  WAR. 
—  GUIZOT  ON  CAVOUR.  —  SIGNING  OF  THE  FRANCO-SARDINIAN 
ALLIANCE.  —  FUTILE  EFFORTS  OF  THE  POWERS  TO  PRESERVE 
THE  PEACE.  —  AUSTRIA  DECLARES  WAR.  —  ENTHUSIASM  IN 
ITALY.  —  NAPOLEON'S  MANIFESTO.  —  HE  LEAVES  FOR  THE 
FRONT.  —  CONCENTRATION  OF  THE  ARMIES. 

THOUGH  only  a  small  portion  of  Italian  territory 
was  occupied  by  her  troops,  Austria  was  largely  re- 
sponsible for  the  oppression  exercised  by  the  despotic 
rulers  throughout  the  peninsula.  The  tyranny  in  the 
Two  Sicilies  and  the  bigoted  inefficiency  of  the  papal 
government  could  not  have  stood  a  month  without  the 
support  of  Vienna.  The  Pope  and  "  King  Bomba  " 
relied  implicitly  upon  the  material  as  well  as  the  moral 
aid  of  Austria  against  their  rebellious  subjects. 

The  more  rational  of  the  Italian  patriots  had 
already  begun  to  pin  their  hopes  to  the  king  of  Sar- 
dinia as  a  champion.  His  liberal  course,  pursued  in 
the  face  of  Austrian  opposition,  had  compelled  even 
the  most  ardent  republicans  to  acknowledge  that  there 
was  one  monarch  in  Italy  true  to  his  pledge  and  the 


ITALY  AND  CAVOUR.  Ill 

interests  of  his  people.  Secret  societies  had  only 
harassed  the  despotic  governments,  and  shown  them- 
selves not  only  incapable  of  improving  opportunities, 
but  propagators  of  anarchy  as  well.  It  began  to  be 
realized  that  to  wage  a  successful  battle  with  the  Ital- 
ian governments  supported  by  the  might  of  Austria, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  adopt  methods  sufficiently 
honorable  to  arouse  and  retain  the  sympathy  of  Eu- 
rope. 

Of  course  the  great  societies  died  slowly,  and 
Cavour,  who  was  constantly  replying  to  Austrian  ac- 
cusations, was  sometimes  handicapped  by  the  mis- 
guided zeal  of  "Young  Italy."  Nevertheless  he 
always  defended  his  state  successfully,  turning  with 
telling  force  the  responsibility  of  political  outrages 
upon  the  governments  whose  intolerance  rendered 
such  deeds  possible.  "We  have  always  followed  a 
frank,  loyal  policy,"  he  declared  in  the  Chambers, 
"without  duplicity,  and  as  long  as  we  shall  be  at 
peace  with  other  potentates  we  will  not  employ  rev- 
olutionary means,  nor  ever  seek  to  excite  tumults  or 
rebellions  in  their  states."  The  energy,  skill,  and 
straightforwardness  displayed  by  Cavour  in  these  dis- 
putes with  Austria  was  not  lost  upon  Europe.  Old 
Prince  Metternich  could  already  see  the  drift  of  pub- 
lic opinion  setting  in  against  the  empire  he  had  so 
long  and  faithfully  served.  An  Austrian  and  an  im- 
perialist to  the  core,  he  could  not  conceal  his  admira- 
tion for  the  Sardinian  minister.  "  Diplomacy  is  pass- 
ing away,"  he  is  reported  to  have  said ;  "  there  is  only 
now  one  diplomatist  in  Europe,  and  unfortunately  he 
is  against  us ;  I  mean  M.  de  Cavour." 

Before  the  close  of  1856  Cavour  realized  that  Eng- 
land's interests  were  drawing  her  closer  to  Austria,  and 


112       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

of  necessity  farther  away  from  the  championship  of 
Italian  freedom.  Cavour's  creed  being  undying  hostil- 
ity to  Austria,  it  was  plain  to  him  that  England  could 
never  be  his  ally  in  the  sense  he  wished.  The  loss  of 
England  was  a  heavy  disappointment  to  him,  for  no 
support  could  ever  be  as  satisfactory  as  that  of  the 
great  people  whose  institutions  he  always  held  up  to 
his  countrymen  as  worthy  of  emulation.  "Public 
affairs  hold  me  in  very  great  suspense,"  he  wrote  at 
this  time.  "  Abandoned  by  England,  having  in  front 
of  us  Austria,  malevolent  and  hostile,  obliged  to  strug- 
gle against  Rome  and  the  other  Italian  princes  —  you 
can  imagine  how  difficult  our  position  is.  In  spite 
of  all,  I  am  not  quite  discouraged,  because  I  believe 
that  the  country  is  with  us." 

The  English  influence  upon  Austria  tended  to  bring 
about  certain  reforms  in  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  am- 
nesty being  granted  for  political  offenders  and  Prince 
Maximilian  appointed  viceroy  of  the  provinces.  Ca- 
vour,  however,  saw  in  this,  as  well  as  in  the  Kaiser's 
visit  to  Venice  and  Milan  that  followed,  only  a  tardy 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  Vienna  government  to  win 
the  loyalty  of  its  Italian  subjects.  Cavour  had  no 
faith  in  Austrian  reforms ;  Austria  was  a  usurper  on 
Italian  soil,  and  her  rule  could  never  be  endured  by 
the  true  sons  of  the  fair  peninsula. 

Cavour's  only  hope  now  was  in  the  Emperor  of  the 
French.  It  is  true  that  the  turn  of  the  diplomatic 
wheel  that  had  estranged  constitutional  England 
brought  about  more  friendly  relations  with  despotic 
Eussia,  still  it  was  to  France  that  he  must  look  for 
material  support.  The  emperor's  course,  since  his 
first  profession  of  interest  in  the  Italian  question,  had 
been  so  consistently  friendly  as  to  awaken  within 


ITALY  AND  CAVOUR.  113 

Cavour  the  brightest  hopes.  All  the  ingenuity  and 
seductive  wiles  of  his  diplomacy  were  now  directed 
toward  drawing  the  Emperor  of  the  French  into  an 
alliance  with  the  Sardinian  state. 

The  unhappy  attempt  upon  the  emperor's  life  in 
January,  1858,  threw  a  temporary  cloud  upon  the 
growing  cordiality  that  existed  between  the  courts  of 
Paris  and  Turin.  The  crime  was  traced  to  Felice 
Orsini,  an  Italian  agitator,  who  expiated  his  guilt< 
upon  the  scaffold.  If  the  whole  matter  could  have 
been  forgotten  with  Orsini's  death,  it  would  have  been 
to  Cavour's  liking.  There  followed,  however,  a  long 
series  of  charges,  counter-charges,  and  denials  be- 
tween the  French,  English,  and  Sardinian  govern- 
ments. Orsini  had  been  striving,  by  means  legitimate 
and  criminal,  to  incite  in  all  quarters  hostility  to  Aus- 
trian rule  in  Italy.  In  England  he  addressed  public 
meetings,  but  soon  awoke  to  the  knowledge  that 
English  enthusiasm  would  never  blossom  into  action. 
While  engaged  there,  the  French  emperor  visited  the 
queen  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and  it  seems  probable 
that  the  deluded  enthusiast  gained  the  idea  that  in 
some  way  Napoleon  was  responsible  for  English  in- 
difference. The  attempted  assassination  on  the  Rue 
de  FOpera  may  have  been  actuated  by  motives  of 
revenge  or  for  the  purpose  of  frightening  the  em- 
peror into  hostility  to  Austria.  The  correspondence 
that  passed  between  England  and  France  was  ex- 
tremely bitter.  England  was  denominated  by  the 
French  press  as  a  den  of  assassins,  while  the  retorts 
from  England  galled  the  emperor  by  their  uncom- 
plimentary allusions  to  his  coup  d'etat.  In  contrast 
with  England,  the  conciliatory  tone  of  Sardinia  was 
extremely  marked  and  agreeable.  The  king  wrote  a 


114       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

note  to  the  emperor,  expressing  his  sorrow  and  horror 
at  the  attempt  upon  his  life,  and  begging  him  not  to 
allow  the  impious  deed  of  an  unhappy  zealot  to  influ- 
ence him  to  abandon  the  Italian  cause.  Nor  was  this 
all,  for  in  the  Chambers  stringent  laws  were  passed 
in  regard  to  regicide  and  conspiracy.  The  charges 
against  Piedmont  as  a  nurser  of  conspiracies  being 
renewed  at  this  time  by  the  Austrian  and  Italian 
courts,  Cavour  again  turned  skillfully  at  bay.  He 
struck  a  vigorous  blow  at  the  papal  power,  laying 
the  prevalence  of  political  lawlessness  in  Italy  at  the 
door  of  the  Vatican.  The  system  of  expulsion  prac- 
ticed by  the  pontifical  government  in  regard  to  its 
subjects  could  not,  he  claimed,  fail  to  be  attended  by 
"  dreadful  consequences  "  in  filling  other  states  with 
homeless,  discontented,  and  desperate  Italians.  '•  To 
the  measures  adopted  by  the  Holy  See  is  to  be  attrib- 
uted the  extraordinary  vitality  of  the  Mazzinian 
party." 

What  seemed  at  first  to  be  the  deathblow  to 
French  intervention  in  Italian  affairs  was  turned  by 
Cavour  into  an  impelling  force  in  the  right  direction. 
However  much  the  French  emperor  was  thrown  out 
of  conceit  with  the  Italian  cause  by  the  explosion  of 
Orsini's  bombs,  he  was  completely  mollified  by  the 
course  of  the  Sardinian  government.  In  fact,  so  sud- 
denly did  the  fierce  zeal  of  the  emperor  for  the  op- 
pressed Italians  blaze  forth,  that  for  some  years  it 
was  a  prevalent  belief  in  Europe  that  he  was  driven 
forward  through  fear  of  other  Orsinis  that  might  in- 
fest his  gay  capital.1 

' '  The  truth  is  that  he  is  determined  to  go  to  war  with  Austria  to 
propitiate  the  Italians,  and  to  save  his  own  life  from  assassination  since 
the  attentat  of  January,  1858.  Cavour  worked  upon  this  at  their  inter' 


ITALY  AND   CAVOUR.  115 

An  open  alliance  with  Sardinia  meant  war,  and  per- 
haps the  emperor  thought  that  it  was  time  to  break 
another  lance  for  his  popularity  at  home.  Possibly, 
too,  a  war  with  Austria,  as  has  often  been  intimated, 
was  one  of  the  great  strokes  of  the  policy  he  had 
determined  upon  when  he  seized  his  uncle's  throne. 
It  is  certain  that  his  spleen  and  jealousy  had  been 
whetted  by  the  preponderance  of  Austrian  influence 
in  Italy.  His  bayonets  preserved  the  peace  in  Rome, 
but  in  the  papal  councils  the  will  of  the  Kaiser  was 
more  potent  than  his  own.  He  might  style  himself 
"  the  eldest  son  of  the  church,"  but  it  had  become  a 
hollow  title.  Whatever  his  motives,  when  he  turned 
the  face  of  encouragement  to  the  appeal  of  Sardinia 
in  behalf  of  a  down-trodden  people,  he  entered  upon 
a  course  that  has  entitled  him  to  the  gratitude  of  the 
civilized  world. 

On  the  20th  of  July,  1858,  Cavour  met  the  em- 
peror at  Plombieres.  The  conference  was  private ;  and 
when  they  parted,  the  outside  world  could  only  surmise 
as  to  the  topics  discussed  and  the  conclusions  reached. 
But  though  the  world  was  in  darkness,  a  great  light 
shone  upon  Cavour's  path.  He  had  long  looked  for- 
ward to  a  death  grapple  with  Austrian  despotism  as 
a  necessity,  and  he  no  longer  confronted  the  crisis 
with  only  the  help  of  the  slender  ranks  of  Piedmont, 
but  he  felt  behind  him  the  mighty  support  of  the 
French  military  empire.  In  case  of  an  Austrian 
attack  upon  Piedmont,  the  French  army  would  take 
the  field  in  her  defense.  As  for  aggressive  move- 
ments, they  were  to  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  the 

view  at  Plombieres  last  autumn,  and  persuaded  him  that  taking  up 
the  cause  of  Italy  will  save  his  life,  forfeited  according  to  the  laws  of 
the  Carbonari."  —  Malmesbury's  Memoirs  of  an  ex-Minister,  p.  466. 


116      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

emperor.  Already  while  Europe  plodded  on,  never 
suspecting  war,  while  the  Bourbon  persecuted  and 
misruled  calm  in  the  sense  of  Austrian  protection, 
while  the  clergy  fumed  and  conspirators  plotted,  Ca- 
vour  saw,  fair  and  beautiful,  a  united  Italy,  and  all  its 
roads  converged  toward  Rome. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1859,  an  event  occurred 
that  rudely  shattered  the  quiet  of  Europe.  At  a  re- 
ception at  the  Tuileries  the  French  emperor  expressed 
himself  as  follows  to  the  Austrian  ambassador:  "I 
regret  that  our  relations  with  your  government  are 
not  as  good  as  in  the  past,  but  I  pray  you  to  inform 
the  emperor  that  my  sentiments  toward  him  are  not 
changed."  Words  like  these  from  the  Emperor  of 
the  French  could  not  fail  to  be  regarded  in  all  quar- 
ters as  a  menace  to  the  peace  of  Europe.  Following 
close  upon  this  came  the  royal  speech  at  the  opening 
of  the  Sardinian  parliament  on  January  10.  "  Our 
country,"  declared  the  king,  "  though  small  in  terri- 
tory, has  acquired  credit  in  the  councils  of  Europe, 
because  it  is  great  by  the  ideas  it  represents,  and  by 
the  sympathies  it  inspires.  This  state  of  things  is 
not  devoid  of  perils,  for  while  we  respect  treaties,  we 
are  not  insensible  to  the  cry  of  grief  which  comes 
up  to  us  from  so  many  parts  of  Italy."  The  Cham- 
ber was  crowded;  and  as  these  words  were  uttered 
the  enthusiasm  could  no  longer  be  restrained.  The 
room  rang  with  cheers  for  the  king  and  the  House  of 
Savoy. 

The  declaration  at  the  Tuileries,  followed  so  closely 
by  the  exciting  scene  in  Turin,  left  no  room  for  doubt 
that  France  was  pledged  to  support  Sardinia  in  push- 
ing the  Italian  question  to  a  solution.  The  emperor 
had  always  been  made  to  feel  a  sense  of  isolation  in 


ITALY  AND  CAVOUR.  117 

his  intercourse  with  European  monarchs,  and  had 
long  been  anxious  to  ally  himself  with  some  ancient 
royal  line.  A  match  with  the  House  of  Savoy  was 
certainly  a  step  in  the  right  direction,  and  on  Janu- 
ary 29  his  cousin  Prince  Napoleon  was  married  to 
the  Princess  Clotilde,  daughter  of  Victor  Emmanuel. 
The  union  was  by  no  means  agreeable  to  the  king, 
but  it  was  urged  by  Cavour  as  a  portion  of  the  price 
to  be  paid  for  French  bayonets  in  the  coming  strug- 
gle. In  short,  it  was  a  bargain :  a  few  army  corps  for 
a  princess.  The  necessities  of  the  state  blinded  Ca- 
vour to  every  other  consideration. 

The  emperor  needed  at  the  last  some  stimulating 
influence  to  drive  him  forward.  When  he  saw  war 
staring  him  in  the  face,  he  seems  to  have  half  re- 
pented his  course.  Cavour  had  been  leading  him  on 
step  by  step  from  encouraging  remarks  to  positive 
pledges,  now  craftily  picturing  Austrian  dominance  at 
Rome,  and  then  offering  inducements  like  a  tract  of 
country  or  the  hand  of  a  princess.  After  committing 
himself  at  the  Tuileries,  the  Emperor  of  the  French 
was  hopelessly  bound  to  Sardinia,  to  rise  or  fall  with 
her  fortunes.  Cavour  was  determined  to  draw  the 
sword,  and  there  was  nothing  for  Napoleon  but  to 
support  him.  "  There  are,"  exclaimed  M.  de  Guizot 
at  this  time,  "  but  two  men  upon  whom  the  eyes  of 
Europe  are  fixed,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  M.  de 
Cavour.  The  game  is  being  played.  I  back  M.  de 
Cavour." 

The  treaty  of  alliance  between  France  and  Sardinia 
was  signed  on  the  18th  of  January,  but  already  the 
startled  powers  had  commenced  to  exert  themselves  in 
the  interests  of  peace.  Their  efforts  were  hopeless 
from  the  first.  Both  Austria  and  Sardinia  had  been 


118      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

pushing  their  war  preparations  for  weeks,  and  the 
first  question  for  the  peacemakers  was  how  to  effect 
at  least  a  partial  disarmament.  Neither  Austria  nor 
Sardinia  wished  to  take  the  first  step.  As  for  Cavour, 
there  was  nothing  he  dreaded  so  much  as  peace,  for 
he  had  much  to  lose  and  nothing  to  gain  by  it.  So 
he  claimed  he  was  acting  strictly  on  the  defensive, 
and  continued  to  augment  the  military  strength  of  his 
state.  A  congress  was  next  suggested,  but  now,  to 
the  joy  of  Cavour,  the  Austrian  government  began  to 
raise  serious  objections.  The  Vienna  statesmen  de- 
cided that  in  case  a  congress  were  held,  Sardinia,  not 
being  a  power  of  the  first  class,  could  not  claim  admit- 
tance. Cavour  protested,  and  through  the  efforts  of 
England,  Austria  agreed  to  the  admission  of  Sardinia, 
but  to  discuss  the  question  of  disarmament  alone. 
Cavour  refused  this  compromise.  At  last  England 
urged  the  French  emperor  to  induce  Sardinia  to  dis- 
arm on  condition  of  her  entering  the  congress  on 
equal  terms  with  the  great  powers.  This  proposition 
was  so  fair  that  Cavour  was  forced  to  accept  it.  The 
Sardinian  acquiescence  was  dispatched  from  Turin  on 
April  18,  and  it  only  remained  to  secure  the  approval 
of  Austria.  But  Austria,  hopeless  of  peace  and 
goaded  to  rage  by  the  insolence  of  her  petty  foe, 
solved  all  Cavour's  difficulties  by  dispatching  an  ulti- 
matum to  Turin.  On  April  23  the  Austrian  am- 
bassador delivered  to  Cavour  the  message  of  Count 
Buol,  that  unless  Sardinia  should  disarm  within  three 
days,  the  Austrian  government  would  enforce  its  de- 
mands by  force  of  arms.  There  could  be  only  one 
response  to  this.  Everything  was  as  Cavour  wished 
it.  He  still  appeared  to  Europe  to  be  standing 
purely  on  the  defensive. 


ITALY  AND  CAVOUE.  119 

The  enthusiasm  with  which  the  declaration  of  war 
was  hailed  was  not  confined  to  Sardinia  alone.  While 
the  well-disciplined  strength  of  that  state  was  being 
rapidly  massed,  thousands  of  volunteers  from  all  parts 
of  Italy  poured  into  Piedmont  to  offer  their  aid  to 
"  II  Re  Galantuomo."  In  fact,  the  force  that  Victor 
Emmanuel  led  to  the  field  might  properly  be  desig- 
nated as  an  Italian  army.  His  proclamation  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  nation.  "  People  of  Italy,"  he  ex- 
claimed, "Austria  assails  Piedmont  because  I  have 
maintained  the  cause  of  our  common  country  in  the 
councils  of  Europe,  because  I  was  not  insensible  to 
your  cries  of  anguish.  Thus  she  violently  breaks  now 
the  treaties  which  she  never  has  respected.  ...  I 
fight  for  the  right  of  the  whole  nation.  We  confide 
in  God  and  in  our  concord ;  we  confide  in  the  valor  of 
the  Italian  soldiers,  in  the  alliance  of  the  noble  French 
nation ;  we  confide  in  the  justice  of  public  opinion.  I 
have  no  other  ambition  than  to  be  the  first  soldier  of 
Italian  independence.  Viva  1'  Italia !  " 

The  excitement  in  Paris  was  hardly  less  intense, 
though  scarcely  of  so  sacred  a  character  as  that  which 
animated  the  Sardinian  capital.  Immediately  upon 
the  declaration  of  war  by  Austria,  the  emperor  issued 
his  manifesto  to  his  people.  "Austria,  by  ordering 
the  entry  of  her  armies  into  the  territory  of  the  king 
of  Sardinia  our  ally,  declares  war  against  us ;  setting 
at  nought  treaties  and  justice,  and  menacing  our  fron- 
tiers. All  the  great  powers  have  protested  against 
this  aggression.  Since  Piedmont  has  accepted  every 
condition  proposed  for  the  preservation  of  peace,  we 
may  naturally  ask,  What  inducement  can  have  led  to 
this  sudden  invasion  ?  It  is  simply  this :  Austria  has 
pushed  matters  to  such  an  extremity  that  either  her 


120     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

dominion  must  extend  to  the  Alps,  or  Italy  must  be 
free  to  the  Adriatic.  .  .  .  Courage,  then,  and  concord. 
The  world  shall  see  yet  again  that  our  country  has 
not  degenerated.  Providence  will  bless  our  efforts, 
for  the  cause  must  be  holy  in  the  sight  of  Heaven 
which  rests  on  justice,  humanity,  love  of  country,  and 
of  independence." 

It  was  not  the  moral  side  of  the  question  that  in- 
spired the  throngs  on  the  boulevards  and  made  the 
streets  ring  with  their  plaudits  as  the  emperor  passed 
along.  It  was  rather  the  romantic  glory  attaching  to 
another  contest  with  Austria  on  the  classic  fields  of 
Bonaparte's  great  victories.  Paris  was  gay  in  the 
pomp  and  music  of  departing  battalions.  It  pleased 
the  martial  spirit  of  France  to  hear  that  the  imperial 
eagles  were  again  climbing  the  Alps  and  glittering 
on  the  sunny  Italian  plains.  It  was  not  for  the  ex- 
cited populace  crying  "  Vive  1'empereur  "  and  "  Vive 
la  guerre "  to  know  at  that  time  how  slowly  and 
lamely  mobilization  progressed,  and  how  unprepared 
after  all  the  emperor  was  for  a  trying  war.  On  May 
10,  the  day  the  emperor  left  Paris  for  the  army,  he 
was  to  all  appearances  at  the  zenith  of  popularity  and 
power. 

The  war  manifesto  of  the  emperor  of  Austria  had 
been  issued  on  April  28,  defending  the  course  of 
his  government  and  regretting  the  necessity  that  com- 
pelled him  to  order  his  armies  over  the  Sardinian  fron- 
tier. The  war  was  not  popular  in  Austria,  as  it  was 
in  France  and  Piedmont.  Austria  was  too  complex 
internally,  with  too  much  discontent  at  the  core,  to  dis- 
play great  enthusiasm  at  this  time.  The  hatred  of 
France  was  the  one  influence  that  lent  popularity  to 
the  Kaiser's  project,  and  in  Munich,  on  their  way  to 


ITALY  AND  CAVOUR.  121 

the  front,  the  Austrian  troops  were  hailed  as  the  exe- 
cutioners of  the  hated  Napoleon. 

The  three  armies  converged  steadily  toward  the 
theatre  of  carnage,  accompanied  by  their  respective 
sovereigns,  each  relying  on  the  justice  of  his  cause 
and  the  blessing  of  Heaven  upon  his  arms. 


CHAPTEK  XI. 

THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF     1859.  —  GENOA     TO 
MILAN. 

ROMANTIC  CHARACTER  OF  THE  THEATRE  OF  WAR. — UNPREPARED- 
NESS  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY.  —  ITS  ORDER  OF  BATTLE.  —  EN- 
THUSIASTIC RECEPTION  OF  THE  FRENCH  TROOPS  AT  GENOA. — 
ARRIVAL  OF  THE  EMPEROR  AT  GENOA.  —  THE  AUSTRIAN  GENER- 
ALISSIMO AND  HIS  CAREER.  —  His  TIMID  TACTICS.  —  COMBAT  AT 

MONTEBELLO.  —  THE  EMPEROR  VISITS  THE  FlELD.  —  THE  EM- 
PEROR PLANS  A  FLANK  MARCH.  —  GYULAI  DECEIVED.  —  BATTLES 
OF  PALESTRO.  —  ACTION  AT  TURBIGO.  —  SUCCESS  OF  THE  FLANK 
MARCH.  —  THE  EMPEROR'S  ORDERS  FOR  JUNE  3o.  —  POSITION  OF 
THE  Two  ARMIES  AT  NOON  ON  THE  4TH.  —  BATTLE  OF  MAGENTA. 
—  THE  FRENCH  GUARD  ON  THE  NAVIGLIO  GRANDE.  —  ANXIETY 
OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  CRITICAL  CONDITION  OF  THE  GUARD.  — 
ARRIVAL  OF  CANROBERT  AND  NIEL.  —  MACMAHON  CARRIES  MA- 
GENTA. —  DEATH  OF  ESPINASSE.  —  RESUME  OF  THE  BATTLE. 

THE  campaign  of  1859  in  Italy,  as  the  meeting  of 
the  first  military  powers  of  Europe,  was  regarded  with 
supreme  interest.  The  peculiar  nature  of  the  French 
emperor's  casus  belli,  and  the  historic  country  in 
which  the  scenes  were  to  be  enacted,  added  a  tinge  of 
romance  to  the  picture.  It  was  as  if  the  days  of  Ma- 
rengo  and  Eivoli  had  returned,  to  read  of  "  Napoleon 
in  Italy  "  battling  with  the  hosts  of  Austria.  More- 
over, despite  the  two  sanguinary  battles  that  charac- 
terized it,  the  Italian  campaign  had  more  of  pageantry 
than  is  common  in  modern  days  of  scientific  warfare. 

The  story  must  be  told  to-day  in  a  manner  less 
eulogistic  to  French  generalship,  than  characterized 
the  works  based  on  official  data  which  appeared  be- 


THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  ITALY, 
183O. 

THE  COUNTRY  FROM  ALESSANDRIA  TO  MILAN 


Struthers  i  Co.,  Engr'(.  X.  Y. 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859.        123 

fore  the  disasters  of  Sedan  and  Metz  laid  bare  the  de- 
fects of  the  imperial  military  establishment.  Indeed, 
the  Emperor  of  the  French,  although  he  had  officially 
announced  to  the  Vienna  cabinet  that  he  should  re- 
gard the  passage  of  the  Ticino  by  an  Austrian  army 
as  an  act  of  hostility,  found  himself  at  a  disadvantage 
upon  the  acceptance  of  his  gauge.  Great  confusion 
attended  the  mobilization  of  the  army,  and  matters 
were  especially  deplorable  in  everything  pertaining  to 
its  equipment.  The  supply  of  horses,  tents,  ammuni- 
tion, and  shoes  was  found  to  be  insufficient,  while  the 
majority  of  the  battalions  went  to  the  front  with  thin 
ranks. 

Upon  issuing  his  manifesto  of  war,  the  emperor 
declared  his  intention  of  taking  the  field  at  the  head 
of  the  Imperial  Guard  and  directing  in  person  the 
operations  of  his  army.  The  five  corps  of  the  army 
were  commanded  as  follows  :  1st  corps,  Marshal  Bara- 
guey  d'Hilliers  ;  2d  corps,  General  MacMahon  ;  3d 
corps,  Marshal  Canrobert ;  4th  corps,  General  Niel ; 
5th  corps,  Prince  Napoleon.  All  these  officers  had 
earned  more  or  less  distinction  in  the  Crimean  cam- 
paign. Baraguey  d'Hilliers  had  won  his  baton  in 
the  Baltic  expedition.  Canrobert  had  commanded 
the  army  for  several  months,  and  Niel  had  officiated 
at  his  headquarters  as  the  emperor's  mouthpiece. 
Prince  Napoleon  commanded  a  division  at  the  Ahna, 
while  it  was  MacMahon's  division  that  bore  the  brunt 
of  the  fighting  at  the  taking  of  the  Malakoff.  Many 
of  the  divisional  commanders,  too,  had  won  laurels  on 
the  same  field  of  action.  While  the  1st,  2d,  and  5th 
corps  embarked  at  Toulon,  Marseilles,  and  Algeria 
for  Genoa,  the  3d  and  4th  passed  the  Alps  by  Mont 
Cenis  into  Piedmont.  There  was  a  grand  scramble  to 


124     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

attain  the  battle-ground,  as  the  Sardinian  army  was 
supposed  to  stand  in  jeopardy  from  the  overwhelming 
strength  of  its  foe. 

On  April  26  the  eager  watchers  on  the  ramparts  of 
Genoa  descried  on  the  horizon  the  first  French  trans- 
port. A  few  hours  later  General  Bazaine  landed  on 
the  quay,  and  the  troops  began  to  disembark.  The 
excitement  of  the  Genoese  knew  no  bounds,  and  they 
swarmed  about  the  soldiers  with  the  most  extravagant 
expressions  of  joy  and  welcome.  Day  after  day,  as 
the  booming  cannon  announced  the  arrival  of  rein- 
forcements and  the  chasseurs  and  zouaves  went  swing- 
ing through  the  streets  to  their  camps,  the  enthusiasm 
grew  in  intensity.  Citizens  walked  the  streets  arm 
in  arm  with  the  red-trousered  soldiery,  while  in  the 
Acqua  Sola  and  public  promenades,  the  Genoese 
ladies  in  spotless  white  did  not  shrink  from  the  soci- 
ety of  the  jaunty  officers  of  the  empire.  The  enthu- 
siasm culminated  on  May  12,  when  the  emperor  him- 
self arrived  in  the  imperial  yacht.  As  he  looked 
about  upon  the  sea  of  glad  faces  that  surrounded 
him,  and  heard  the  shouts  of  "  Viva  Napoleone,"  he 
must  have  felt  that  here  at  least  was  true  sincerity : 
not  the  fawning  of  the  fickle  Paris  mob,  but  the 
demonstration  of  a  grateful  people.  Upon  landing, 
the  emperor  found  fresh  proofs  of  the  popular  joy. 
The  streets  were  strewn  with  flowers,  and  the  house 
fronts  were  ablaze  with  the  interwined  colors  of 
France  and  Sardinia.  As  night  deepened,  the  city 
became  transformed.  Every  window  seemed  illumi- 
nated, from  the  poorest  hovels  to  the  stately  palaces 
that  in  other  days  rendered  Genoa  truly  "  the  superb." 
From  the  sea  the  appearance  of  the  terraced  city  was 
brilliant  in  the  extreme,  while  the  colored  illumina- 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN   OF  1859.        125 

tions  on  the  shipping  were  reflected  in  the  placid  mir- 
ror of  the  harbor.  The  emperor  left  Genoa  on  the 
14th,  proceeding  to  Alessandria,  in  the  vicinity  of 
which  his  army  was  massing. 

Meanwhile  the  Austrian  commander  had  utterly 
neglected  to  make  use  of  his  splendid  opportunities. 
For  weeks  previous  to  the  final  rupture  he  had  been 
steadily  massing  his  troops  in  Lombardy,  until  in  the 
last  week  of  April  he  was  able  to  cross  the  Ticino  at 
the  head  of  five  corps  cParmee.  What  Count  Gyulai 
had  achieved  to  merit  his  distinction  as  general  of 
the  Kaiser's  forces,  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  He 
won  some  credit  as  governor  of  Trieste  in  1848  and 
as  minister  of  war  for  a  few  months  previous  to  1850. 
After  that  he  reappeared  in  Italy  as  a  corps  com- 
mander under  Eadetsky,  and  upon  the  death  of  that 
distinguished  general  he  was  appointed  to  command  the 
army  in  Lombardy.  With  little  reputation  as  a  sol- 
dier, at  sixty  years  of  age  he  found  himself  in  com- 
mand of  the  army  advancing  on  Turin.  Had  he  been  to 
any  degree  energetic,  he  might  easily  have  overthrown 
or  masked  the  Piedmontese  army,  and  by  the  close  of 
the  month  been  thundering  at  the  gates  of  Turin. 
He  advanced  timidly,  however.  The  absence  of  foes 
seemed  to  alarm  him  as  much  as  their  presence  could 
have  done.  He  became  possessed  with  the  idea  that 
his  wily  antagonists  were  preparing  some  trap  for  the 
engulfing  of  his  devoted  battalions.  After  occupy- 
ing Novara  and  Vercelli  he  came  to  a  halt;  and 
while  he  deliberated  upon  the  situation,  the  head  of 
Canrobert's  corps  entered  Turin.  The  first  point  in 
the  game  was  lost  to  the  Kaiser. 

On  the  19th  of  May  Gyulai  withdrew  his  head- 
quarters to  Garlasco.  The  king  of  Sardinia  was  at 


126     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Occimiano,  the  French  emperor  at  Alessandria.  The 
five  Austrian  corps  held  a  line  from  Mortara  to  Stra- 
della,  the  Sardinians  being  massed  about  Casale  and 
the  French  between  Voghera  and  Alessandria.  Gyu- 
lai  interpreted  the  presence  of  the  French  in  such 
force  about  Voghera  as  an  evidence  of  their  inten- 
tion to  attempt  the  passage  of  the  Po  somewhere 
south  of  Pavia.  In  order  to  better  assure  himself  on 
this  point,  he  determined  to  push  a  reconnoissance 
against  Voghera  to  test  the  French  strength.  On 
May  20  he  dispatched  five  Austrian  brigades  under 
Count  Stadion  upon  this  service.  Stadion  moved  in 
three  columns  converging  toward  Voghera. 

General  Forey's  division  of  the  1st  corps  was  hold- 
ing Voghera,  supported  by  three  regiments  of  Pied- 
montese  cavalry,  and  his  outposts  were  in  Casteggio 
and  the  adjacent  villages.  The  advancing  Austrians 
drove  the  French  from  Casteggio  through  Montebello 
and  Genestrello  with  slight  loss.  Forey,  with  only 
two  brigades  at  his  disposal,  would  have  been  justified 
in  declining  battle  and  in  standing  on  the  defensive 
at  Voghera.  He  was  little  inclined,  however,  to  miss 
the  possibility  of  winning  the  first  success  of  the  war, 
and  in  consequence,  what  had  been  intended  by  the 
Austrian  commander  as  a  mere  reconnoissance  soon 
developed  into  a  warm  engagement.  While  General 
Blanchard's  brigade  operated  against  the  Austrians 
on  the  north  of  the  Montebello  road,  Forey  threw 
Beuret's  brigade  against  Genestrello.  The  village 
was  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  the  Austrians 
falling  back  in  some  confusion  upon  Montebello.  The 
contest  for  the  possession  of  this  village  was  stubborn 
and  protracted.  Driven  from  the  streets  after  hot 
bayonet-work,  the  Austrians  made  a  last  stand  in  the 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859.        127 

cemetery  on  some  rising  ground  just  outside  the  vil- 
lage. General  Beuret  was  killed  at  this  point,  and 
his  troops  were  roughly  handled.  The  position  was 
finally  carried,  however,  and  the  Austrians  retired  in 
good  order  upon  Casteggio. 

The  whole  contest,  known  to  the  French  as  the  bat- 
tle of  Montebello,  was  a  furious,  disorderly  scrimmage 
from  the  moment  that  Beuret  first  pointed  his  men  to 
Genestrello.  There  was  no  system  or  cohesion  either 
in  the  attack  or  defense.  Stadion  was  completely 
demoralized  and  glad  to  retire  unmolested.  He  had 
mismanaged  throughout.  He  failed  to  utilize  his 
strong  right  against  Blanchard's  brigade,  and  left 
Urban's  division  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  fighting  at 
Genestrello  and  Montebello,  while  a  brigade  at  Cas- 
teggio and  one  at  Casatisma  remained  inactive 
throughout  the  day. 

The  following  day  the  emperor  visited  the  battle- 
field. He  gazed  upon  the  stricken  country,  upon 
wheatfields  torn  and  trodden  by  horses  and  cannon- 
wheels,  upon  dismantled  Montebello  with  its  shot- 
scarred  church  and  wreath  of  fire-withered  vines,  and 
upon  dead  men  lying  as  they  fell,  the  blue  and  crim- 
son of  his  chasseurs  thickly  interspersed  with  the 
white  livery  of  the  Hapsburgs.  Finally  he  congrat- 
ulated Forey,  embraced  him,  and  returned  to  Ales- 
sandria. 

Gyulai  was  confirmed  in  his  belief  that  the  French 
were  heading  for  Piacenza,  and  would  cross  the  Po 
south  of  Pavia.  Napoleon,  knowing  this,  determined 
to  profit  by  it.  He  decided  to  execute  a  long  march 
to  the  north,  carrying  his  army  via  Casale  and  Ver- 
celli  to  Novara,  and,  crossing  the  Ticino  near  the  lat- 
ter place,  turn  the  Austrian  right  and  place  them  at 


128     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

a  disadvantage  for  the  defense  of  Milan.  On  May 
27  his  orders  to  this  effect  were  issued,  and  on  the 
following  day  the  various  corps  were  on  the  move. 
The  possession  of  the  railway  between  Alessandria 
and  Novara  proved  a  great  advantage  in  this  enter- 
prise. The  unsuspecting  Gyulai  still  maintained  his 
strength  between  Mortara  and  Stradella,  with  his 
headquarters  at  Garlasco.  On  the  30th  occurred  the 
battle  of  Palestro,  brought  on  by  an  advance  of  the 
Piedmontese  army  eastward  from  Vercelli.  With 
the  approval  of  the  emperor  the  move  was  made 
against  the  Austrian  posts  at  Casalino,  Vinzaglio,  and 
Palestro.  Lilia's  division  of  the  Austrian  7th  corps 
was  opposed  by  the  three  Piedmontese  divisions  of 
Cialdini,  Duraudo,  and  Fanti.  The  former  dislodged 
the  Austrians  from  Palestro  after  a  sharp  conflict, 
while  his  colleagues  gained  equal  success  with  less 
difficulty.  On  the  day  following,  General  Zobel, 
commander  of  the  Austrian  7th  corps,  came  up 
with  Jellacich's  division  of  the  2d  corps  to  assist  in 
recovering  the  lost  ground.  The  result  was  some 
heavy  fighting  about  Palestro,  though  the  Austrians 
scarcely  had  a  chance  of  success  against  the  over- 
whelming numbers  that  opposed  them.  Szabo's  bri- 
gade of  Jellacich's  division  made  a  desperate  effort 
to  seize  the  river  bridges  and  cut  off  the  Sardinians 
from  their  supports.  They  advanced  as  far  as  the 
bridge  of  La  Bridda,  and  here  the  contest  became  so 
dubious  that  the  sword  of  the  Sardinian  king  himself 
flashed  in  the  smoke  of  the  melee.  At  the  critical 
moment  for  the  Sardinians  the  3d  French  zouave 
regiment  was  brought  up  to  their  support.  Their 
impetuous  charge  carried  everything  before  it,  and 
Szabo  was  driven  from  all  his  positions.  At  the 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859.        129 

same  time  the  Austrian  centre  and  right  withdrew 
from  before  Palestro  and  Confienza,  General  Zobel 
having  learned  of  the  vast  strength  of  the  Sardinian 
supports  west  of  the  Ticino. 

The  battles  of  Palestro  were  the  result  of  question- 
able strategy  on  the  part  of  the  emperor  and  the  king 
of  Sardinia.  It  was  all-important  to  them  that  the  Aus- 
trian commander  be  kept  in  ignorance  of  their  north- 
ward movement,  and  a  demonstration  of  force  in  the 
vicinity  of  Vercelli  was  certainly  calculated  to  draw 
Austrian  attention  in  the  very  direction  in  which  it 
was  least  desired.  That  the  two  days'  battle  was  not 
attended  with  evil  results  to  the  allies  was  due  largely 
to  Austrian  obtuseness.  It  was  not  until  the  2d  of 
June  that  Gyulai  learned  of  the  presence  of  the 
French  on  his  right,  and  began  to  hurry  his  troops 
northward.  On  the  3d  the  action  took  place  in  which 
MacMahon's  corps  crossed  the  Ticino  at  Turbigo,  and 
wrested  the  village  of  Robecchetto  from  the  Austrians. 
This  aroused  Gyulai  to  a  full  sense  of  his  error,  and 
threw  the  Austrian  camps  into  a  paroxysm  of  ener- 
getic preparation. 

On  the  evening  of  the  3d  the  headquarters  of  the 
French  emperor  were  at  Novara.  He  was  all  in  the 
dark  regarding  the  numbers  and  whereabouts  of  the 
enemy.  He  was  aiming  for  Milan,  but  was  undecided 
as  to  the  best  means  of  reaching  it.  The  guard  was 
at  Trecate  and  Turbigo,  the  2d  corps  at  Robecchetto, 
and  the  rest  of  the  army  close  at  hand.  The  Sar- 
dinian headquarters  were  at  Galliate.  The  emperor 
finally  decided  upon  a  plan,  and  issued  his  orders 
accordingly  on  the  evening  of  the  3d.  General  Mac- 
Mahon  with  the  2d  corps  was  to  move  in  the  morn- 
ing upon  Buffalora  and  Magenta,  supported  by  the 


130     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

light  division  of  the  Guard  and  the  Sardinian  army, 
which  was  to  cross  the  Ticino  at  Turbigo.  The  3d 
corps  was  to  remain  at  Novara  with  the  exception  of 
Picard's  brigade,  which  was  ordered  to  Turbigo.  The 
grenadier  division  of  the  Guard  was  to  cross  the 
Ticino  at  San  Martino,  while  the  4th  corps  was  to 
move  from  Trecate  to  the  same  place.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  4th,  however,  the  emperor  changed  his 
mind,  and  dispatched  messengers  to  Canrobert  and 
Picard  to  support  the  Guard  at  San  Martino. 

It  was  noon  when  the  emperor  reached  San  Mar- 
tino. The  engineers  were  repairing  the  stone  foot 
and  railway  bridge  that  spanned  the  river  at  this 
point,  two  arches  of  which  had  been  blown  up  by  the 
Austrians.  After  passing  the  river,  the  next  obstruc- 
tion was  the  Naviglio  Grande,  the  great  canal  that 
connects  Milan  with  the  Ticino  and  Lake  Maggiore. 
The  canal  was  crossed  in  this  vicinity  by  four  bridges 
—  at  Buff alora,  at  Ponte  Nuovo  di  Magenta,  Poute 
Vecchio  di  Magenta,  and  at  Robecco. 

It  was  plain  to  the  emperor  that  the  Austrians  held 
these  villages,  though  he  did  not  anticipate  that  they 
were  in  force.  He  determined  to  await  some  signal 
from  MacMahon  before  advancing.  It  was  a  fair  sight 
that  his  eye  dwelt  upon,  meanwhile,  from  his  position 
above  the  Ticino.  The  sun  blazed  forth  from  a  cloud- 
less sky.  Before  him  he  could  trace  the  line  of  the 
canal  by  the  red-roofed  villages  peering  through  their 
wealth  of  dark  foliage.  Beyond  these,  rising  above 
the  verdure  that  clothed  the  hills,  was  the  bell  tower 
of  Magenta.  On  the  northern  and  southern  horizons 
the  Alps  and  Apennines  shone  dimly  through  the 
haze,  seeming  to  melt  into  the  blue  of  the  heavens. 

Meanwhile  the  Austrian  commander  was  entirely 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  (ff  1859.        131 

innocent  of  any  definite  knowledge  concerning  his 
foe.  Count  Clam  Gallas  was  in  command  about 
Magenta,  and  had  at  his  disposal  six  brigades  of  the 
1st  and  2d  corps.  Three  of  these  brigades  were  in- 
trenched at  Ponte  Nuovo  and  in  the  outskirts  of 
Buff alora ;  another  occupied  the  heights  on  the  east 
bank  between  Ponte  Nuovo  and  Robecco.  The  other 
two  held  Magenta  itself.  In  addition  to  these,  there 
were  two  brigades  of  the  7th  corps  at  Casa  Cerella, 
while  the  two  other  brigades  of  the  same  corps 
and  the  whole  of  the  3d  corps  were  at  Abbiate 
Grasso.  At  ten  o'clock,  the  hour  when  his  sentries 
in  the  bell  tower  of  Robecco  reported  the  enemy  in 
sight,  Gyulai  had  the  bulk  of  his  army  well  in  hand. 
Napoleon,  on  the  other  hand,  was  at  San  Martino 
with  a  single  division,  never  imagining  the  magnitude 
of  the  forces  in  his  front.  He  supposed  that  the  ap- 
proach of  MacMahon  to  Buffalora  would  compel  the 
retirement  of  the  Austrians  from  all  their  positions 
on  the  canal  north  of  the  railway.  About  two  o'clock 
the  grumbling  of  artillery  toward  the  north  told  him 
that  MacMahon  was  at  hand.  He  determined  to  accel- 
erate the  movements  of  the  Austrians  before  him, 
and  ordered  an  advance  upon  their  positions  at  Buf- 
falora, Ponte  Vecchio,  and  Ponte  Nuovo. 

The  Austrians  blew  up  the  bridge  at  the  former 
place  upon  the  approach  of  the  French,  but  at  Ponte 
Nuovo  they  were  driven  across  the  canal  and  from 
all  their  defenses  on  the  other  bank.  They  were 
utterly  demoralized  by  the  fury  of  the  French  assaidt. 
One  of  the  brigades  that  came  up  from  Magenta  to 
their  support  was  carried  away  in  the  general  rout. 
Kinzel's  brigade  abandoned  its  positions  about  Ponte 
Vecchio,  and  fell  back  toward  Robecco.  The  brigade 


132     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

at  Buffalora  was  completely  isolated.  The  panic  ex- 
tended to  Magenta  itself,  where  the  streets  became 
blocked  by  supply  -  wagons,  artillery,  and  fugitive 
soldiers. 

This  was  the  first  stage  of  the  battle,  but  the  ad- 
vantage gained  by  the  French  was  too  great  to  be 
maintained  by  so  small  a  force.  The  Austrian  Gen- 
eral Reischach  came  up  at  the  head  of  two  brigades 
from  Casa  Cerella,  and  rallying  a  few  of  the  broken 
battalions  on  the  way,  fell  fiercely  upon  the  French 
at  the  bildges.  The  tide  of  battle  was  turned  in  a 
twinkling,  and  it  was  plain  that  if  left  unsupported 
the  Guard  must  be  wholly  overthrown  at  this  point. 
The  emperor  from  his  post  in  front  of  the  Ticino 
contemplated  the  struggle  with  a  stolid  countenance. 
To  requests  for  supports  he  could  only  reply  that  he 
had  none  to  send.  He  betrayed  his  anxiety  to  his 
staff  by  his  frequent  interrogations  as  to  the  where- 
abouts of  Canrobert  and  MacMahon.  Canrobert  had 
not  been  signaled,  and  MacMahon's  artillery  had  be- 
come silent.  All  eyes  were  turned  toward  Buffalora, 
but  in  vain.  If  MacMahon  was  beaten,  what  was  to 
become  of  the  Guard  ?  Perhaps  the  doubt  flitted 
through  the  mind  of  the  emperor  as  to  MacMahon's 
loyalty.  It  was  the  price  of  his  throne  that  he  must 
always  suspect  his  servants.  He  looked  to  the  south 
and  there,  as  if  he  had  not  foes  enough  in  front,  the 
head  of  the  Austrian  3d  corps  could  be  descried  ad- 
vancing from  Robecco  between  the  canal  and  the 
Ticino.  The  emperor  seemed  dazed  and  bewildered. 
It  was  at  this  crisis,  at  about  3.30,  that  Picard's  bri- 
gade arrived,  having  come  in  hot  haste  through  the 
fields  and  over  crowded  roads  from  Turbigo,  inspired 
by  the  urgent  messages  of  the  emperor  and  the  dis- 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  O'F  1859.        133 

tant  roar  of  the  battle.  Picard  threw  his  brigade 
into  action  between  Ponte  Vecchio  and  Ponte  Nuovo, 
and  for  a  time  the  Austrian  advance  was  checked. 
It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  Austrian  3d 
corps  began  to  develop  its  strength  against  Ponte 
Vecchio.  The  French  were  beaten  back,  though 
fiercely  contesting  every  inch  of  ground.  Another 
crisis  arrived. 

It  was  five  o'clock.  Marshal  Canrobert  appeared 
at  San  Martino  and  reported  the  head  of  Kiel's  col- 
umn close  at  hand.  Half  an  hour  later  and  the 
bridge  of  the  Ticino  was  resounding  to  the  hurried 
tramp  of  the  long  expected  battalions.  It  was  Vinoy's 
division.  General  Niel  rode  up  to  the  emperor,  who 
had  no  order  to  give,  and  Vinoy  pushed  on  to  the 
bridges  without  a  halt.  The  troops  continued  to 
defile  past  the  emperor,  and  his  aides  reported  the 
long  delayed  flood  of  reinforcements  as  flowing  in  a 
steady  stream  over  the  Novara  road.  Better  than 
all,  the  air  began  to  throb  again  to  the  music  of 
artillery  on  the  north,  telling  the  staff  that  MacMahon 
was  not  beaten,  and  the  emperor  that  after  all  he  was 
true. 

At  six  o'clock  Canrobert's  corps  was  also  arriving, 
and  it  was  plain  to  every  one  save  the  emperor  that 
the  Austrian  resistance  was  weakening.  Threatened 
by  MacMahon  on  the  north,  they  slowly  retired  from 
their  positions  on  the  canal.  The  Austrian  5th  corps 
had  arrived  at  Robecco,  all  ignorant  of  the  state  of 
the  contest.  They  advanced  slowly  up  the  west  bank 
of  the  canal  until,  finding  their  path  illuminated  only 
by  the  flashing  of  the  French  artillery,  they  halted 
for  orders.  Darkness  put  an  end  to  the  battle,  and  as 
it  settled  down  upon  the  country  the  French  emperor 


134     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  still  in  his  old  place,  his  anxiety  unallayed,  peer- 
ing through  the  darkening  air  toward  Magenta,  and 
glancing  ever  and  anon  at  the  fresh  regiments  as  they 
poured  on  to  the  already  crowded  banks  of  the  canal. 
When  the  firing  finally  died  away  he  was  fearful  as 
to  how  matters  had  terminated.  Where  was  Mac- 
Mahon  ?  More  important  still,  where  were  the  Aus- 
trians  ?  The  uncertainty  on  these  points  oppressed 
his  mind,  and  he  could  glean  no  intelligence  from  his 
staff.  He  returned  to  San  Martino,  and  in  a  room 
dimly  lighted  by  a  smoky  candle  paced  restlessly  up 
and  down.  He  dispatched  an  orderly  toward  Ma- 
genta to  learn  if  possible  MacMahon's  whereabouts. 
After  a  weary  period  of  anxiety  the  messenger  re- 
turned. He  reported  that  MacMahon  had  won  a  great 
victory,  and  that  Magenta  was  in  his  possession.  The 
emperor  breathed  freely  again  and  lay  down  to  rest. 

The  movements  of  MacMahon  decided  the  fate  of 
the  day.  To  incumber  the  roads  as  little  as  possible, 
he  had  divided  his  columns  in  the  morning,  sending 
the  division  of  General  Espinasse  by  a  circuitous 
route  on  the  left.  MacMahon,  with  the  division  of 
General  Motterouge,  advanced  rapidly,  and  about  two 
o'clock  engaged  the  Austrians  before  Buffalora.  This 
was  the  cannonading  that  first  attracted  the  notice  of 
the  emperor  at  San  Martino.  In  his  haste,  however, 
MacMahon  had  advanced  regardless  of  his  other  divi- 
sions. A  brief  survey  convinced  him  that  the  Aus- 
trians were  in  great  force  before  him.  Fearing  to 
involve  his  single  division  too  deeply,  he  fell  back 
and  effected  a  junction  with  Camou's  division  of  the 
Guard.  He  realized  how  the  cessation  of  his  cannon- 
ade might  be  misconstrued  by  the  emperor,  and 
waited  impatiently  for  the  approach  of  Espinasse. 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859.        135 

Finally  in  a  paroxysm  of  anxiety,  escorted  only  by  a 
platoon  of  horse,  he  galloped  across  country  to  Mar- 
callo,  where  he  found  Espinasse  and  urged  upon  him 
the  necessity  of  haste.  At  five  o'clock,  with  his  line 
of  battle  extending  from  Bernate  to  Marcallo  and 
guiding  on  the  bell  tower  of  Magenta  still  visible 
through  a  screen  of  smoke,  MacMahon  began  his  ad- 
vance. The  Austrians  had  evacuated  Buffalora,  and 
the  advance  of  Motterouge's  division  found  the  French 
Guards  already  in  possession.  Prince  Liechtenstein, 
who  commanded  the  Austrians  on  the  north  of  Ma- 
genta, had  only  a  few  battalions,  already  disheartened 
by  hard  knocks  received  at  other  points.  A  brigade 
from  Buffalora,  in  attempting  to  execute  its  orders  to 
occupy  Marcallo,  was  taken  on  the  flank  by  Espinasse 
and  routed.  Two  fresh  brigades  at  Corbetta  re- 
mained inactive  on  account  of  conflicting  orders.  As 
a  result  the  French  advanced  rapidly.  While  their 
artillery  swept  the  plain  before  Magenta,  the  infantry 
closed  in  upon  the  village,  carried  the  line  of  the  rail- 
way, and  turned  the  station  into  a  slaughter-pen.  The 
brave  survivors  of  the  broken  Austrian  brigades  bar- 
ricaded the  streets  of  the  village,  converting  every 
house  into  a  fortress  from  which  the  Tyrolese  rifle- 
men fired  with  unerring  aim.  Enraged  at  the  mur- 
derous opposition  encountered  by  his  troops,  General 
Espinasse  threw  himself  at  the  head  of  the  2d  zouave 
regiment  and  led  them  to  the  charge.  He  fell  mor- 
tally wounded,  but  his  example  electrified  the  men. 
In  the  dubious  light  they  cut  their  way  through  the 
streets  and  cooperated  with  the  column  of  General 
Motterouge  in  the  storming  of  the  cemetery.  With 
Magenta  thoroughly  in  his  possession,  MacMahon 
arrested  the  battle  at  dark. 


136      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

The  battle  of  Magenta  consisted  of  two  distinct 
battles,  for  the  emperor  at  San  Martino  and  Mac- 
Mahon  on  the  north  did  not  communicate  from  morn- 
ing until  after  the  fighting  was  over.  The  Emperor 
of  the  French  did  nothing  to  merit  approbation.  He 
did  not  plunge  into  the  smoke,  sword  in  hand,  as  at 
one  time  the  world  was  led  to  believe,  but  with  mud- 
dled brain  and  brooding  dread  w  atched  from  a  dis- 
tance the  varying  fortune  of  the  day. 

Gyulai  comprehended  little  more  of  the  contest  than 
the  emperor.  In  fact,  on  the  evening  of  the  battle, 
from  his  headquarters  at  Robecco  he  issued  orders 
for  a  renewal  of  the  combat  to  brigades  that  did  not 
exist,  or  were  scattered  over  the  fields  and  roads 
toward  Milan.  He  failed  to  appreciate  the  fact  that 
a  large  portion  of  the  army  had  been  routed,  until 
informed  by  Clam  Gallas  that  the  execution  of  his 
orders  was  an  impossibility. 

The  French  soldiers  carried  away  the  honors  of 
Magenta.  The  conduct  of  the  Guard  and  the  few 
regiments  that  bore  with  them  the  burden  of  the  day 
shed  new  lustre  upon  the  military  glory  of  France. 
That  the  Austrians,  though  numerically  superior, 
showed  to  such  poor  advantage  at  many  points  was 
due  largely  to  the  fact  that  their  battalions  were 
weighted  by  Italian  blood.  One  brigade  composed 
exclusively  of  Italian  subjects  of  the  Kaiser  broke  at 
the  first  fire.  In  this  war  the  Italians  fought  well 
only  under  the  standard  of  Italy. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE   ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF   1859.  —  SOLFERINO    AND 
VILLAFRANCA. 

ENTRY  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  INTO  MILAN.  —  THE  TE  DEUM.  — 
FIGHTING  AT  MELEGNANO.  —  GYULAI  RETREATS  UPON  VERONA.  — 
THE  EMPEROR  ADVANCES  FROM  MILAN.  —  IGNORANCE  OF  EACH 
COMMANDER  AS  TO  THE  PLANS  OF  THE  OTHER.  —  THE  AUS- 
TRIAN ARMY  HARASSED  BY  CONFLICTING  ORDERS.  —  IT  OCCUPIES 
THE  HEIGHTS  OF  SOLFERINO  ON  JUNE  23  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE 
FRENCH  ARMY  ON  THE  24TH.  — COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  BATTLE 
OF  SOLFERINO.  —  REPULSE  OF  THE  SARDINIANS.  —  THE  EMPEROR 

ARRIVES  ON  THE  FlELD.  HEAVY  FlGHTING  AT  SOLFERINO  AND 

ON  THE  FRENCH  RIGHT.  —  THE  LETHARGY  OF  CANROBERT.  — 
SOLFERINO  OUTFLANKED  AND  ABANDONED  BY  THE  AUSTRIANS. 

—  FAILURE  OF  WIMPFFEN  TO  RETRIEVE  THE  DAY  ON  THE  AUS- 
TRIAN LEFT.  —  CANROBERT  ARRIVES.  —  GENERAL  ADVANCE  OF 
THE   FRENCH.  —  THE  EMPEROR  AT   CAVRIANA.  —  FIRMNESS  OF 
GENERAL  BENEDEK.  —  THE  FRENCH  ADVANCE  RENEWED  JULY  1. 

—  THE  ARMISTICE  AND  CONFERENCE  AT  VILLAFRANCA.  —  RAGE 
OF  CAVOUR.  —  His  UNDIGNIFIED  CONDUCT.  —  WHY  THE  MON- 

ARCHS  MADE  PEACE. 

THE  battle  of  Magenta  compelled  the  abandonment 
of  Milan  by  the  Austrians.  The  emperor  did  not 
appreciate  the  full  extent  of  the  victory  until  the  6th, 
when  he  met  at  Magenta  the  deputation  representing 
the  municipality  of  Milan,  who  came  to  offer  the 
crown  of  Lombardy  to  the  Sardinian  king.  They 
reported  the  city  evacuated  by  the  Austrians  and 
awaiting  with  open  arms  the  arrival  of  its  liberators. 
The  emperor  became  jubilant.  He  congratulated  the 
army,  and  acknowledged  the  heroism  of  the  Guard 


138     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

by  conferring  the  rank  of  marshal  upon  its  com- 
mander. As  for  MacMahon,  he  not  only  received  the 
marshal's  baton,  but  was  hailed  as  the  conqueror  of 
the  day  and  created  Duke  of  Magenta. 

That  night  MacMahon' s  corps  bivouacked  on  the 
Milan  road,  with  orders  to  enter  the  city  next  day. 
Consequently  at  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the 
7th,  wiih  bands  playing  and  flags  flying,  the  first 
French  troops  passed  into  the  ancient  capital  of  Lom- 
bardy.  The  reception  tendered  them  by  the  Milanese 
surpassed  the  April  scenes  at  Genoa.  A  little  girl 
offered  the  marshal  a  bouquet  of  flowers,  and  was 
lifted  to  his  saddle,  where  she  rode  at  the  head  of  the 
column.1  The  long  pent-up  feelings  of  the  populace 
broke  forth  into  cheers  and  the  wildest  demonstra- 
tions of  joy.  Men  and  women  saw  through  their 
tears  the  foreign  soldiers  bronzed  by  Italian  suns 
and  begrimed  with  the  smoke  of  Austrian  cannon. 
The  men  who  had  carried  Magenta  under  a  tempest 
of  bullets  traversed  the  streets  of  Milan  under  a  rain 
of  flowers.  All  through  the  day  the  excitement  in 
the  city  increased.  In  the  public  squares  the  mili- 
tary bands  played  patriotic  airs  long  prohibited  by 
the  Austrian  government. 

Next  morning  before  light  MacMahon  was  again 
on  the  march  southward,  while  the  head  of  the  1st 
corps  entered  the  city,  bound  in  the  same  direction  in 
execution  of  the  imperial  orders  to  "  intercept  the 
Austrian  army  retiring  by  Binasco  and  Landriano 
on  Lodi."  The  emperor  and  king  of  Sardinia  arrived 
in  the  city  at  early  dawn  with  a  small  escort.  They 
were  soon  recognized,  and  once  again  the  emperor  saw 

1  Tliis  incident  is   alluded  to   by  Mrs.   Browning   in   her   poem, 
Napoleon  III.  in  Italy. 


SOLFERINO  AND    VILLAFRANCA.          139 

in  the  happy  faces  that  pressed  about  his  cavalcade, 
and  heard  in  the  shouts  that  burst  from  thousands  of 
throats,  an  evidence  of  popular  enthusiasm  and  grati- 
tude. The  day  following  both  sovereigns  attended 
service  in  the  cathedral.  The  tinted  rays  that  fell 
across  the  misty  nave  glanced  upon  a  profusion  of 
military  and  priestly  splendor,  as  the  two  monarchs 
bowed  before  the  altar  with  its  candles  gleaming 
dimly  through  the  smoke  of  burning  incense.  In  the 
afternoon  appeared  the  proclamation  of  the  king, 
accepting  the  union  of  Lombardy  with  his  kingdom, 
and  that  of  the  emperor  addressed  to  Italians,  urging 
them  to  "  be  nothing  to-day  but  soldiers,  to-morrow 
you  will  be  free  citizens  of  a  great  country." 

The  final  feature  of  these  four  days  of  jubilation,  the 
happiest  perhaps  that  Milan  had  known  for  centuries, 
was  the  performance  at  the  theatre  of  La  Scala.  The 
auditorium  was  ablaze  with  the  colors  of  France  and 
Sardinia,  gay  with  rich  toilets  and  brilliant  uniforms, 
while  the  two  monarchs  were  cheered  to  the  echo. 
All  the  officers  of  the  liberating  army  were  not  so 
agreeably  entertained  during  these  days  as  the  pa- 
trons of  La  Scala,  and  at  the  hour  when  the  brilliant 
audience  was  assembling,  the  ambulances  from  Mele- 
gnano  were  rumbling  through  the  streets. 

Marshal  Baraguey  d'Hilliers,  after  leaving  Milan 
on  the  morning  of  the  8th,  had  received  information 
from  the  emperor  that  the  Austrians  were  at  Mele- 
gnano.  The  same  messenger  brought  the  order  for 
him  to  assume  command  of  the  2d  and  4th  corps 
and  dislodge  them  from  that  place.  The  2d  corps 
was  directed  to  pass  east  of  Melegnano  and  cut  off 
the  Austrian  retreat  on  Lodi.  The  4th  corps  was 
moving  southeast  from  Corsico.  The  marshal,  with 


140       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Bazaine's  division  of  his  corps,  followed  the  highway 
from  Milan  to  Melegnano,  with  Ladmirault's  divi- 
sion traversing  the  villages  on  his  left,  and  Forey 
those  on  his  right.  These  dispositions,  employing  so 
large  a  force,  seemed  to  portend  a  heavy  battle.  They 
were,  however,  merely  the  result  of  the  ignorance  of 
the  French  headquarters  concerning  the  position  of 
the  Austrians.  Three  corps  cFarmee  were  moving 
upon  Melegnauo  defended  by  a  single  brigade ! 

The  marshal  pushed  rapidly  over  the  highroad, 
and  at  half  past  five,  when  he  approached  Melegnano, 
both  Ladmirault  and  Forey  were  still  distant.  Ac- 
tuated, perhaps,  by  the  same  spirit  that  induced  Forey 
to  risk  the  action  of  Montebello,  at  six  o'clock  he  gave 
Bazaine  orders  to  carry  the  village.  The  Austrians 
made  but  slight  resistance  in  the  outskirts,  but  de- 
fended the  streets  and  houses  with  their  usual  tena- 
city. The  French  were  unable  to  make  the  least  prog- 
ress in  the  face  of  the  murderous  fusilades  they 
encountered.  But  the  appearance  of  Ladmirault's 
division  soon  convinced  the  Austrian  General  Ber- 
ger  of  the  uselessness  of  a  longer  defense,  and  he 
gave  orders  for  the  retreat.  Great  confusion  attended 
this  movement,  as  his  men  were  distributed  in  small 
detachments  in  the  houses  throughout  the  village. 
The  French  entered  the  streets  and  attacked  with  the 
bayonet.  General  Berger,  however,  transferred  his 
brigade  safely  to  the  other  side  of  the  Lambro.  Here 
he  was  joined  by  Boer's  brigade,  but  upon  the  appear- 
ance of  MacMahon's  corps  on  the  north,  the  whole 
column  began  its  retreat  upon  Lodi. 

This  action,  so  far  as  the  French  were  concerned, 
was  a  blunder.  The  Austrian  commander  had  deter- 
mined to  evacuate  Melegnano,  and  the  French  attack 


SOLFERINO  AND    VILLAFRANCA.          141 

only  hastened  his  movements  by  a  few  useless  hours. 
The  capture  of  Berger's  brigade  was  all  that  could 
have  justified  the  action,  and  this  was  prevented  by 
the  impatience  of  the  French  commander,  who  allowed 
MacMahon  no  time  to  come  up  and  intercept  the  Aus- 
trian retreat. 

It  was  on  the  day  of  the  fight  at  Melegnano  that 
Gyulai  had  finally  determined  to  fall  back  upon  the 
army  which  was  being  concentrated  at  Verona  under 
the  eye  of  the  Kaiser.  Reduced  in  numbers,  with  the 
morale  of  his  troops  seriously  affected  by  successive 
defeats,  Gyulai  was  not  inclined  to  risk  another  battle. 
He  argued  that  every  step  in  retreat  would  raise  the 
spirit  of  his  soldiers,  as  it  brought  them  nearer  to  the 
impregnable  Quadrilateral  and  the  imperial  army  at 
Verona. 

Meanwhile  the  French  emperor  had  determined  in 
the  future  to  avoid  such  dangers  as  he  had  encoun- 
tered at  Magenta,  by  keeping  his  army  well  together. 
How  to  move  an  army  of  160,000  men  in  one  mass 
was  a  serious  problem  to  the  commissary  department. 
It  would  be  necessary  to  keep  open  rapid  communica- 
tion with  a  distant  base  of  supplies.  The  Po  was 
dominated  by  the  Austrians,  and  there  was  no  alter- 
native for  the  French  but  to  hug  the  railway  from 
Milan  to  Venice  in  their  advance.  The  engineers 
were  soon  at  work  repairing  the  numerous  breaks  in 
the  line,  the  troops  were  all  recalled  to  the  vicinity  of 
Milan,  and  on  the  llth  the  advance  was  recommenced. 
The  Sardinian  army  moved  on  the  left  of  the  French 
and  advanced  with  imprudent  zeal.  On  the  14th 
Victor  Emmanuel  had  carried  his  headquarters  to 
Brescia,  while  the  French  were  just  approaching  the 
Oglio,  two  days'  march  in  the  rear.  This  state  of  af- 


142     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

fairs  was  by  no  means  agreeable  to  the  emperor.  The 
isolation  of  the  Sardinians  was  a  grave  danger  to  the 
whole  army.  No  one  knew  where  the  Austrians 
were,  though  it  was  not  doubted  that  they  were  re- 
treating upon  the  Quadrilateral. 

On  the  16th  news  arrived  from  Brescia  that  Gen- 
eral Garibaldi  had  encountered  an  Austrian  detach- 
ment at  a  little  village  a  few  miles  east  of  that  place. 
This  intelligence  still  further  disconcerted  the  emperor 
and  induced  him  to  adopt  the  precaution  of  always 
advancing  in  line  of  battle.  On  the  18th  he  effected 
a  junction  with  the  Sardinians,  establishing  his  head- 
quarters at  Brescia,  while  his  forces  were  distributed 
between  Brescia  and  Bagnolo. 

On  the  day  of  the  emperor's  arrival  at  Brescia, 
the  Austrian  headquarters  were  at  Pozzolengo.  The 
Feldzeugmeister  had  brought  his  army  in  good  condi- 
tion to  the  Chiese,  hoping  to  induce  the  Kaiser  to 
take  up  a  strong  defensive  position  in  the  hills  about 
Solf erino  and  Cavriana  south  of  the  Lago  di  Garda. 
His  scheme,  however,  was  overruled  at  headquarters, 
where  the  opinion  prevailed  that  the  French  would 
follow  the  Po  to  turn  the  Quadrilateral.  On  the  15th 
of  June  the  command  had  passed  to  the  Kaiser,  and 
on  the  day  following  the  army  was  in  full  retreat 
toward  the  Mincio. 

The  skirmish  near  Brescia  had  shaken  the  theory 
in  every  mind  that  the  allies  were  following  the  Po. 
Could  it  be  possible  they  were  advancing  from  Milan 
upon  the  front  of  the  Quadrilateral  ?  If  this  were  so, 
certainly  there  was  no  spot  so  favorable  to  oppose 
them  as  that  which  Gyulai  had  suggested.  Orders 
were  issued  to  regain  the  Chiese,  but  when  they  were 
received  the  troops  were  already  approaching  the 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLAFRANCA.  143 

Mincio.  Again  the  councils  wavered.  The  old  or- 
ders were  renewed,  and  on  the  next  day  the  army  was 
crossing  the  Mincio.  On  the  19th,  owing  to  the  con- 
fusion of  orders,  the  1st,  5th,  7th,  and  8th  corps  were 
still  midway  between  the  rivers.  Count  Schlik  went 
out  to  assume  command  of  these  troops  and  conduct 
their  retreat  on  the  Mincio.  These  four  corps  be- 
came known  as  the  second  army,  the  remainder  formed 
the  first.  On  the  21st  the  whole  army  was  in  the 
rear  of  the  Mincio.  The  headquarters  of  the  first 
army  were  at  Tormene,  of  the  second  at  Valeggio. 
The  Kaiser  was  at  Villafranca.  The  idea  steadily 
gained  credence  that  the  French  were  approaching 
the  front  of  the  Quadrilateral.  Their  patrols  had 
been  seen  several  times  during  the  retreat,  and  they 
were  reported  in  force  at  Montechiaro.  On  the  22d 
a  reconnoissance  was  made  toward  Rivoltella,  Cas- 
tiglione,  and  Carpenedolo.  There  could  be  no  longer 
any  question  that  the  whole  French  army  was  on  the 
banks  of  the  Chiese.  It  was  imperative  to  seize  at 
once  the  heights  about  Cavriana  to  withstand  them. 
The  instructions  to  this  effect  were  hurriedly  given, 
and  at  nine  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  23d  the  ad- 
vance began.  All  that  day  the  troops  poured  across 
the  Mincio  at  Valeggio,  Ferri,  and  Goito.  At  evening 
the  5th  corps  bivouacked  on  the  heights  about  Sol- 
f erino ;  the  1st  corps  at  Cavriana,  with  one  of  its  bri- 
gades at  San  Cassiano ;  the  8th  corps  at  Foresto  and 
Volta ;  the  3d  and  9th  corps  at  Guidizzolo,  with  their 
outposts  in  Medole  and  at  Casa  Morino,  a  farmhouse 
on  the  road  to  Castiglione.  The  7th  corps  was  ap- 
proaching Volta,  and  the  llth  corps  was  distributed 
along  the  road  from  Cerlungo  to  Goito. 

From  the  heights  of  Solferino  the  French  bivouacks 


144     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

could  be  seen.  It  was  determined  to  continue  the  ad- 
vance the  next  day  and  take  up  a  position  in  front  of 
the  hills.  The  8th  corps  was  to  move  upon  Lonato, 
the  5th  toward  Castiglione,  the  1st  to  Essenta  with 
the  7th  in  reserve.  The  9th  corps  on  the  left  was  to 
advance  by  Medole,  and  the  3d  on  its  right  toward 
Carpenedolo.  These  last  two  were  to  cross  the  Chiese 
at  Bosco,  their  left  covered  by  cavalry  with  the  2d 
corps  in  reserve. 

In  the  mean  time  the  French  emperor  had  become 
convinced  that  the  Austrians  had  passed  beyond  the 
Mincio.  Even  the  alarming  reports  of  his  patrols 
on  the  evening  of  the  23d  failed  to  convince  him  that 
anything  more  formidable  than  reconnoitring  parties 
were  in  his  front.  In  the  evening  the  orders  for  the 
next  day's  inarch  were  given  as  usual.  The  Sardinian 
army  had  Pozzolengo  for  its  destination ;  the  French 
Guard,  Castiglione  ;  the  1st  corps,  Solferino  ;  the  2d, 
Cavriana ;  the  3d,  Medole  ;  and  the  4th  Guidizzolo. 
A  glance  at  the  map  will  indicate  how  the  plans  of 
the  rival  monarchs  were  unconsciously  bringing  their 
hosts  into  collision. 

The  Austrians  had  the  advantage  of  position  in 
possessing  that  group  of  abrupt  heights  that  extends 
southward  from  the  Lago  di  Garda  to  the  vicinity  of 
Volta.  The  "  rock  "  of  Solferino,  the  loftiest  and 
most  precipitous  of  these,  was  clearly  the  key  to  the  ad- 
jacent country.  The  conspicuous  tower  that  crowned 
its  summit,  and  appropriately  styled  "  Spia  d'  Italia," 
commanded  a  view  for  miles  in  all  directions,  while 
on  the  west  it  swept  to  the  blue  horizon,  the  green 
plain  diversified  by  canals,  villages,  orchards,  and 
mulberry  groves.  The  French  emperor  committed  a 
grave  error  in  leaving  this  point  unoccupied. 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLAFRANCA.          145 

In  order  to  avoid  the  extreme  heat  of  the  day  the 
French  took  up  their  march  soon  after  midnight. 
Canrobert  crossed  the  Chiese  at  Visano  and  advanced 
upon  Castel-Goffredo  via  Acqua-Fredda.  Niel  fol- 
lowed the  highway  to  Medole.  MacMahon  moved 
from  Castiglione  over  the  Mantua  road.  Baraguey 
d'Hilliers  marched  straight  upon  Solferino  through 
the  great  ravines  that  admit  the  roads  clambering  up 
the  heights  to  the  town. 

Canrobert  approached  Castel-Goffredo  about  seven 
o'clock,  and  after  a  brush  with  the  Austrian  cavalry 
took  possession  of  that  place.  Here  he  was  discon- 
certed by  the  receipt  of  a  message  from  the  emperor 
to  the  effect  that  an  Austrian  corps  was  reported  to 
have  left  Mantua  for  the  north  on  the  day  previous. 
From  this  he  inferred  that  his  right  flank  was  en- 
dangered, and  called  a  halt  to  await  developments. 
Niel  found  Medole  stubbornly  defended.1  He  bat- 
tered it  with  his  artillery,  and  at  seven  o'clock  carried 
it  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  Advancing  cautiously 
toward  Guidizzolo  the  Austrian  bivouacks  were  re- 
vealed.2 Niel  halted  and  deployed  his  divisions  be- 
tween Robecco  and  Casa  Nuova  on  the  Mantua  road. 

About  three  o'clock  MacMahon  from  Monte  Medo- 
lano  had  assured  himself  that  the  Austrians  were  in 
great  force  before  him,  and  dispatched  a  messenger 
to  the  emperor  with  that  information.  He  then  dis- 
lodged the  Austrians  from  the  farmhouse  of  Casa 
Morino,  and,  deploying  his  divisions  on  the  right 
and  left  of  the  road,  awaited  word  from  Niel  before 
advancing. 

Baraguey  d'Hilliers,  advancing  from  the  northeast, 

1  Held  by  two  battalions  with  two  cannon. 

2  Bivouacks  of  the  3d  and  9th  Austrian  corps. 


146     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  driving  in  the  enemy's  outposts  upon  Solferino. 
At  eight  o'clock  he  carried  Le  Grole. 

With  a  view  to  effect  an  early  junction  with  the 
French  at  Solferino,  General  Durando's  division  of 
the  Sardinian  army  moved  from  Malocco  across  the 
hills  to  the  chapel  of  Madonna  delle  Scoperte.  Gen- 
erals Mollard  and  Cucchiari  moved  southward  from 
Rivoltella  by  the  Strada  Lugana  upon  Pozzolengo. 
Durando's  vanguard,  after  reaching  Madonna  delle 
Scoperte,  was  surprised  by  the  enemy  and  compelled 
to  retreat.  Their  colleagues,  after  gaining  the  vicinity 
of  Pozzolengo,  were  attacked  by  heavy  Austrian  col- 
umns advancing  from  the  south  and  driven  through 
San  Martino  to  Bivoltella. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  battle  at  eight  o'clock. 
Along  a  front  of  twelve  miles  the  French  command- 
ers found  themselves  confronted  by  a  powerful  foe. 
The  corps  were  acting  almost  independently  of  each 
other.  As  for  the  Sardinians,  their  repulse  at  Ma- 
donna delle  Scoperte  and  the  presence  of  the  Aus- 
trians  at  Solferino  left  them  completely  isolated  from 
their  allies. 

The  messengers  of  MacMahon  and  Baraguey  d'Hil- 
liers  arrived  at  the  headquarters  in  Montechiaro 
about  seven  o'clock.  The  emperor  was  asleep  at  the 
tune,  but  before  an  hour  had  elapsed  his  equipage 
was  whirling  into  Castiglione.  There  he  climbed  the 
staircase  of  the  bell  tower  and  peered  westward  to 
the  "  Spia  d'  Italia,"  a  silhouette  against  the  morning 
sky,  and  southward  to  where  the  early  mists  had 
given  place  to  white  billows  of  battle-smoke.  As  to 
the  state  of  the  contest,  however,  he  could  gain  no  idea, 
and  galloped  away  to  MacMahon  for  information. 
He  found  the  marshal  in  the  alignments  he  had  taken 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLAFRANCA.          147 

up  after  carrying  Casa  Morino.  He  also  found  him 
reticent.  "  When  I  am  assured  of  the  cooperation 
of  General  Niel,  I  shall  advance  on  Cavriana,"  he 
said.  The  emperor  knew  Niel  was  waiting  for  Can- 
robert.  He  struck  the  matter  at  the  root  by  dispatch- 
ing an  order  to  the  latter  to  hasten  his  movements  on 
Medole,  and  then  rode  away  to  the  1st  corps,  whose 
progress  had  been  checked  in  the  ravines  before  Sol- 
feriuo. 

The  Austrian  General  Wimpffen  furiously  assailed 
Mel's  corps  at  Guidizzolo.  Beaten  back  from  this 
attack,  he  formed  another  line  of  battle  from  Guidiz- 
zolo to  the  Val  de  Termine.  At  nine  o'clock  the 
Kaiser  reached  Volta,  and  sent  orders  to  Wimpffen 
to  advance  toward  Medole  without  delay,  in  order  to 
relieve  the  tremendous  pressure  upon  Stadion's  corps 
at  Solf erino.  In  fact,  that  corps  was  nearly  exhausted. 
The  French  batteries  on  the  heights  west  of  the  vil- 
lage swept  the  advance  positions  with  a  murderous 
fire.  Stadion  had  but  two  brigades  of  his  corps  to 
hold  the  French  in  check.  One  had  already  been 
demoralized  by  the  cannonade,  and  the  other  two  were 
in  pursuit  of  the  Sardinians,  who  had  suffered  another 
repulse.  Just  before  noon  the  Kaiser  directed  the 
1st  corps  to  the  aid  of  the  5th  at  Solferino,  and  the 
7th  upon  San  Cassiano,  while  he  sent  another  mes- 
sage to  Wimpffen,  urging  him  again  to  advance,  not 
toward.  Medole,  but  in  the  direction  of  Castiglione. 
Wimpffen  had  his  hands  full,  however.  All  through 
the  morning  his  two  corps  vainly  assailed  the  three 
divisions  of  General  Niel  in  line  between  Robecco 
and  Casa  Nuova.  In  the  village,  in  the  orchards,  in 
the  inclosures  of  farm-buildings,  and  in  the  fields, 
the  combat  was  savagely  maintained  without  advan- 


148     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tage  to  the  Austrians.  Niel  watched  anxiously  the 
fortune  of  the  day,  and  scanned  the  country  on  the 
southeast  for  some  sign  of  Canrobert,  who  was  still 
busily  engaged  at  Castel-Goffredo  worrying  about  his 
flank.1  How  long  Niel  could  hold  his  ground  unsup- 
ported was  uncertain.  His  retreat  meant  the  cutting 
in  two  of  the  French  army,  and  in  consequence  its 
utter  defeat. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Emperor  of  the  French  had 
become  convinced  by  the  reports  he  had  received,  and 
by  the  clouds  of  dust  among  the  hills,  that  the  Aus- 
trians were  reinforcing  their  position  at  Solferino. 
He  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  battle  was  to  be 
settled  in  that  vicinity,  and  that  delay  was  fatal  to 
his  cause.  He  sent  a  message  to  the  king  of  Sar- 
dinia to  advance  immediately  on  Pozzolengo,  while  he 
held  the  light  division  of  the  Guard  to  assist  the  1st 
corps.  Baraguey  d'Hilliers  was  making  superhuman 
efforts  to  carry  the  heights  of  Solferino.  While  Gen- 
eral Bazaine  with  his  division  attacked  the  village  it- 
self, Ladmirault  stormed  the  heights  on  his  left,  and 
Forey  the  positions  on  Monte  Alto  and  summits  south 
of  Solferino.  Before  the  development  of  this  attack 
the  Austrians  on  Monte  Alto  had  been  heavily  rein- 
forced,2 while  a  few  battalions  arrived  in  Solferino 
itself.  Bazaine's  columns  advanced  doggedly  up  the 
ravine,  but  at  the  entrance  of  the  village  were  stag- 

1  Canrobert's  action  in  withholding  his  aid  during  the  crisis  of  the 
battle  deepened  the  bitterness  between  Niel  and  himself  that  had  ex- 
isted since  the  Crimean  campaign.     Matters  had  reached  such  a  pass 
in  the  French  army  even  in  1859  that  the  generals  suspected  each 
other  of  being  capable  of  actual  treason  in  order  to  bring  disgrace 
upon  a  rival.     Canrobert's  delay  seems  to  have  been  induced  only  by 
that  extreme  caution  that  governed  all  his  movements,  and  prevented 
his  taking  a  high  place  among  military  commanders. 

2  By  the  1st  corps. 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLA  FRANC  A.  149 

gered  by  the  close  fusillades  and  brought  to  a  halt. 
Bazaine  hurried  a  battery  up  the  steep  incline  and 
opened  on  the  village  at  short  range,  but  the  massive 
stone  houses  resisting  well  the  cannonading,  the  battle 
became  stationary  at  this  point.  General  Ladmi- 
rault  was  also  checked,  while  at  Monte  Alto  Forey's 
division  was  beaten  back  in  confusion.  The  emperor 
at  this  crisis  sent  forward  the  Guards.  They  rallied 
Forey's  division,  and  advanced  straight  against  the 
heights  south  of  Solferino.  They  carried  the  posi- 
tions. This  settled  the  fate  of  Solferino,  for  the  Aus- 
trians  there,  finding  themselves  flanked,  abandoned 
the  contest  and  retired  from  the  village.  The  French 
following  close,  the  Austrian  retreat  became  a  disor- 
derly flight.  In  fact,  the  capture  of  Solferino  and 
adjacent  heights  resulted  in  the  almost  complete  dis- 
persion of  the  1st  and  5th  corps.  Moreover,  the  8th 
corps,  still  engaged  with  the  Sardinians  before  Pozzo- 
lengo,  was  completely  isolated  from  the  main  Austrian 
army. 

But  the  Austrian  generals  did  not  despair.  Their 
line  of  battle  was  still  intact  from  Cavriana  to  Gui- 
dizzolo,  while  the  7th  and  llth  corps  had  not  yet 
been  engaged.  A  strong  advance  upon  Castiglione 
would  compel  the  abandonment  by  the  French  of 
their  conquests  about  Solferino.  At  three  o'clock, 
however,  the  hopes  of  the  Kaiser  received  a  death- 
blow in  this  dispatch  from  Count  Wimpffen :  "  I  have 
twice  taken  the  offensive,  and  have  engaged  my  last 
reserves.  I  cannot  hold  out  much  longer,  and  find 
myself  under  the  necessity  of  beating  a  retreat  under 
the  protection  of  the  llth  corps.  I  direct  the  9th  to- 
ward Goito ;  the  3d  by  Cerlungo  on  Ferri ;  the  llth 
by  Goito  on  Roverbella  I  regret  that  I  can  report 


150      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

nothing  more  satisfactory  to  your  majesty."  There 
was  nothing  more  to  be  done,  and  the  Kaiser  issued 
orders  for  the  general  retreat. 

Before  this  tune  MacMahon  had  thrown  off  his 
lethargy,  and  was  advancing  upon  Cavriana.  He  ex- 
pected the  cooperation  of  Niel,  but  upon  reaching 
San  Cassiano  found  no  sign  of  him.  In  conjunction 
with  the  Guard  on  his  left  he  pressed  rapidly  on  to- 
ward the  heights  of  Cavriana.  A  change  in  the  Aus- 
trian tactics  prevented  Niel's  cooperation.  "Wimpffen, 
detecting  MacMahon's  advance,  and  seeing  the  road 
to  Castiglione  open,  determined,  despite  his  message 
to  the  Kaiser,  to  make  one  final  effort  to  save  the  day. 
Niel's  men  were  nearly  exhausted  by  their  long  con- 
test with  overwhelming  numbers,  and  the  Austrians 
gained  ground.  He  was  even  reduced  to  the  use  of 
cavalry  to  gain  a  brief  respite  for  his  infantry.  Be- 
tween four  and  five  o'clock  the  vanguard  of  Canro- 
bert's  column  passed  through  Medole  to  his  aid. 
About  the  same  time  a  furious  tempest  burst  upon 
the  country.  The  wind  that  prefaced  it  swept  the 
dust  in  blinding  clouds  across  the  plains,  completely 
obscuring  the  operations.  The  violence  of  the  storm 
was  enhanced  by  thunder  and  lightning,  as  though 
the  elements  were  in  sympathy  with  the  fierce  pas- 
sions of  wayward  humanity.  When  the  clouds  broke 
away  the  air  was  cleared  of  polluting  smoke,  and  the 
long  slanting  rays  of  the  sun  glittered  on  the  spark- 
ling foliage  of  the  valley.  The  battle  was  then  over, 
Canrobert  and  Niel  were  joined,  "Wimpffen  was  in 
retreat,  and  MacMahon  was  at  Cavriana.  Only  on 
the  extreme  right  were  the  Austrians  still  in  line. 
There  General  Benedek  with  the  8th  corps  still  con- 
fronted the  baffled  Sardinians,  adding  to  a  fame  that 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLAFRANCA.  151 

a  few  years  later  was  to  place  him  in  command  of  the 
armies  of  his  sovereign.  Perhaps  he  hardly  deserved 
all  the  credit  he  gained  at  San  Martino.  His  defense 
was  stubborn  and  skillful,  and  to  the  close  of  the  day 
he  worsted  his  antagonists.  He  committed  the  error, 
however,  of  overrating  the  numbers  opposed  to  him, 
and  refused  to  dispatch  a  portion  of  his  forces  to  the 
defense  of  Solferino.  Upon  finding  how  the  day  had 
gone  he  began  his  retreat,  regaining  the  Mincio  in 
perfect  order  during  the  night. 

The  French  made  no  pursuit.  The  emperor  rode 
on  to  Cavriana,  and  established  himself  in  the  house 
occupied  by  the  Kaiser  in  the  morning.  Darkness 
fell.  The  army  of  the  second  empire  slept  for  the 
last  time  on  a  victorious  field.1 

On  the  1st  of  July  the  advance  was  continued. 
The  French  army  passed  the  Mincio,  and  the  Sar- 
dinians invested  Peschiera.  On  the  2d  the  emperor's 
headquarters  were  at  Valeggio,  while  the  1st,  2d, 
and  4th  corps  held  a  line  from  Castelnuovo  through 
Sommacampagna  to  Villafranca.  The  Guard  and  3d 
corps  were  at  Valeggio,  the  5th  corps  had  joined  the 
army  at  Goito.  It  seemed  plain  that  another  battle 
was  to  be  fought  before  Verona.  On  the  6th  of  July 
the  emperor  issued  his  orders  for  the  following  day 
with  unusual  minuteness.  The  whole  army  was  to 
be  under  arms  by  daybreak.  Long  before  light  the 
eager  battalions  were  awaiting  the  order  to  advance, 
but  none  came.  The  morning  passed  without  event, 
and  then  early  in  the  afternoon  the  tidings  ran 
through  the  astonished  ranks  that  an  armistice  was 
to  be  signed. 

1  This  is  a  fact,  if  we  disregard  the  petty  successes  of  the  Mexican 
campaign. 


152      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

In  fact,  the  French  emperor  had  decided  to  make 
peace.  He  had  turned  to  Lord  Palmerston  the  day 
following  the  battle  of  Solferino,  inviting  his  media- 
tion on  the  basis  of  a  cession  of  Loinbardy  and  Parma 
to  Sardinia.  Palmerston  was  in  favor  of  driving  Aus- 
tria from  Italy,  and  would  not  lend  the  good  offices 
of  his  government  to  effect  any  other  arrangement. 
Determined  to  bring  hostilities  to  a  close,  Napoleon 
communicated  directly  with  the  Kaiser  at  Verona. 
His  note  suggesting  an  armistice  was  on  its  way 
while  he  was  busy  issuing  his  elaborate  instructions 
to  the  army  on  the  6th.  The  next  day  he  received  a 
favorable  reply,  and  on  the  8th  an  armistice  was 
signed. 

On  the  llth  the  two  monarchs  met  at  a  small  house 
in  Yillafranca  to  discuss  the  preliminaries  of  peace. 
The  Kaiser  was  inclined  to  peace  for  other  reasons 
than  that  his  army  had  been  beaten  in  the  field.  He 
had  entered  the  contest  calm  in  the  assurance  that  the 
Frankfort  Diet  would  never  allow  him  to  be  stripped 
of  a  foot  of  his  Italian  territory.  With  the  mobil- 
ization of  the  German  federal  army  his  confidence 
had  increased ;  but  when  the  command  of  that  army 
passed  to  the  prince  regent  of  Prussia,  his  feelings 
underwent  a  change.  He  longed  to  be  free  from  his 
Italian  difficulties,  that  he  might  devote  his  energies 
to  the  recovery  of  Austrian  prestige  in  Germany. 
Of  course  the  mediation  of  Prussia  was  not  to  be 
thought  of ;  that  might  prove  too  costly.  England  was 
against  him,  and  Russia  had  not  forgiven  his  aban- 
donment of  her  in  1854.  Napoleon's  note  of  July  6 
opened  to  him  a  means  of  escape  from  his  dilemma 
without  mortifying  his  pride.  With  both  monarchs 
of  one  mind,  there  could  be  no  serious  difficulty  in 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLAFRANCA.  153 

coming  to  an  understanding.  Napoleon  even  modi- 
fied his  demands  from  the  shape  in  which  Lord  Palmer- 
ston  had  disapproved  them.  He  had  made  no  allu- 
sion to  Parma,  but  only  insisted  upon  the  cession  of 
Lornbardy.  He  even  compromised  on  this  so  as  to 
leave  the  Austrian  Quadrilateral  intact.  The  prelim- 
inaries were  signed  in  the  afternoon.  Napoleon  was 
glad  to  have  an  end  of  the  fighting,  and  Francis 
Joseph  had  come  off  much  better  than  he  expected. 

There  was  nothing  for  the  king  of  Sardinia  but  to 
acquiesce  in  these  arrangements.  His  task  was  ren- 
dered doubly  hard  by  the  action  of  Cavour,  whose 
judgment  failed  him  for  the  first  and  only  time  in  his 
diplomatic  career.  Cavour  left  Turin  immediately 
upon  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  armistice.  He 
hastened  to  the  Sardinian  headquarters,  and  in  the 
royal  presence  bitterly  denounced  the  measure,  while 
he  raved  against  the  emperor,  and  urged  the  non- 
acceptance  of  Lombardy.  The  king  was  deeply 
offended,  and  naturally  was  not  dissuaded  from  his 
course.  He  signed  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  but 
attached  the  words  "  pour  ce  qui  me  concerne,"  merely 
signifying  that  he  accepted  Lombardy,  but  held  him- 
self unembarrassed  for  future  events.  Then  he  re- 
turned to  his  capital  disgusted  with  the  result  of  the 
campaign,  and  indignant  with  his  minister.  Cavour 
went  also  to  Turin,  his  rage  unabated,  to  resign  his 
post.  Napoleon,  in  better  spirits  than  either,  jour- 
neyed to  Paris,  and  on  the  15th  was  recreating  within 
sound  of  the  plashing  fountain  at  St.  Cloud. 

What  influenced  the  French  emperor  to  abandon 
the  Italian  cause  on  the  Mincio?  Was  he  swerved 
from  his  purpose  by  the  carnage  of  Solferino,  by  his 
dread  of  offending  the  Pope  beyond  reconciliation,  or 


154     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

by  his  -awakening  to  the  knowledge  that  he  was  not  a 
general  ?  Was  he  alarmed  by  the  attitude  of  central 
Italy,  that  presaged  a  Sardinia  too  powerful  for  the 
safety  of  his  southern  frontier ;  did  he  mistrust  the 
hostility  of  the  German  federal  army  ?  These  ques- 
tions were  asked  by  an  astonished  world.  The  em- 
peror's explanation,  delivered  to  the  Chambers,  July 
19,  was  as  follows :  "  Arrived  beneath  the  walls  of 
Verona,  the  struggle  was  inevitably  about  to  change 
its  nature  as  well  in  a  military  as  in  a  political  aspect. 
Obliged  to  attack  the  enemy  in  front,  who  was  in- 
trenched behind  great  fortresses  and  protected  on  his 
flank  by  the  neutrality  of  the  surrounding  territory, 
and  about  to  begin  a  long  and  barren  war,  I  found 
myself  in  the  face  of  Europe  in  arms,  ready  to  dis- 
pute our  successes  or  aggravate  our  reverses.  Never- 
theless the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  would  not  have 
shaken  my  resolution,  if  the  means  had  not  been  out 
of  proportion  to  the  results  to  be  expected.  It  was 
necessary  to  crush  boldly  the  obstacles  opposed,  and 
then  to  accept  a  conflict  on  the  Rhine  as  well  as  on 
the  Adige.  It  was  necessary  to  fortify  ourselves 
openly  with  the  concurrence  of  revolution.  It  was 
necessary  to  go  on  shedding  precious  blood,  and  at 
last  risk  that  which  a  sovereign  should  only  stake  for 
the  independence  of  his  country.  If  I  have  stopped, 
it  was  neither  through  weariness  nor  exhaustion,  nor 
through  abandoning  the  noble  cause  which  I  desired 
to  serve,  but  for  the  interests  of  France.  I  felt  great 
reluctance  to  put  reins  upon  the  ardor  of  our  soldiers, 
to  retrench  from  my  programme  the  territory  from  the 
Mincio  to  the  Adriatic,  and  to  see  vanish  from  honest 
hearts  noble  delusions  and  patriotic  hopes." 

If  the  world  had  not  learned  to  doubt  the  sincerity 


SOLFERINO  AND  VILLAFRANCA.  155 

of  Louis  Napoleon's  sayings,  it  would  have  rested 
content  with  this  statement,  and  accepted  earlier  the 
fact  that  he  was  induced  to  sheathe  his  victorious 
sword  by  the  strength  of  the  Austrian  Quadrilateral 
and  the  threatening  attitude  of  the  German  federal 
army  on  the  Rhine. 


CHAPTER  Xin. 

GARIBALDI  AND   CAVOUR. 

DISAPPOINTMENT  IN  ITALY  AT  THE  SUDDEN  TERMINATION  OP  THE 
WAR.  —  INSURRECTIONS  IN  CENTRAL  ITALY.  —  DEMANDS  OF  THE 
CENTRAL  ITALIANS.  —  ATTITUDE  OF  VICTOR  EMMANUEL.  —  THE 
PEACE  OF  ZURICH.  —  RECONCILIATION  OF  CAVOUR  AND  VICTOR 
EMMANUEL.  —  THEIR  BATTLE  WITH  THE  PAPAL  GOVERNMENT.  — 
NAPOLEON  AGREES  TO  A  PLEBISCITE.  —  CENTRAL  ITALY  DE- 
CLARES FOR  ANNEXATION  TO  SARDINIA.  —  THE  FIRST  ITALL\N 
PARLIAMENT.  —  CESSION  OF  NICE  AND  SAVOY.  —  REVOLUTION  IN 
THE  Two  SICILIES.  —  GARIBALDI  LEAVES  FOR  SICILY  TO  HEAD 
THE  INSURGENTS.  —  His  RAPID  ADVANCE.  —  HE  CAPTURES  PA- 
LERMO. —  EXTRAORDINARY  CHARACTER  OF  HIS  ACHIEVEMENTS  — 
EXCITEMENT  IN  TURIN.  —  THE  POLICY  OF  CAVOUR.  —  GARIBALDI 
BECOMES  HEADSTRONG.  —  HE  CROSSES  TO  THE  MAINLAND  AND 

MARCHES  UPON  NAPLES.  FRANCIS  II.   ABANDONS  NAPLES. 

ENTRY  OF  THE  GARIBALDIANS.  —  CAVOUR' s  CONCEPTION  OF  THE 
CRISIS.  —  SARDINIAN  TROOPS  ENTER  PAPAL  TERRITORY.  —  BAT- 
TLE OF  CASTELFIDARDO.  —  THE  SARDINIANS  PASS  THE  NEAPOL- 
ITAN FRONTIER.  —  MEETING  OF  GARIBALDI  AND  VICTOR  EMMAN- 
UEL. —  THE  NEAPOLITANS  VOTE  FOR  ANNEXATION  TO  THE  ITALIAN 
KINGDOM.  —  GARIBALDI'S  HATRED  OF  CAVOUR.  —  CAVOUR' s 
HEALTH  GIVES  WAY.  —  His  DEATH.  —  THE  WORLD'S  ESTIMATE 
OF  CAVOUR. 

THE  statement  of  the  French  emperor  that  Italy 
must  be  free  to  the  Adriatic  had  received  a  literal 
acceptance  by  the  Italians,  and  confidence  had  grown 
to  certainty  as  victory  after  victory  crowned  the 
allied  arms.  The  news  of  the  armistice  came  as  a 
bewildering,  crushing  blow.  It  was  received  first 
with  incredulity,  and  then  with  demonstrations  that 
expressed  vividly  the  wrath  and  disappointment  which 
everywhere  abounded. 


GARIBALDI  AND  CAVOUR.  157 

Venice  was  in  tears.  For  days  the  eyes  of  her 
citizens  had  been  lifted  to  the  belfry  of  San  Marco, 
for  from  there  they  knew  that  the  allied  fleets  were 
visible  in  the  Adriatic  beyond  Lido.  When  the  glad 
faces  of  the  Austrian  garrison  betrayed  the  news  from 
Villaf  ranca,  the  high  confidence  of  the  Venetians  gave 
way  to  a  despair  rendered  almost  paralyzing  from  the 
suddenness  of  the  reaction. 

In  Piedmont  and  Lombardy  the  sympathy  for 
Venice  tempered  the  popular  joy.  Milan  refused  to 
rejoice  while  Venice,  the  companion  of  her  long  thrall- 
dom,  still  remained  in  chains.  The  French  emperor, 
upon  returning  from  the  front,  could  not  fail  to  notice 
the  changed  temper  of  Milan  and  Turin.  The  French 
colors  were  sparingly  displayed  and  where  all  had 
been  noisy  enthusiasm  a  few  weeks  before,  there  was 
only  resentful  silence. 

While  the  war  was  in  progress  great  events  had 
been  taking  place  elsewhere  in  the  peninsula.  Fer- 
dinand II.  of  Naples  died,  and  his  last  moments  were 
embittered  by  tidings  of  the  battle  of  Montebello. 
His  youthful  successor  recklessly  followed  in  his  steps, 
turning  a  deaf  ear  to  the  entreaties  of  his  people,  and 
spurning  the  invitation  of  Victor  Emmanuel  to  enter 
the  anti-Austrian  alliance. 

In  Tuscany  the  people  arose,  demanding  a  constitu- 
tion and  an  active  participation  by  the  Tuscan  forces 
in  the  war.  The  grand  duke,  finding  that  the  spirit 
of  sedition  had  extended  to  his  own  guards,  left 
Florence  and  fled  into  the  arms  of  Austria. 

In  the  Emilian  provinces  of  Parma  and  Modena 
the  temper  of  the  people  necessitated  the  flight  of 
their  rulers. 

Bologna,   too,   broke   into   revolt,  —  Bologna  the 


158     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

capital  of  the  Papal  Legations,  that  had  been  held  in 
subjection  for  ten  years  by  Austrian  bayonets.  The 
imperial  commander,  nevertheless,  held  his  own  until 
the  battle  of  Magenta  necessitated  his  retirement  upon 
the  Quadrilateral.  The  Cardinal  Legate,  finding  his 
holy  office  no  longer  supported  by  the  foreign  troops, 
also  withdrew.  Military  and  priestly  oppression  left 
Bologna  together  on  the  12th  of  June. 

Everywhere  it  was  1848  repeated.  In  the  States  of 
the  Church  general  uneasiness  prevailed,  and  woidd 
have  developed  into  insurrection  at  Rome  but  for  the 
restraining  influences  of  the  French  garrison.  The 
state  of  affairs  on  the  Tiber  was  curious  enough. 
The  Pope  was  praying  for  Austrian  victories,  the 
Romans  were  longing  for  French  success,  and  the 
French  soldiery  protected  the  Pope  from  the  Ro- 
mans. 

In  the  central  Italian  states  the  popular  position 
was  strengthened  by  the  presence  of  a  portion  of 
Prince  Napoleon's  corps,  which  disembarked  at  Leg- 
horn and  passed  through  Tuscany  on  its  northward 
march.  Provisional  governments  were  formed  in  all 
the  states,  and  deputations  sent  to  Victor  Emmanuel 
offering  him  their  allegiance.  To  the  representatives 
of  Tuscany,  Parma,  and  Modena  he  extended  en- 
couragement, but  expressed  his  inability  to  accept 
their  offer  until  after  the  conclusion  of  peace.  He, 
however,  sent  commissioners  in  his  name  to  admin- 
ister their  governments  and  organize  their  military 
forces  for  participation  in  the  war.  When  the  depu- 
tations from  Bologna  presented  their  petition  he  was 
forced  into  a  delicate  position.  It  was  one  thing  to 
undertake  the  cause  of  the  Tuscans  and  Emilians,  but 
quite  another  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  the  subjects  of 


GARIBALDI  AND  CAVOUR.  159 

the  church.  Any  move  in  favor  of  the  people  of  the 
Legations  was  sure  to  bring  down  upon  him  the 
denunciations  of  the  Vatican.  Furthermore,  he  mis- 
trusted that  his  ally,  "  the  eldest  son  of  the  church," 
would  not  regard  such  a  course  with  favor.  The  king, 
received  the  deputation  cordially,  explained  his  posi- 
tion frankly,  and  referred  them  to  the  emperor,  who 
was  then  at  Montechiaro  planning  the  march  that 
was  to  bring  on  the  battle  of  Solferino.  From  this 
visit  the  deputation  returned  to  Bologna  with  but 
little  encouragement  and  somewhat  crestfallen.  But 
Cavour  had  the  interest  of  the  Legations  deeply  at 
heart.  He  understood  the  emperor  better  than  his 
royal  master,  and  judged  him  to  be  lukewarm  in  the 
position  he  had  taken.  He  induced  the  king  to  send 
Massimo  d'  Azeglio  as  commissioner  to  conduct  the 
temporary  government  at  Bologna.  The  result,  so 
far  as  the  Vatican  was  concerned,  confirmed  the  ex- 
pectations of  the  king.  Victor  Emmanuel,  his  army 
and  his  people,  were  condemned  by  a  papal  allocution 
and  warned  to  mend  their  impious  ways,  while  the 
papal  troops  suppressed  a  rising  at  Perugia  with  un- 
necessary severity  and  shocking  cruelty. 

The  treaty  concluded  at  Zurich  in  November  be- 
tween the  ambassadors  of  France,  Austria,  and  Sar- 
dinia substantially  ratified  the  preliminaries  arranged 
at  Villafranca.  Lombardy  passed  to  the  king  of 
Sardinia ;  Venetia  was  retained  by  Austria.  The 
rulers  of  Modena  and  Parma  were  to  be  restored, 
the  papal  power  again  established  in  the  Legations, 
while  the  various  states  of  the  peninsula,  excepting 
Sardinia  and  the  Two  Sicilies,  were  to  form  a  con- 
federation under  the  leadership  of  the  Pope.  Accord- 
ing to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  Lombardy  was  the  only 


160     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

state  directly  benefited  by  the  war.  The  emperor, 
however,  had  promised  Victor  Emmanuel  that  he 
would  not  use  force  to  restore  the  old  rulers  in  cen- 
tral Italy,  and  that  he  would  not  allow  another  power 
to  do  so.  Moreover,  in  addressing  his  troops  at 
the  close  of  the  war  he  uttered  these  words  :  "  Italy, 
henceforth  mistress  of  her  destinies,  will  only  have 
herself  to  blame  if  she  does  not  make  regular  prog- 
ress in  order  and  liberty/' 1  This  public  statement 
meant  something,  and  perhaps  Napoleon  was  not  in- 
clined to  add  to  the  ill  repute  he  had  gained  in  Italy 
by  the  abandonment  of  his  project  to  carry  his  con- 
quering arms  to  the  Adriatic.  At  all  events  the 
position  of  the  emperor  simplified  matters  from  the 
Sardinian  point  of  view,  as  the  people  of  central 
Italy  showed  no  inclination  to  resume  the  old  regime. 
They  maintained  their  position  firmly  and  consist- 
ently, despite  the  decisions  of  the  Zurich  Congress, 
the  advice  of  the  French  emperor,  and  the  threatening 
attitude  of  Naples  and  Rome.  Their  representatives 
were  at  work  in  London  and  Paris  endeavoring  to 
arouse  popular  sympathy  in  their  behalf,  but  the  year 
closed  without  definite  action,  leaving  the  provisional 
governments  in  control.  In  fact,  matters  were  simply 
drifting,  and  it  seemed  imperative  to  take  some  vig- 
orous measures  to  terminate  so  abnormal  a  condition 
of  affairs.  Finally  the  project  of  a  European  con- 
gress was  suggested.  There  was  but  one  opinion  as 
to  who  should  represent  Italy  in  such  an  event.  The 
king,  piqued  at  Cavour's  course  at  Villafranca,  was 
little  inclined  to  call  upon  him,  though  he  had  already 

1  In  conversation  with  Victor  Emmanuel,  Napoleon  also  let  drop 
this  portentous  statement :  ' '  Now  we  shall  see  what  the  Italians 
can  do  unaided." 


GARIBALDI  AND  CAVOUR.  161 

felt  painfully  the  loss  of  his  guiding  mind.  The 
necessity  brought  about  a  reconciliation.  Cavour 
made  the  amende  honorable  and  the  coldness  be- 
tween the  king  and  the  minister  was  at  an  end.  He 
returned  to  the  head  of  affairs  in  January.  This 
event  was  simultaneous  with  the  removal  of  M.  Walew- 
ski  at  Paris  and  a  change  in  the  policy  of  the  French 
government.  The  emperor  no  longer  advised  the 
central  Italians  to  accept  the  return  of  their  rulers. 
His  influence  at  Rome  was  exercised  to  induce  the 
Pope  to  allow  his  subjects  in  the  Legations  to  have 
their  will. 

The  months  of  February  and  March  were  prolific 
in  correspondence  between  Victor  Emmanuel  and  the 
Pope.  The  object  of  the  king  was  to  persuade  the 
Holy  Father  to  consent  to  some  arrangement  that 
would  satisfy  the  desires  of  his  people.  The  tone  of 
his  letters  was  dignified  and  yet  reverential.  He  ad- 
dressed the  "  Most  Blessed  Father  "  as  a  "  devoted 
son  of  the  church,"  and  invariably  concluded  by  re- 
questing the  benediction.  As  for  the  Pope,  though 
courteous  and  kindly  of  heart,  he  stood  like  a  rock 
consistent  with  his  unfailing  policy  of  "  non  possu- 
mus."  The  king's  note  of  February  6  struck  the  nail 
squarely  on  the  head  by  the  following  proposal,  "  that 
taking  into  consideration  the  necessity  of  the  times ; 
the  increasing  force  of  the •  principle  of  nationality; 
the  irresistible  impulse  which  impels  the  peoples  of 
Italy  to  unite  and  order  themselves  in  conformity 
with  the  model  adopted  by  all  civilized  nations,  an 
impulse  which  I  believe  demands  my  frank  and  loyal 
concurrence,  such  a  state  of  things  might  be  estab- 
lished not  only  in  the  Romagiia,  but  also  in  the 
Marches  and  Umbria,  as  would  reserve  to  the  church 


162       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

its  high  dominion,  and  assure  to  the  Supreme  Pontiff 
a  glorious  post  at  the  head  of  the  Italian  nation : 
while  giving  the  people  of  these  provinces  a  share  in 
the  benefits  that  a  kingdom  strong  and  highly  national 
secures  to  the  greater  part  of  central  Italy."  In 
short,  the  Pope  was  invited  to  relinquish  his  temporal 
authority.  The  response  was  what  might  have  been 
anticipated.  The  war  between  church  and  state  was 
waxing  bitter,  and  in  the  end  one  must  suffer. 

The  scheme  of  a  European  congress  was  abandoned. 
With  France  at  his  back  to  neutralize  Austria,  Ca- 
vour  had  nothing  to  fear.  England,  too,  was  unmis- 
takably friendly ;  but  despite  the  disappointment  of 
Villafranca  he  was  still  firm  in  his  old  theory  that 
Napoleon  was  the  monarch  whose  whims  must  be 
humored.  It  was  in  pursuance  of  this  policy  that  he 
suggested  to  the  emperor  that  the  central  Italians 
be  allowed  to  settle  their  fate  by  plebiscite.  This 
method  was  to  a  certain  extent  a  craze  with  the  em- 
peror. It  was  the  glorious  ordinance  behind  which 
he  had  attempted  to  conceal  the  blood  that  stained 
the  boulevards  during  the  days  of  his  coup  d'etat.  He 
was  the  last  man  who  would  lift  his  protest  against 
the  plebiscite,  and  Cavour  was  not  surprised  at  the 
affirmative  reply  he  received  to  his  proposal.1  The 
elections  took  place  in  March,  and  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority  the  people  of  Parma,  Modena,  Tuscany, 
and  the  Legations  declared  for  annexation  to  Sardinia. 
Austria  protested,  but  could  do  no  more  in  the  face  of 

1  "  Let  the  populations  vote,  and  when  it  is  demonstrated  that  the 
terms  of  Villafranca  can  only  be  executed  in  contempt  of  those  prin- 
ciples of  popular  rights  from  which  I  draw  my  power,  I  may  change 
my  mind."  — Napoleon  to  Signer  Peruzzi,  the  Tuscan  Envoy,  Mazade, 
p.  231. 


GARIBALDI   AND   CAVOUR.  163 

England  and  France.1  Naples  followed  the  Austrian 
example,  while  almost  simultaneously  with  the  news 
of  the  elections  there  arrived  at  Turin  the  papal  ex- 
communication for  Victor  Emmanuel  and  his  sub- 
jects. 

On  the  2d  of  April  the  king  opened  the  new  par- 
liament and  addressed  himself  to  the  representatives 
of  12,000,000  Italians.  The  natural  enthusiasm  at- 
tending the  session  was  seriously  dampened  by  the 
royal  announcement  that,  subject  to  the  approval  of 
their  citizens  and  the  ratification  of  parliament,  Nice 
and  Savoy  were  to  be  returned  to  France.  It  was,  in 
fact,  the  concluding  installment  of  the  price  arranged 
at  Plombieres  to  be  paid  for  the  French  troops  in  the 
campaign  of  the  previous  year.  The  king  was  loath 
to  make  the  sacrifice,  and  Cavour  had  acquiesced  only 
after  exhausting  every  expedient.  The  emperor,  mean- 
while, had  insisted,  and  with  reason,  upon  his  inability 
to  spend  the  blood  and  treasure  of  his  state  without 
some  tangible  recompense  to  satisfy  his  people  for  the 
outlay.  Furthermore,  as  far  as  Nice  and  Savoy  were 
concerned,  it  must  be  admitted  that  in  race  and  lan- 
guage they  were  more  French  than  Italian. 

General  Garibaldi,  who  sat  in  the  parliament  for 
Nice,  was  especially  prominent  in  the  angry  debates 
that  followed  the  king's  announcement.  Toward  Ca- 
vour, whom  he  held  solely  responsible  for  the  trans- 
action, he  conceived  a  distrust  and  dislike  that  he 
never  wholly  conquered.  When  the  transfer  had 
been  ratified  he  withdrew  to  a  humble  retreat  in  the 
island  of  Caprera,  with  his  heart  bitter  against  the 

1  "  He  [Napoleon]  informed  Prince  Metternich  at  Compiegne,  that 
if  Austria  crossed  the  Po,  it  would  be  instant  war  with  France." 
—  Mazade,  p.  231. 


164       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

man  who  had  made  him  a  stranger  in  his  own  house. 
But  the  excitement  over  the  loss  of  Nice  and  Savoy 
was  soon  diminished  by  the  startling  intelligence  which 
arrived  of  rebellion  in  the  Neapolitan  dominions. 
Naples  was  mutinous,  while  in  Sicily,  Palermo  and 
Messina  were  in  open  revolt.  Garibaldi's  time  had 
come.  Leaving  Caprera,  he  made  for  Piedmont,  and 
hastily  organized  a  band  of  volunteers  to  assist  in  the 
popular  movement.  On  the  night  of  May  6,  with  about 
a  thousand  enthusiastic  spirits,  he  embarked  from 
the  coast  near  Genoa  in  two  steamers  and  sailed  for 
Sicily.  Cavour  in  the  mean  time  winked  at  this 
extraordinary  performance.  He  dispatched  Admiral 
Persano  with  a  squadron  ostensibly  to  intercept  the 
expedition,  but  in  reality  "  to  navigate  between  it  and 
the  hostile  Neapolitan  fleet."  On  the  llth  Garibaldi 
landed  safely  at  Marsala  under  the  sleepy  guns  of 
a  Neapolitan  man-of-war.  On  the  14th  he  was  at 
Salemi,  where  he  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 
"  Garibaldi,  commander-in-chief  of  the  national  forces 
in  Sicily,  on  the  invitation  of  the  principal  citizens, 
and  on  the  deliberation  of  the  free  communes  of  the 
island,  considering  that  in  times  of  war  it  is  necessary 
that  the  civil  and  military  powers  should  be  united  in 
one  person,  assumes  in  the  name  of  Victor  Emmanuel, 
King  of  Italy,  the  Dictatorship  in  Sicily."  "With 
his  volunteers  increased  by  several  hundred  "  pic- 
ciotti,"  as  the  native  mountaineers  were  called,  Gari- 
baldi routed  several  Neapolitan  battalions  in  position 
at  Calatafimi,  and  a  few  days  later  had  the  camp-fires 
of  his  rapidly  swelling  host  blazing  on  the  heights 
above  Palermo.  Having  by  skillful  mano3uvring 
among  the  mountains  concealed  his  numbers  and 
plans  from  the  enemy,  on  the  night  of  the  26th  he 


GARIBALDI  AND   CAVOUR.  165 

led  his  forces  to  the  plain,  and  at  dawn  attacked  the 
city.  After  a  few  hours  of  street  fighting,  the  Nea- 
politans were  driven  back  upon  the  citadel  and  royal 
palace.  In  revenge  for  the  defeat,  the  guns  of  the 
fleet  and  the  citadel  opened  a  destructive  and  indis- 
criminate fire  upon  the  city.  The  slaughter  and 
misery  worked  by  this  terrific  bombardment  were  ter- 
rible beyond  description.  Having  glutted  his  thirst 
for  vengeance,  the  Neapolitan  commander  concluded 
an  armistice  with  Garibaldi,  and  on  the  6th  of  June 
evacuated  all  his  positions  and  sailed  from  the  port. 
In  the  mean  tune  Garibaldi  had  been  further  rein- 
forced by  another  detachment  of  recruits  from  the 
north  under  General  Medici.  On  July  20  the  Nea- 
politan General  Bosco  was  beaten  at  Milazzo,  and  so 
vast  had  Garibaldi's  prestige  become  that  five  days 
later,  when  Medici  summoned  Messina,  it  came  to 
terms  without  a  blow. 

In  the  eyes  of  Europe  a  miracle  had  been  accom- 
plished. Was  it  a  man  or  devil  who  in  three  months 
time,  with  a  handful  of  desperadoes  at  his  back,  could 
overthrow  trained  armies,  and  conquer  the  fairest 
province  of  a  great  kingdom  ?  But  after  all  we  must 
now  admit  that  Garibaldi's  military  achievements  in 
Sicily,  however  great  in  the  results  they  accomplished, 
have  been  exaggerated.  From  the  moment  he  landed 
at  Marsala  until  he  had  planted  the  tricolored  flag 
on  the  walls  of  Messina,  he  was  regarded  by  the  sim- 
ple, superstitious  Sicilians  as  a  demi-god,  mysterious 
and  all-powerful.  He  had  among  his  followers  men 
whose  pens  were  mightier  than  their  swords,  to  whose 
romantic  narrations  is  due  the  fact  that  the  world 
became  almost  Sicilian  in  its  judgment  of  him. 
Whether  marching  silently  over  the  moonlit  moun- 


166     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tains,  or  apart  from  his  followers  gazing  down  from 
the  heights  upon  the  twinkling  lights  of  Palermo  which 
gleamed  in  the  valley,  or  in  the  glare  of  the  day  con- 
spicuous in  his  scarlet  shirt  amid  the  battle-smoke  of 
Milazzo,  it  was  all  the  same.  He  was  invested  with 
a  halo  that  bordered  upon  the  supernatural. 

In  reality,  Garibaldi  had  but  a  contemptible  foe 
to  deal  with.  The  Neapolitan  army  with  its  impos- 
ing array  on  paper  of  30,000  bayonets  was  a  mis- 
erable corps  of  discontented  mercenaries,  badly  dis- 
tributed and  poorly  commanded,  whose  superstitious 
natures  were  overwhelmed  by  the  prestige  Garibaldi 
brought  with  him  from  the  Alps.  After  the  first  ac- 
tion at  Calatafimi  they  regarded  him  as  the  Scottish 
Covenanters  did  Claverhouse,  as  one  who  had  sold  him- 
self to  the  devil,  and  against  whom  no  bullet  could  pre- 
vail. Demoralized  by  these  beliefs,  and  realizing  that 
every  Sicilian  was  their  enemy,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Garibaldi's  enthusiasts  made  head  against  them. 
Every  retreat  contributed  to  this  demoralization, 
as  they  were  harassed  by  the  people  in  the  villages 
through  which  they  passed.  After  Milazzo  the  Xea- 
politan  army  of  the  south  had  ceased  to  exist.  It 
succumbed  to  hard  blows  less  than  to  its  own  inherent 
worthlessness.  It  was  not  destroyed,  but  rather  fell 
to  pieces. 

Perhaps  the  excitement  at  Turin  during  these  days 
was  second  only  to  that  which  animated  the  great 
Sicilian  cities.  The  guns  of  Bomba's  fleet  at  Palermo 
were  no  more  active  than  the  diplomatic  artillery 
which  the  courts  of  Central  Europe  trained  upon  the 
government  at  Turin.  Indeed,  as  has  been  tersely 
expressed,  it  literally  "  rained  diplomatic  notes  "  in 
the  Sardinian  capital.  Garibaldi  was  a  subject  of 


GARIBALDI  AND   CAVOUR.  167 

Sardinia,  and  the  men  who  were  overturning  Bourbon 
rule  in  Sicily  were  volunteers  from  the  'realms  of 
Victor  Emmanuel.  Cavour's  position  at  this  time 
was  a  trying,  delicate,  and  from  some  points  of  view 
a  questionable  one.  He  had  publicly  expressed  regret 
for  Garibaldi's  expedition,  while  privately  he  encour- 
aged it.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  position  into 
which  he  forced  Sardinia  at  this  time  was  very  far 
from  one  of  strict  neutrality  or  even  of  candor.  He 
did  not  conceal,  however,  the  fact  that  he  would  be 
wholly  out  of  sympathy  with  any  movement  on  the 
part  of  his  government  to  protect  the  worst  govern- 
ment in  the  peninsula  from  its  just  deserts.  Cavour's 
position  is  revealed  clearly  in  his  note  to  La  Farina, 
the  Sardinian  envoy  at  Palermo,  under  date  of  June 
19,  "  Persano  will  give  you  all  the  aid  he  can  without 
compromising  our  banner.  It  woidd  be  a  great  mat- 
ter if  Garibaldi  could  pass  into  Calabria.  Here 
things  do  not  go  badly.  The  diplomatists  do  not 
molest  us  too  much.  Russia  made  a  fearful  hubbub  ; 
Prussia  less.  The  parliament  has  much  sense.  I 
await  your  letters  with  impatience." 

Cavour's  desire  to  see  Garibaldi  in  Calabria  was 
changed,  a  little  later.  La  Farina  was  at  Palermo  in 
behalf  of  the  Sardinian  government,  to  induce  Gari- 
baldi to  consent  to  the  immediate  annexation  of  Sicily 
to  the  new  Italian  kingdom.  This  Garibaldi  declined 
to  do,  preferring  to  wait  until  he  could  lay  the  entire 
Neapolitan  realm  and  Rome  as  well  at  the  feet  of 
Victor  Emmanuel.  This  altered  the  aspect  of  affairs. 
It  was  evident  that  Garibaldi  was  getting  headstrong. 
It  was  Cavour's  constant  solicitude  to  keep  the  Italian 
question  in  such  a  shape  as  to  allow  no  foreign 
power  a  pretext  for  interference.  Garibaldi's  design 


168       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

against  Rome  garrisoned  by  French  troops  would  be 
almost  certain  to  bring  on  foreign  complications  and 
ruin  the  cause  of  Italian  unity.  It  was  in  conse- 
quence of  this  dread  that  Victor  Emmanuel  wrote  to 
Garibaldi  a  congratulatory  letter,  urging  him  to  de- 
sist from  further  operations  and  not  carry  the  conflict 
into  Calabria.  The  response,  while  it  breathed  per- 
sonal devotion  to  the  king,  could  not  be  regarded 
with  much  pleasure  in  official  circles  at  Turin.  It 
was  written  from  Milazzo,  July  27,  and  concluded  as 
follows  :  "  May  your  majesty  therefore  permit  me  this 
time  to  disobey.  As  soon  as  I  shall  have  finished  the 
task  imposed  upon  me  by  the  wishes  of  the  people 
who  groan  under  the  tyranny  of  the  Neapolitan  Bour- 
bon, I  shall  lay  down  my  sword  at  your  majesty's 
feet,  and  shall  obey  your  majesty  for  the  remainder 
of  my  lifetime."  Garibaldi's  followers  numbered 
nearly  20,000  men.  The  Neapolitan  king  had  been 
so  thoroughly  cowed  as  to  proclaim  his  intention  of 
establishing  constitutional  liberty  within  his  realms. 
There  was  no  mistaking  that  symptom.  When  a 
Neapolitan  Bourbon  proclaimed  liberty,  he  also  pro- 
claimed the  fact  that  his  throne  was  in  danger.  It 
was  too  late,  and  this  despairing  effort  of  Francis  II. 
was  scarcely  heeded  in  the  whirl  of  events. 

On  August  1  the  Garibaldians  were  massing  about 
Faro,  preparatory  to  crossing  to  the  mainland.  The 
coast  opposite  was  guarded  by  Neapolitan  forts,  while 
hostile  men-of-war  ceaselessly  patrolled  the  straits 
from  Reggio  to  Scilla.  Garibaldi  was  reinforced  by 
6,000  men,  adventurers  of  all  nationalities,  who  had 
been  raised  by  Bertani,  his  agent  at  Genoa.  Seeing 
that  the  Neapolitan  vigilance  was  concentrated  upon 
the  troops  at  Faro,  Garibaldi  moved  the  fresh  forces 


GARIBALDI  AND   CAVOUR.  169 

rapidly  to  the  south  toward  Taormina.  On  the  19th 
he  embarked  from  that  place,  and  so  completely  were 
the  enemy  deceived  that  his  whole  detachment  landed 
unopposed  at  Melito.  Pushing  rapidly  up  the  moun- 
tains, he  gained  the  heights  above  Reggio,  where  the 
Neapolitan  garrison  were  panic-stricken  at  finding 
their  position  turned.  After  some  fighting  the  Nea- 
politan commander  surrendered.  Some  of  his  troops 
joined  the  Garibaldians,  while  the  rest  were  allowed 
to  embark  on  their  ships.  Master  now  of  both  banks 
of  the  straits,  with  his  numbers  still  further  aug- 
mented by  many  thousand  enthusiastic  Calabrese,  it 
only  remained  for  Garibaldi  to  advance  directly  upon 
Naples.  The  excitement  along  his  line  of  march 
was  most  intense.  In  every  village  where  his  troops 
appeared  the  same  spirit  was  shown.  The  Bourbon 
arms  upon  the  public  buildings  were  torn  down,  and 
those  of  Savoy  substituted. 

At  Naples  itself  the  rioting,  which  had  been  par- 
tially suppressed,  broke  out  afresh  upon  the  news  of 
Garibaldi's  appearance  at  Reggio.  When  it  became 
known  that  he  was  advancing  upon  the  city,  the 
populace  passed  fairly  beyond  the  control  of  the 
authorities.  In  these  early  September  days  the  king 
sat  brooding  in  his  palace,  and  the  cheers  for  Gari- 
baldi and  Victor  Emmanuel  were  borne  to  his  ears 
on  every  breeze  that  stirred  the  seditious  air  of  his 
capital.  From  all  quarters  the  tidings  became  more 
alarming.  His  soldiers  were  cowed,  and  in  many 
places  were  attacked  and  routed  by  the  national 
guard.  From  all  the  provinces  came  tidings  of  suc- 
cessful revolts.  His  proclamation  of  liberty  had  won 
him  no  friends.  His  ministry  had  turned  against 
him  and  characterized  as  folly  the  attempt  to  check 


170     THE    RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Garibaldi's  advance.  There  was  no  help  for  it.  His 
dynasty  was  crumbling  to  pieces,  and  no  hand  was 
raised  to  save  it.  The  recently  liberated  political 
prisoners,  the  beneficiaries  of  his  eleventh  hour  clem- 
ency, roamed  the  streets,  their  dazed  and  haggard 
faces  presenting  a  terrible  protest  against  the  long 
era  of  misrule.  On  the  evening  of  September  6  the 
king  embarked  on  a  Spanish  ship,  and  leaving  his 
mutinous  navy  at  anchor  in  the  bay,  quit  forever  those 
beautiful  shores  which  his  race  had  too  Ions:  denied. 

O 

On  the  morning  of  September  7  Garibaldi  was  at 
Salerno ;  before  night  he  had  reached  Naples,  and  its 
teeming  thousands  had  run  mad.  The  Neapolitan 
garrison  of  Castel  Nuovo  broke  out,  and  rushing 
down  into  the  streets  with  shouts  of  "Viva  Gari- 
baldi "  fraternized  with  the  people.  Castel  Sant'  Elmo 
wrapped  itself  in  the  smoke  of  its  saluting  artillery 
and  hoisted  the  Sardinian  flag,  a  compliment  that  the 
Sardinian  squadron  in  the  bay  acknowledged  with 
thundering  broadsides.  The  Neapolitan  fleet  went 
over  en  masse  to  Garibaldi,  and  by  him  was  placed 
under  the  orders  of  the  Sardinian  admiral.  The 
Garibaldian  troops  came  swarming  into  the  city, 
some  by  land  and  others  by  sea.  For  days  the  roll 
of  drums  and  blare  of  bugles  told  of  new  arrivals. 
With  little  of  military  precision  about  them,  in  mot- 
ley uniforms,  these  heroes  of  Milazzo  and  Reggio 
streamed  along  Santa  Lucia  and  up  the  Toledo. 
Italians  and  foreigners,  strong  men  and  boys,  they 
betrayed  by  eager  faces  and  elastic  step  the  enthu- 
siasm that  animated  them.  All  Naples  was  out  to 
welcome  its  liberators.  The  city,  at  all  times  a  pan- 
demonium of  uproar  and  confusion,  fairly  surpassed 
herself  during  the  first  days  of  Garibaldi's  occupation. 


GARIBALDI  AND   CAVOUR.  171 

Francis  II.  had  shut  himself  up  in  the  fortress  of 
Gaeta  with  the  remnants  of  his  army,  holding  the 
line  of  the  Volturno.  Garibaldi's  vanguard  was  at 
Caserta,  and  he  was  pushing  his  forces  forward  with 
all  rapidity  to  strike  the  Bourbon  a  final  blow. 

At  Turin  the  state  of  unrest  continued.  Gari- 
baldi's presence  at  Naples  was  attended  with  grave 
perils.  Of  course  his  designs  upon  Rome  formed  the 
principal  danger,  but  his  conspicuous  inability  as 
an  organizer  was  one  of  scarcely  less  gravity.  The 
ignorant  subjects  of  Francis  II.  were  not  to  be 
trusted  to  maintain  order  among  themselves,  and 
Garibaldi  was  not  the  man  to  enforce  it.  So  far  the 
conduct  of  Naples  had  been  exemplary,  but  Mazzini 
was  known  to  be  at  work  forwarding  his  schemes  for 
a  great  Neapolitan  republic.  If  left  to  drift,  this 
state  of  things  might  easily  develop  into  anarchy,  and 
anarchy  meant  foreign  interference  and  the  undoing 
of  all  the  great  results  of  Garibaldi's  campaign. 
Sardinian  troops  had  become  a  necessity  of  the  situa- 
tion. "  If  we  do  not  arrive  on  the  Volturno  before 
Garibaldi  arrives  at  Cattolica,  the  monarchy  is  lost, 
—  Italy  remains  a  prey  to  revolution."  That  was 
Cavour's  conception  of  the  crisis.  There  was  no  tune 
to  lose.  There  could  be  no  difficulty  in  finding  an 
excuse  to  enter  papal  territory.  The  inhabitants  of 
Umbria  and  the  Marches,  who  had  never  ceased  to 
appeal  for  annexation  to  the  new  kingdom,  were  sup- 
pressed by  an  army  of  foreign  mercenaries  that  the 
Pope  had  mustered  beneath  his  banner.  That  native- 
born  Italians  should  be  held  in  subjection  by  hirelings 
from  abroad  was  certainly  a  scandalous  matter.  It 
was  in  reality  a  worse  state  of  things  than  Cavour 
had  exposed  at  the  Paris  Congress  a  few  years  before. 


172       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Cavour  had  interceded  in  vain  with  the  Vatican  to 
alter  its  course  toward  its  disaffected  subjects.  At 
last  on  September  7,  the  day  Garibaldi  entered  Naples, 
he  sent  the  royal  ultimatum  to  Cardinal  Antonelli  at 
Rome.  "After  having  applied  to  his  majesty  the 
king,  my  august  sovereign,  for  his  orders,  I  have  the 
honor  of  signifying  to  your  eminence  that  the  king's 
troops  are  charged  to  prevent,  in  the  name  of  the 
rights  of  humanity,  the  pontifical  mercenary  corps 
from  repressing  by  violence  the  expression  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  people  of  the  Marches  and  Umbria. 
I  have,  moreover,  the  honor  to  invite  your  excel- 
lency, for  the  reasons  above  explained,  to  give  imme- 
diate orders  for  the  disbanding  and  dissolving  of  those 
corps,  the  existence  of  which  is  a  menace  to  the  peace 
of  Italy."  On  the  llth  the  unfavorable  reply  of 
Antonelli  was  received,  and  the  same  day  the  Sar- 
dinian troops  crossed  the  papal  frontier.  "  Soldiers," 
exclaimed  the  king,  "you  enter  the  Marches  and 
Umbria  to  restore  civil  order  in  their  desolated  cities, 
and  to  afford  the  people  the  opportunity  of  expressing 
their  wishes.  You  have  not  to  combat  powerful  armies, 
but  to  free  unhappy  Italian  provinces  from  foreign 
bands  of  mercenaries.  You  go  not  to  avenge  the  in- 
juries done  to  me  and  to  Italy,  but  to  prevent  the 
bursting  forth  of  popular  hatred  and  vengeance 
against  misrule." 

Every  European  power  except  England,  which  ex- 
pressed open  satisfaction,  protested  against  this  action. 
There  was  an  imposing  flight  of  ambassadors  from 
Turin,  and  an  ominous  commotion  all  along  the  dip- 
lomatic horizon.  Cavour  had  not  moved,  however, 
without  a  secret  understanding  with  Napoleon.  Fran- 
cis II.  issued  his  feeble  protest  from  Gaeta,  the  Pope 


GARIBALDI  AND  CA  VOUR.  173 

hurled  his  excommunication  at  his  despoilers,  but 
with  England  friendly  and  France  passive  Cavour 
had  nothing  to  fear.  Austria  was  too  much  broken 
by  her  recent  misfortunes  to  resist,  while  Russia  and 
Prussia  had  no  interest  in  the  matter  that  would  jus- 
tify their  passing  beyond  protestations.  The  Sar- 
dinian army  advanced  rapidly  in  two  columns.  Gen- 
eral Fanti  seized  Perugia  and  Spoleto,  while  Cialdini 
on  the  east  of  the  Apennines  utterly  destroyed  the 
main  papal  army  under  the  French  general  Lamori- 
ciere  at  Castelfidardo.  Lamoriciere  with  a  few  fol- 
lowers gained  Ancona,  but  finding  that  town  covered 
by  the  guns  of  the  Sardinian  fleet,  he  was  compelled 
to  surrender.  "  The  pontifical  mercenary  corps  "  be- 
ing a  thing  of  the  past,  Cavour  could  turn  his  whole 
attention  to  Naples.  He  had  obtained  from  parlia- 
ment an  enthusiastic  permission  to  receive,  if  tendered, 
the  allegiance  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  The  army  was 
ordered  across  the  Neapolitan  frontier,  and  the  king 
left  for  Ancona  to  take  command. 

In  the  mean  time  on  October  1  Garibaldi  had  in- 
flicted another  severe  defeat  to  the  royal  Neapolitan 
army  on  the  Volturno.  The  Sardinian  advance  was 
wholly  unimpeded.  On  the  26th,  as  the  king  and  his 
staff  were  approaching  the  little  village  of  Teano, 
they  descried  a  group  of  horsemen  moving  toward 
them.  It  was  Garibaldi  and  a  squadron  of  his  red 
shirts.  The  simple  soldier  rode  forward,  uncovered, 
and  checking  his  horse  beside  the  king  exclaimed  in 
a  voice  choking  with  emotion,  "  King  of  Italy."  "  I 
thank  you,"  was  the  reply,  and  clasping  each  other's 
hand,  the  two  remained  silent  for  a  minute,  gazing 
into  each  other's  eyes,  while  their  followers  stood 
apart.  Then  the  air  was  rent  by  enthusiastic  cheer- 


174       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ing  which  was  caught  up  by  the  splendid  Sardinian 
regiments  as  they  went  swinging  by. 

On  November  7  the  king  entered  Naples,  and  on 
the  following  day  was  waited  upon  by  a  deputation  to 
announce  the  result  of  the  election  that  Garibaldi 
had  previously  decreed.  "  Sire,"  said  their  spokes- 
man, "  The  Neapolitan  people,  assembled  in  Coinitia, 
by  an  immense  majority  have  proclaimed  you  their 
king.  Nine  millions  of  Italians  unite  themselves  to 
the  other  provinces  governed  by  your  majesty  with 
so  much  wisdom,  and  verify  your  solemn  promise  that 
Italy  must  belong  to  Italians." 

Then  followed  an  event  so  sublime  as  to  be  without 
parallel  in  these  times  of  selfish  ambition.  Gari- 
baldi bade  farewell  to  his  faithful  followers,  and, 
refusing  all  rewards,  passed  again  to  his  quiet  home 
in  Caprera.  The  man  who  for  months  had  been  at- 
tracting the  attention  of  the  world  by  his  victories, 
and  who  without  an  army  had  won  a  kingdom  by  the 
sword,  laid  his  conquest  at  the  feet  of  the  monarch 
whom  he  was  proud  to  serve. 

The  people  of  Umbria  and  the  Marches  followed 
the  lead  of  Naples  in  declaring  themselves  subjects 
of  Victor  Emmanuel.  Except  for  the  patrimony  of 
St.  Peter  surrounding  the  city  of  Rome  and  the  Aus- 
trian province  of  Venetia,  Italy  was  united  under  the 
tricolor.  While  Garibaldi  returned  to  his  humble 
life,  Cavour  went  to  Turin  to  resume  his  labors.  For 
years  he  had  been  staggering  under  the  vast  weight 
of  public  affairs  ;  and  now,  while  the  darling  object 
of  his  life  seemed  almost  accomplished,  he  felt  the 
burden  crushing  him  down.  All  these  petty  states 
must  be  amalgamated  into  one  strong  nation.  There 
were  several  budgets  to  be  condensed  into  one,  a  com- 


GARIBALDI  AND  CAVOUR.  175 

plete  reorganization  of  the  army  to  be  effected,  brig- 
andage to  be  broken  up,  railways  to  be  opened,  ruined 
cities  to  be  restored,  education  to  be  provided.  Of  all 
the  states  the  Two  Sicilies  was  in  the  most  deplorable 
condition  with  the  ignorant  superstitions  of  its  long- 
persecuted  people.  "Northern  Italy  is  made,"  ex- 
claimed Cavour ;  "  there  are  no  longer  Lombards, 
Piedmontese,  Tuscans,  or  Romagnols ;  we  are  all  Ital- 
ians, but  there  are  still  Neapolitans."  On  the  18th  of 
February,  1861,  the  first  national  parliament  repre- 
senting the  north  and  south  met  at  Turin.  Five  days 
before,  the  last  stronghold  of  Francis  II.  had  capit- 
ulated, and  the  enthusiasm  ran  high.  The  kingdom 
of  Italy  was  proclaimed,  and  the  king  confirmed  as 
"  Victor  Emmanuel  II.,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  the 
will  of  the  nation  King  of  Italy." 

There  was  no  mistaking  the  temper  of  the  parlia- 
ment in  regard  to  Rome  and  Venice.  Garibaldi  was 
there  with  his  longing  for  Rome  and  his  distrust  of 
Cavour  unabated.  Indeed,  his  fierce  attacks  upon 
the  man  who  had  bartered  away  Nice  embittered  the 
early  days  of  the  session.  Cavour  bore  patiently  the 
criticism  of  the  fiery  patriot.  "  I  know,"  he  said 
sadly,  "  that  between  me  and  the  honorable  General 
Garibaldi  there  exists  a  fact  which  divides  us  two  like 
an  abyss.  I  believed  that  I  fulfilled  a  painful  duty 
—  the  most  painful  that  I  ever  accomplished  in  my 
life  —  in  counseling  the  king,  and  proposing  to  par- 
liament, to  approve  the  cession  of  Nice  and  Savoy  to 
France.  By  the  grief  that  I  then  experienced  I  can 
understand  that  which  the  honorable  General  Gari- 
baldi must  have  felt ;  and  if  he  cannot  forgive  me 
this  act,  I  will  not  bear  him  any  grudge  for  it." 

That  a  misunderstanding  should  exist  between  Ca- 


176       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

vour  and  Garibaldi,  both  working  for  a  common  end, 
is  by  no  means  remarkable.  One  swept  all  Europe 
with  his  searching  eye,  and  guided  his  policy  with  ref- 
erence to  his  surroundings ;  the  other  defied  Europe, 
and  never  looked  beyond  the  point  of  his  sword  blade. 
For  all  this  the  enthusiastic  recluse  of  Caprera  was 
no  more  determined  that  Rome  should  be  the  Italian 
capital  than  was  the  prime  minister  at  Turin.  While 
he  was  being  assailed  for  lukewarmness,  Cavour  was 
exhausting  every  resource  to  induce  Napoleon  to  with- 
draw his  troops  and  allow  a  voluntary  Italian  solu- 
tion of  the  Roman  question.  The  work  was  almost 
done.  The  scheme  that  a  few  years  before  would 
have  provoked  a  smile  in  any  diplomatic  circle  in  Eu- 
rope had  been  perfected  almost  to  the  capstone.  But 
the  man  who  had  conceived  the  plan  and  carried  it 
through  its  darkest  days  was  not  destined  to  witness 
its  final  consummation.  Cavour  was  giving  way.  On 
May  29  he  was  stricken  down  with  a  violent  illness. 
On  the  evening  of  June  5,  when  all  hope  was  aban- 
doned, the  king  visited  his  bedside.  Upon  hearing 
of  the  royal  presence,  Cavour  rallied  from  the  stupor 
in  which  he  lay.  "  Ah,  Maesta,"  he  said  with  a  smile, 
and  whispered  a  few  words  of  farewell.  The  next 
day  the  confessor  was  by  his  side.  The  face  of  the 
dying  statesman  lightened  as  he  seized  his  hand,  ex- 
claiming, "  Frate !  Frate  !  A  free  church  in  a  free 
state  ! "  So  with  the  battle-cry  of  his  great  adminis- 
tration upon  his  lips,  Cavour  passed  away. 

To  Mazzini  belongs  the  credit  of  keeping  alive  the 
spirit  of  patriotism ;  Garibaldi  is  entitled  to  the  ad- 
miration of  the  world  as  the  pure  patriot  who  fired 
men's  souls  ;  but  Cavour  was  greater  than  either,  and 
Mazzini  and  Garibaldi  were  but  humble  instruments 


GARIBALDI  AND  CAVOUR.  177 

in  his  magnificent  plan  of  Italian  regeneration.  Mor- 
alists may  quibble  over  his  course  in  drenching  Lom- 
bardy  with  French  blood ;  churchmen  will  denounce 
his  treatment  of  the  pontifical  government  at  Rome ; 
but  the  verdict  of  posterity  will  be  one  of  admira- 
tion for  the  man  who,  true  to  his  great  doctrines  of 
national  unity  and  the  freedom  of  church  and  state, 
worked  ceaselessly,  unselfishly,  regardless  of  enmity 
abroad  and  criticism  at  home ;  who  healed  schisms 
among  his  people,  and  converted  foreigners  into 
allies ;  who  made  anarchy  and  insubordination  to 
serve  his  ends,  until  at  last,  when  he  laid  the  burden 
down,  he  bequeathed  as  a  legacy  to  his  countrymen 
a  nation  fair  and  strong. 

The  universal  sorrow  in  Italy  that  succeeded  the 
death  of  Cavour  was  mingled  with  misgiving  and 
fear,  but  for  all  that  the  new  nation  agreed  with  Mas- 
simo d'  Azeglio,  as  he  wrote  through  his  tears,  "  If 
God  will,  He  can  save  Italy  even  without  Cavour." 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

GERMANY  IN   1850.  —  THE   ADVENT   OF   BISMAECK. 

THE  GERMAN  CONFEDERATION  AND  THE  FRANKFORT  DIET.  — 
OLD  UNDERSTANDINGS  AND  MODERN  MISUNDERSTANDINGS  BE- 
TWEEN AUSTRIA  AND  PRUSSIA.  —  AUSTRIA  GAINS  THE  ASCEND- 
ENCY IN  GERMANY.  —  THE  OLMUTZ  INCIDENT.  —  THE  CRIMEAN 
WAR.  —  PRINCE  WILLIAM  BECOMES  REGENT  OF  PRUSSIA.  — 
CHANGE  IN  THE  PRUSSIAN  POLICY.  —  THE  KAISER  ANNOYED.  — 
THE  REGENT  BECOMES  WILLIAM  I.  OF  PRUSSIA.  —  His  EARLY 
CAREER.  —  His  STRUGGLE  WITH  THE  HOUSE  OF  DEPUTIES  ON 
THE  ARMY  BILL.  —  HE  CALLS  BISMARCK  TO  THE  PRESIDENCY 
OF  THE  MINISTRY.  —  BISMARCK'S  POLITICAL  CREED.  —  His  VIEWS 
ON  THE  REVOLUTION  OF  1848  AND  THE  SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN 
QUESTION.  —  His  EARLY  OPPOSITION  TO  GERMAN  UNITY.  — 
His  ADMIRATION  OF  AUSTRIA.  —  CHANGES  WROUGHT  IN  HIS 
VIEWS  AT  FRANKFORT.  —  His  CONTEMPT  FOR  THE  DIET.  — 
HE  DISTRUSTS  AUSTRIA.  —  WARNS  HIS  GOVERNMENT  AGAINST 
AUSTRIA.  —  His  COURSE  AT  ST.  PETERSBURG  AND  PARIS.  — 
FORESEES  WAR  WITH  AUSTRIA,  AND  PUSHES  ARMY  REFORM. 

THE  Kaiser,  Francis  Joseph,  returned  to  Schon- 
brunn  from  the  seat  of  war  to  nurse  his  wrath  against 
Prussia  and  the  German  states.  In  order  to  com- 
prehend the  relations  existing  between  Prussia  and 
Austria  at  this  time,  it  is  necessary  to  glance  at  the 
condition  of  Germany  in  1850  and  review  the  events 
that  characterized  the  ten  years  succeeding. 

The  German  confederation  was  the  creation  of  the 
Vienna  Congress  of  1815.  It  comprised  thirty-five 
sovereign  states  besides  the  four  free  cities  of  Frank- 
fort, Hamburg,  Lubeck,  and  Bremen.  The  pleni- 
potentiaries of  these  various  governments  met  at 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  179 

Frankfort  and  formed  the  national  Diet  or  Bund,  of 
which  Austria  held  the  permanent  presidency.  The 
principal  prerogatives  of  this  famous  body,  renowned 
abroad  for  its  solemnity  and  extreme  deliberation, 
were  those  of  declaring  war  and  settling  disputes 
between  the  states.  One  of  its  peculiar  features  was 
the  system  of  voting.  On  ordinary  questions  seven- 
teen votes  were  cast,  one  each  for  the  eleven  larger 
states,  while  the  others,  holding  each  a  fractional  vote, 
made  up  the  remaining  six.  More  weighty  questions 
of  constitutional  importance  were  settled  by  the 
"  Plenum  "  or  "  full  Diet."  In  this  case  each  state 
cast  at  least  one  vote,  while  the  six  large  states  had 
six  votes,  the  next  five,  four  votes,  and  the  next  three, 
two  votes  each.  Under  this  system  it  will  be  seen 
that  Austria  and  Prussia  with  three  quarters  of  the 
population  represented  always  less  than  one  sixth  of 
the  voting  strength  in  the  Diet.  This  in  itself  was 
an  anomaly  that  might  have  proved  serious,  had 
Austria  and  Prussia  united  ever  been  opposed  by  the 
voting  majority.  The  minor  states,  however,  never 
sacrificed  their  prudence  sufficiently  to  tempt  the 
wrath  of  their  mighty  patrons. 

From  the  first  there  had  been  an  understanding 
between  the  courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin  that  Prus- 
sia should  supervise  the  domestic  affairs  of  the  con- 
federation on  the  condition  of  her  supporting  Austria 
on  European  questions.  The  temporary  overthrow 
of  the  Diet  in  1849  was  the  means  of  shattering  this 
understanding  and  establishing  a  spirit  of  distrust 
between  the  great  German  powers.  The  friendly 
course  pursued  by  Frederick  William  toward  the 
national  assembly,  and  the  evident  preference  of  the 
German  liberals  for  Prussia,  as  opposed  to  Austria, 


180       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

stirred  the  anger  of  the  Kaiser  and  his  ministry.  To 
be  sure  the  Prussian  king  refused  the  national  crown, 
but  in  a  manner  so  half-hearted  as  to  indicate  that 
were  the  experiment  repeated  under  more  auspicious 
circumstances,  he  would  not  be  found  so  coy.  In- 
deed, hardly  was  his  refusal  pronounced  before  he 
commenced  to  ply  the  courts  of  Saxony  and  Hanover 
for  their  support  in  measures  that  had  imperial  ends 
in  view.  Early  in  1850  a  parliament  convened  at 
Erfurt  at  his  instigation  to  discuss  national  reorgan- 
ization. By  that  time  Austria  had  arranged  her  tur- 
bulent realms,  and  was  prepared  to  deal  with  German 
affairs.  Prince  Metternich  was  in  retirement,  but 
the  Kaiser  had  a  bold  adviser  in  SfhwnrTonbnrrj  and 
one  who  was  little  inclined  to  follow  his  predecessor 
in  his  policy  of  non-interference  in  confederate  affairs. 
In  fact,  the  extraordinary  position  occupied  by  Prus- 
sia at  this  time  afforded  an  excuse  for  his  breaking 
loose  from  old  traditions.  He  had  no  sympathy  with 
the  national  assembly  at  Frankfort,  and  he  was  de- 
termined to  frustrate  Frederick  William's  scheme  at 
Erfurt.  "Prussia  must  first  be  abased  so  that  she 
may  afterwards  be  crushed,"  were  his  words  at  this 
time.  He  turned  to  the  southern  German  states  with 
proposals  to  restore  the  old  federal  diet,  and  not  only 
succeeded  there,  but  also  enticed  Saxony  and  Han- 
over to  his  cause.  As  a  result,  the  Erfurt  parliament 
fell  to  pieces.  Then  followed  an  event  which  effectu- 
ally estranged  the  two  great  powers  of  Germany,  and 
threw  the  controlling  influence  into  the  hands  of  Aus- 
tria. In  the  electorate  of  Hesse  the  people  had 
revolted  against  the  oppressions  of  minister  Hassen- 
pflug,  whose  cause  was  immediately  espoused  by 
Schwarzenberg.  The  Hessians  appealed  to  Prussia 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  181 

for  protection,  and  Frederick  William  asked  the  Cham- 
bers  for  an  extraordinary  credit  to  put  the  army  on  a 
war  footing.  Austria  massed  troops  in  Bohemia,  and 
in  company  with  Bavaria  invaded  Hesse.  The  Prus- 
sians upon  this  entered  Cassel,  and  shots  were  even 
exchanged  between  the  outposts.  The  great  struggle 
for  German  supremacy  seemed  at  hand.  But  the 
war  cloud  dissolved  as  suddenly  as  it  had  arisen. 
While  Europe  awaited  with  breathless  intensity  the 
clash  of  arms,  the  Berlin  cabinet  was  frantically  seek- 
ing some  means  of  escape  from  the  warlike  attitude  it 
had  so  hastily  adopted.  Enervated  by  a  long  peace, 
and  poorly  organized,  the  Prussian  army  was  in  no 
condition  to  take  the  field.  "  We  cannot  fight  at  all, 
it  is  impossible  for  us  to  prevent  the  Austrians  from 
occupying  Berlin ; "  such  was  the  confession  of  the 
minister  of  war.  Count  Manteuffel  hastened  to  meet 
Schwarzenberg  at  Olmiitz,  and  there  acceded  to  all 
Austria's  demands.  Hassenpflug  was  restored,  and 
so  was  the  federal  Diet.  War  was  averted,  but  Prus- 
sian prestige  had  ebbed  low.  By  her  interference  in 
Schleswig-Holstein  and  the  espousal  of  the  ministerial 
cause  in  Hesse,  Austria  indicated  unmistakably  the 
line  of  conduct  she  intended  to  pursue  henceforth  in 
German  affairs.  The  Olmiitz  incident  was  accepted 
as  a  proof  of  her  ability  to  execute  her  will.  Schwar- 
zenberg openly  pronounced  against  any  scheme  of 
national  unity  that  shoidd  render  the  House  of  Haps- 
burg  subordinate  in  Germany.  In  1.851  Austria  re- 
turned to  the  presidency  of  the  restored  Diet  amid 
the  servile  bowing  and  scraping  of  the  petty  princes. 
To  all  intents  and  purposes  at  this  time  Austria  con- 
trolled Germany.  She  assumed  there  as  in  Italy  the 
championship  of  despotism,  the  rulers  in  Modena  and 


182      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Naples  being  no  more  secure  of  her  support  than  the 
German  princes.  In  the  Diet  she  used  her  influence 
over  the  smaller  states  systematically  to  oppose  and 
outvote  Prussia.  Upon  nearly  every  question  intro- 
duced the  Prussian  envoy  found  himself  opposed  by 
an  overwhelming  and  compact  opposition.  The  death 
of  Schwarzenberg  in  1852  produced  no  change  in 
this  policy,  Count  Buol  his  successor  maintaining  his 
methods  with  relentless  energy.  In  Austria  itself  the 
constitution  was  abolished  in  January,  1852,  the  au- 
thority of  the  Catholic  priesthood  reestablished,  and 
Hungary  throttled  by  an  irritated  military.  In  1854 
the  attention  of  the  Vienna  cabinet  was  at  length 
diverted  from  the  prosecution  of  federal  business  by 
the  threatening  condition  of  affairs  in  the  east.  Prus- 
sia was  thoroughly  under  the  influence  of  St.  Peters- 
burg, while  Austria  from  her  geographical  position 
was  led  into  violent  hostility  to  the  schemes  of  the 
Czar.  The  majority  of  the  small  states  were  strongly 
Russian  in  their  sympathies ;  and  had  Prussia  been 
equal  to  the  occasion,  she  might  at  this  time  have 
found  a  way  out  of  the  galling  humiliation  to  which 
she  had  been  subjected  for  three  years  back.  But 
the  memory  of  Olmiitz  was  still  fresh  in  Germany, 
and  Austria's  prestige  so  firm  that  she  not  only  held 
the  petty  courts  in  check,  but  induced  the  government 
of  Berlin  to  sign  the  treaty  in  which  Austria  and 
Prussia  guaranteed  each  other  their  respective  terri- 
tories against  invasion. 

This  event,  however,  marks  perhaps  the  flood  tide 
of  Austria's  influence  in  Germany.  Under  a  milder 
regime  than  was  enjoyed  in  the  empire,  Prussia  had 
made  rapid  strides  in  wealth  and  national  develop- 
ment. Austria,  threatened  from  within  by  revolu- 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  183 

tion  and  menaced  from  without  by  great  military 
states,  regarded  with  alarm  the  growing  tendency  in 
Prussia  toward  independence  and  disregard  of  the 
will  of  the  majority  in  the  Diet.  After  Frederick 
William  fell  ill  in  1857,  and  the  regency  was  under- 
taken by  his  brother  William,  the  Austrian  cabinet 
was  brought  to  a  knowledge  that  Prussia  was  no 
longer  the  creature  of  Vienna. 

Prince  Schwarzenberg  had  violated  the  old  under- 
standing between  the  governments  by  his  policy  of 
German  interference,  so  auspiciously  inaugurated  at 
Ohniitz.  Prussia  returned  the  compliment  by  prov- 
ing to  Schwarzenberg' s  successor  that  he  could  no 
longer  reckon  confidently  upon  the  support  of  Berlin. 
The  war  in  Italy  offered  Prussia  a  rare  opportunity 
to  emphasize  her  position.  At  first  the  cause  of 
Piedmont  was  intensely  popular  among  the  German 
masses,  but  the  interference  of  France  turned  the  tide 
of  sympathy  to  Austria.  The  old  hatred  of  the  Napo- 
leonic dynasty  was  revived,  and  the  Kaiser  became 
the  champion  of  Germany  against  French  imperial- 
ism. The  federal  army  was  in  a  state  of  readiness 
under  the  command  of  the  prince  regent  of  Prussia, 
and  after  the  first  Austrian  defeats  there  was  a  strong 
party  at  Berlin  which  advocated  armed  intervention 
in  her  behalf.  The  prince  regent,  however,  remained 
inactive,  and  refused  to  move  unless  his  claim  to  the 
command  of  the  entire  German  army  should  be 
acknowledged  by  Austria.  The  Kaiser  had  no  idea 
of  thus  tacitly  admitting  the  supremacy  of  his  rival 
in  Germany.  Prussia's  assistance  was  anything  but 
desirable  except  in  the  capacity  of  a  vassal  state. 
He  patched  up  his  peace  with  Napoleon,  and  hastened 
to  cool  his  wrath  in  the  shades  of  Schonbrunn.  From 


184       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

there  he  addressed  his  faithful  subjects,  telling  them 
how  he  had  been  "  bitterly  deceived  "  in  his  reliance 
upon  the  confederation,  and  how  his  natural  and 
"  most  ancient  allies "  had  "  obstinately  refused  to 
recognize  the  great  importance  of  the  grand  question 
of  the  day."  The  defeats  of  Magenta  and  Solferino 
and  the  independent  attitude  of  Prussia  went  far  to 
eradicate  the  influence  of  Olmiitz  and  restore  the 
two  great  German  powers  to  something  like  an  equal 
footing  in  the  Diet. 

On  the  2d  of  January,  1861,  Frederick  William  of 
Prussia  died,  and  the  regent  succeeded  to  the  throne 
with  the  title  of  William  I.  Unlike  his  brother,  the 
new  king  had  devoted  himself  with  enthusiasm  to  the 
career  of  arms.  His  memory  went  back  to  Bliicher's 
campaigns,  and  he  had  entered  Paris  with  the  aveng- 
ing army  of  that  bluff  old  warrior.  He  held  the 
command-in-chief  of  the  Prussian  army  at  the  time  of 
his  assumption  of  the  regency,  and  realized  with  pain 
and  mortification  its  degeneration  since  he  as  a  boy 
had  won  the  Iron  Cross  in  its  ranks.  As  regent  he 
had  been  engaged  in  one  perpetual  quarrel  with  the 
Prussian  Diet  for  its  reorganization.  If  this  body 
represented  truly  the  spirit  of  the  masses,  the  love  of 
peace  had  developed  marvelously  since  the  days  of  the 
great  Frederick.  The  deputies  declaimed  against  the 
expense  of  a  military  reorganization  and  ridiculed 
the  idea  of  its  necessity.  The  ministry  of  Prince  Ho- 
henzollern  fell  on  this  issue,  and  Hohenlohe  formed 
another  which  continued  the  contest.  The  king 
dissolved  one  house,  but  the  people  returned  another 
even  more  strongly  opposed  to  Ms  military  reforms. 
Enraged  by  the  persistent  opposition  he  encountered, 
he  rashly  appealed  to  his  "divine  right,"  thereby 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  185 

engendering  even  more  bitter  hostility  from  the  lib- 
eral factions.  He  was  determined  to  force  the  meas- 
ures which  he  regarded  as  indispensable  to  Prussia's 
welfare  "  through  or  over  "  the  Diet.  The  ministry, 
it  was  clear,  was  not  strong  enough  for  the  emer- 
gency. The  royal  eye  swept  the  country  for  "an 
iron  man  "  who  valued  the  "  divine  right  "  above  the 
constitution.  When  it  was  known  in  September, 
1862,  that  Herr  von  Bismarck  had  been  recalled  from 
Paris  to  the  presidency  of  the  ministry,  the  Diet  pre- 
pared itself  for  a  stern  struggle. 

Bismarck  first  came  publicly  to  notice  as  deputy  in 
the  Prussian  Diet  at  Berlin  in  1847.  Throughout 
that  stormy  period  when  liberalism  was  rampant,  he 
mingled  fearlessly  in  the  parliamentary  melee  as  a 
champion  of  the  crown.  He  listened  complacently 
to  the  startling  announcement  of  Frederick  William, 
"  No  power  on  earth  shall  ever  succeed  in  moving  me 
to  transform  the  natural  relation  between  sovereign 
and  people  into  a  conventional  constitutional  one ; 
and  never  will  I  consent  that  a  written  document 
should  be  allowed  to  intrude  between  our  Lord  God 
in  Heaven  and  this  country,  and  to  take  the  place  of 
the  ancient  faith."  Such  words  as  these,  according 
to  Bismarck's  ideas,  were  fitting  for  a  king  to  utter. 
"  The  Prussian  crown,"  he  stated  in  reply  to  the  ex- 
treme progressive  party  in  the  Diet,  "  must  not  allow 
itself  to  be  thrust  into  the  powerless  position  of  the 
English  crown,  which  seems  more  like  a  graceful  and 
ornamental  cupola  of  the  state  edifice,  than  its  central 
pillar  of  support,  as  I  look  upon  ours  to  be." 

As  for  the  revolutionists  of  1848,  Bismarck  held 
them  in  the  most  supreme  contempt.  In  September, 
1849,  he  expressed  himself  as  follows  :  "  I  am  of  opin- 


186       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ion  that  the  motive  principles  of  the  year  1848  were 
far  more  of  a  social  than  a  national  kind ;  the  national 
movement  would  have  been  confined  to  a  small  circle 
of  more  prominent  men,  if  the  ground  under  our  feet 
had  not  been  shaken  by  the  introduction  of  a  social 
element  into  the  movement,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  lust  of  the  indigent  for  others'  goods,  the  envy  of 
the  less  wealthy  for  the  rich,  was  stirred  up  by  false 
show.  These  passions  gained  ground  all  the  more 
easily,  the  more  the  moral  force  of  resistance  in  men's 
hearts  was  annihilated  by  a  latitudinarianisrn  which 
had  long  been  nourished  from  above." 

In  regard  to  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question,  Bis- 
marck also  expressed  very  decided  ideas  entirely  at 
variance  with  those  entertained  by  the  liberal  party. 
He  expressed  his  regret  in  the  Chambers  "  that  the 
royal  Prussian  troops  have  been  employed  to  uphold 
the  revolution  in  Schleswig  against  its  legitimate 
sovereign  the  king  of  Denmark,"  and  later  charac- 
terized this  military  interference  as  "  an  eminently 
iniquitous,  frivolous,  disastrous,  and  revolutionary  en- 
terprise." 

Throughout  its  short  career  Bismarck  was  the  un- 
compromising foe  of  the  national  assembly  at  Frank- 
fort. Referring  to  the  imperial  honor  which  it  ten- 
dered to  Frederick  William,  he  sarcastically  observed 
at  Erfurt  in  1849,  "  The  Frankfort  crown  may  be 
very  brilliant,  but  the  gold  which  would  give  truth  to 
its  brilliancy  could  only  be  gained  by  melting  down 
the  Prussian  crown,  and  I  have  no  confidence  that  it 
could  be  successfully  recast  in  the  mould  of  that  con- 
stitution." At  this  time  he  was  a  firm  unbeliever  in 
any  scheme  of  German  unity.  He  openly  accused 
those  of  his  colleagues  who  advocated  it  of  a  lack  of 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  187 

patriotism.  "  The  scheme  for  a  union  annihilates  the 
integrity  of  the  Prussian  kingdom,"  were  his  words 
in  1849.  He  denied  the  existence  of  any  such  desire 
in  the  Prussian  people,  and  appealed  to  the  army  in 
proof  of  his  words.  "  The  army,"  he  said,  "  cherishes 
no  tricolored  enthusiasm.  It  does  not  feel  the  want 
of  a  national  regeneration  any  more  than  the  rest  of 
the  Prussian  people.  It  is  content  to  be  called  Prus- 
sian. Its  hosts  follow  the  black  and  white  banner, 
not  the  tricolor  ;  under  the  black  and  white  banner 
they  gladly  die  for  their  country.  ...  I  never  yet 
heard  a  Prussian  soldier  sing '  Was  ist  des  Deutschen 
Vaterland  ?  '  The  people  from  whom  this  army  is 
drawn,  and  who  are  most  truly  represented  by  the 
army,  feel  no  desire  to  see  their  Prussian  kingdom 
dissolved  in  the  rotten  fermentation  of  South  German 
insubordination.  Prussians  we  are,  and  Prussians  we 
will  remain." 

Throughout  his  three  years  of  service  as  deputy  at 
Berlin  and  at  Erfurt  Bismarck  played  consistently 
the  role  of  an  uncompromising  royalist.  The  position 
he  adopted  during  these  years  in  regard  to  German 
unity  and  the  question  of  Schleswig-Holstein  is  ren- 
dered conspicuous  in  the  light  of  his  later  policy. 

But  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  Bismarck's 
belief  at  this  time,  the  one  that  separated  him  sharply 
from  the  mass  of  his  countrymen,  was  his  admiration 
for  Austria.  He  protested  against  the  scheme  sug- 
gested at  Frankfort  for  her  exclusion  from  the  con- 
federation on  the  ground  of  her  not  being  a  German 
power.  "  People  avoid  calling  Austria  a  German 
power,"  he  said  sarcastically,  "  because  she  has  the 
good  fortune  to  extend  her  dominion  over  other  na- 
tionalities. As  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  would  rather 


188      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

not  admit  that  because  the  Slaves  and  Ruthenians 
happen  to  be  subject  to  Austria,  they  therefore  more 
especially  represent  that  state,  leaving  the  German 
element  to  play  the  second  part.  On  the  contrary, 
I  look  up  to  Austria  as  the  representative  of  an 
ancient  German  power." 

His  admiration  of  the  southern  empire  survived 
unabated  even  the  ignominy  of  Olmiitz,  and  in  the 
Prussian  chamber  in  December,  1850,  we  actually 
find  him  justifying  the  course  of  the  Manteuffel  min- 
istry on  that  occasion,  and  making  the  extraordinary 
assertion  that  "  Prussia  ought  to  submit  itself  to  Aus- 
tria in  order  to  combat  in  union  with  her  a  men- 
acing democracy." 

In  1851  the  old  Diet  reassembled  at  Frankfort. 
Frederick  William  had  been  reduced  to  a  conciliatory 
mood,  and  was  willing  to  placate  Austria  and  con- 
vince her  that  his  theory  of  a  federal  German  state 
under  Prussian  leadership  had  been  finally  aban- 
doned. In  this  case,  who  so  fit  to  represent  Prussia 
at  Frankfort  as  the  deputy  who  defended  Austria  at 
Berlin  and  condoned  her  course  at  Olmiitz  ? 

Bismarck  arrived  at  Frankfort  in  April,  1851,  the 
regularly  accredited  envoy  of  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment to  the  Diet.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  with 
the  same  brusque  energy  that  had  characterized  him 
at  Berlin,  and  was  not  long  in  making  his  reputation 
a  national  one.  Few  were  better  known  by  sight  to 
the  dwellers  in  the  federal  capital  than  the  Prussian 
envoy,  his  erect  figure  arrayed  in  a  tight-fitting  uni- 
form of  lieutenant  of  Landwehr.  The  life  at  Frank- 
fort he  found  arduous  and  often  irksome.  The 
monotony  of  parliamentary  strife  was  varied  only  by 
diplomatic  journeys  to  Berlin  or  Vienna.  For  the 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  189 

Diet  he  conceived  the  most  supreme  contempt.  "  I 
already  know  perfectly  well  what  we  shall  have  ac- 
complished in  one,  two,  or  five  years,"  he  wrote  during 
his  early  days  in  Frankfort,  "  and  am  ready  to  accom- 
plish it  in  twenty-four  hours  if  the  others  would  only 
be  sensible  and  straightforward  for  a  whole  day.  .  .  . 
I  am  making  tearing  progress  in  the  art  of  saying 
nothing  in  a  great  many  words  ;  I  fill  several  pages 
with  reports  as  neat  and  well  rounded  as  leading 
articles,  but  if  after  reading  them  Manteuffel  under- 
stands one  word,  his  intelligence  is  greater  than  mine. 
Each  one  behaves  as  if  he  believed  that  the  other 
were  crammed  full  of  ideas  and  plans,  if  he  would 
only  tell  them ;  and  meanwhile  not  one  of  us  is  an 
atom  the  wiser  as  to  what  will  become  of  Germany." 

As  for  his  Austrian  sympathies,  a  few  months  of 
the  Diet  thoroughly  eradicated  them.  A  short  time 
after  his  arrival  we  find  him  on  the  parade  at  Frank- 
fort with  a  host  of  official  personages,  admiring  the 
evolutions  of  a  body  of  the  Kaiser's  chosen  troops. 
An  Austrian  officer  approaches  him  and  glancing  at 
his  broad  chest,  almost  unadorned  by  medals,  deri- 
sively inquires  as  to  where  he  won  his  orders.  The 
retort  was  ready.  "  All  of  them  before  the  enemy 
here  in  Frankfort."  And  yet  this  was  the  man  who 
had  made  enemies  among  his  own  countrymen  by  his 
veneration  for  the  House  of  Hapsburg. 

At  the  opening  of  1853  Bismarck  was  defiantly 
opposed  to  the  Austro-German  alliance  in  Frankfort. 
Even  before  the  expiration  of  the  year  1851  he  wrote 
his  misgivings  as  follows  to  Berlin :  "  The  attitude 
of  the  Vienna  cabinet  since  Austria,  having  for  the 
moment  arranged  her  domestic  affairs,  has  been  once 
more  enabled  to  meddle  with  German  politics,  shows 


190       THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE. 

that  on  the  whole  Prince  Schwarzenberg  is  not  satis- 
fied to  reoccupy  the  position  accorded  to  the  empire 
by  the  federal  constitution  up  to  1848,  but  desires 
to  utilize  the  revolution  (that  all  but  ruined  Austria) 
as  a  basis  for  the  realization  of  far-seeing  plans.  .  .  . 
In  any  case  of  divergence  between  Austria  and  Prus- 
sia, as  matters  now  stand,  the  majority  of  the  federal 
assembly  is  insured  to  Austria." 

In  1856  Bismarck  saw  clearer,  and  on  April  26 
wrote  as  follows  to  Manteuffel  at  Berlin,  summing 
up  the  state  of  affairs  in  Germany.  "  I  only  desire 
to  express  my  conviction  that  ere  long  we  shall  have 
to  fight  Austria  for  our  very  existence ;  it  is  not  in 
our  power  to  avert  that  eventuality,  for  the  course  of 
events  in  Germany  can  lead  to  no  other  result." 

In  1859  he  was  recalled  from  Frankfort  for  the 
St.  Petersburg  mission.  He  took  the  opportunity  to 
forward  to  Baron  von  Schleinitz,  the  foreign  min- 
ister, a  resume  of  his  experiences  at  the  Diet  and 
the  conclusions  he  drew  from  them.  In  this  docu- 
ment he  confirms  his  views  of  1856  by  declaring: 
"I  see  in  our  federal  alliance  that  Prussia  has  an 
infirmity  which  sooner  or  later  we  shall  have  to  heal 
ferro  et  igne,  unless  we  begin  in  good  time  to  apply  a 
remedy  to  it."  He  also  mentioned  in  this  connection 
certain  contingencies  in  which  he  might  be  glad  to 
see  "  the  word  German  "  exchanged  "  for  Prussian  " 
on  the  royal  standard,  proving  that  his  life  at  Frank- 
fort had  also  wrought  a  change  in  his  hostility  to  the 
unification  of  Germany. 

Bismarck  went  to  St.  Petersburg,  but  his  mind  was 
far  from  relinquishing  the  thoughts  that  had  absorbed 
it  at  the  Diet.  He  became  fretful  and  alarmed  after 
the  opening  of  the  Italian  campaign  lest  Prussia 


GERMANY  IN  1850.  191 

should  use  the  federal  army  to  support  Austria. 
"  Our  policy  is  slipping  more  and  more  into  the  wake 
of  Austria,"  he  wrote  in  a  private  letter  at  this  time, 
"  and  once  we  have  fired  a  shot  across  the  Rhine 
there  will  be  an  end  of  the  Italo-  Austrian  war,  and 
in  its  place  a  Franco-Prussian  war  will  step  on  to  the 
stage.  After  we  have  taken  the  burden  off  Austria's 
shoulders  she  will  stand  by  us  or  not,  as  it  suits  her 
own  interests."  But  his  fears  proved  groundless,  and 
doubtless  he  entered  warmly  into  the  general  satisfac- 
tion that  pervaded  official  circles  in  St.  Petersburg 
over  Austria's  reverses.  Furthermore,  he  was  a  warm 
personal  friend  of  Prince  Gortschakoff,  the  Russian 
chancellor,  and  perhaps  in  his  presence  he  touched 
upon  many  of  the  points  of  his  future  policy  then 
dimly  defined.  At  all  events,  from  that  time  until 
he  had  reached  his  final  goal,  Bismarck  had  a  faith- 
fid  friend  and  invaluable  ally  in  the  Russian  chan- 


Bismarck  returned  to  Prussia  in  1861,  and  had  an 
interview  with  the  king.  In  the  spring  of  1862  he 
was  definitely  transferred  from  St.  Petersburg  and 
sent  as  ambassador  to  Paris.  His  stay  there  was 
abruptly  terminated  after  a  few  months  by  his  call  to 
the  head  of  the  ministry  at  Berlin.  His  brief  sojourn 
on  the  Seine,  however,  he  used  to  good  advantage. 
The  French  emperor  at  this  time  was  a  firm  believer 
in  the  "  Piedmontese  mission  "  of  Prussia  in  Ger- 
many, and  there  can  be  no  question  that  Bismarck 
gained  some  encouragement  from  his  conferences  at 
the  Tuileries. 

Upon  his  return  to  Berlin  in  the  autumn,  he  was 
somewhat  changed  from  the  bluff,  outspoken  deputy 
of  1849.  While  still  "  the  king's  man,"  he  was  will- 


192     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ing  to  concede  something  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the 
liberals.  He  had  a  policy,  however,  and  he  would 
allow  nothing  to  thwart  it.  It  included  among  its 
main  features  the  humiliation  of  Austria  and  the 
reconstruction  of  Germany  under  the  leadership  of 
Prussia.  So  far  as  external  influences  were  con- 
cerned, he  already  felt  secure  in  the  neutrality  of  his 
friends  on  the  Neva,  while  as  for  Napoleon  he  could 
always  be  tempted  by  Luxemburg  or  Belgium.  "  The 
policy  of  France  is  one  of  tips,"  was  Bismarck's  say- 
ing.1 

The  one  indispensable  adjunct  to  the  successful 
prosecution  of  his  plans  was  a  Prussian  army  of  per- 
fect discipline  and  invincible  strength.  This  mighty 
weapon  once  forged  and  thoroughly  whetted,  —  then 
"ferro  et  igne"  and  an  end  of  Hapsburg  domination 
in  Germany. 

1  "  La  France  fait  une  politique  de  pourboire.1' 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE   RISE   OF   PRUSSIA. 

THE  PRUSSIAN  ARMY  REORGANIZATION  AND  ITS  REORGANIZED. 

—  BISMARCK  FORCES  THE  MEASURE  OVER  THE  LOWER  HOUSE. 

—  COMMENCEMENT  OF  THE  PRUSSO-AUSTRIAN  DIPLOMATIC  CAM- 
PAIGN.    PRUSSIA     MISUNDERSTOOD     AT     VlENNA.  BlSMARCK 

EXPLAINS    HER    POSITION. ALARM    OF    THE    AUSTRIAN    STATES- 
MEN. —  BISMARCK'S    POLISH    POLICY    AND   ITS    RESULT.  —  THE 

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN    QUESTION    REVIVED. STATE    OF    THE 

QUARREL.  —  THE  CONFEDERATION  INTERFERES  IN  BEHALF  OF 
THE  DUCHIES.  —  BISMARCK  INVITES  AUSTRIA   TO  INDEPENDENT 
ACTION.  —  THE    Two  POWERS    LAY  THEIR  ULTIMATUM    UPON 
DENMARK.  —  FIRMNESS  OF  THE  DANISH  GOVERNMENT  AND  THE 
REASON  FOR  IT.  —  THE  ALLIED  ARMIES  ENTER  SCHLESWIG.  — 
EVACUATION  OF  THE  DANNEWERK  BY  THE  DANES.  —  AUSTRIAN 
VICTORY  AT  OEVERSEE.  —  THE  DANISH  POSITION  AT  FREDERICIA 
AND  DUPPEL.  —  BOMBARDMENT   OF  THE  DUPPEL  LINES.  —  DE- 
STRUCTION OF  THE  DANISH  ARMY  AT  DUPPEL.  —  EVACUATION  OF 
FREDERICIA.  —  THE  LONDON  CONFERENCE.  —  RENEWED  FIGHT- 
ING. —  THE  PEACE  OF  VIENNA. 

BISMARCK  returned  to  Berlin  to  face  a  house  of 
deputies  whose  majority  judged  him  in  the  light  of 
his  performances  in  1848—49.  The  task  of  army 
reform  had  already  been  confided  to  two  generals, 
Moltke  and  Roon,  neither  of  whom  at  that  time  pos- 
sessed scarcely  more  than  a  local  reputation.  The 
former  had  witnessed  but  one  campaign,  that  between 
the  Turks  and  Egyptians  in  Syria,  while  as  for  Roon 
he  had  been  even  less  favored,  and  was  known  prin- 
cipally through  his  writings  on  military  geography. 
Nevertheless  they  possessed  the  confidence  of  the  gor- 


194      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

eminent,  and  according  to  their  own  devices  and  ideas 
undertook  the  labor  of  constructing  that  mighty  en- 
gine which  William  I.  had  declared  to  be  indispensable 
to  the  welfare  of  his  people. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  Bismarck's  appearance  in 
the  Diet  was  the  signal  for  a  resumption  of  bitter 
parliamentary  strife,  or  to  trace  minutely  the  contest 
that  was  waged  through  four  long  years.  It  was  the 
same  state  of  things  that  had  existed  since  the  old 
king's  death,  save  that  Bismarck  was  a  far  different 
foe  for  the  deputies  to  deal  with  than  Hohenzollern 
or  his  successor  had  ever  been.  Indeed,  the  conflict 
resolved  itself,  as  Bismarck  himself  expressed  it, 
into  "  a  struggle  between  the  House  of  Hohenzollern 
and  the  House  of  Deputies  for  the  dominion  of  Prus- 
sia." 

Both  parties  accused  each  other  of  unconstitution- 
ality.  The  deputies  combated  the  crown,  taking  their 
stand  on  the  letter  of  the  constitution.  Bismarck,  on 
the  other  hand,  based  his  action  on  what  the  constitu- 
tion admitted  or  implied.  He  was  continually  upon 
his  feet,  asserting,  as  of  old,  the  prerogatives  of  the 
crown,  and  fiercely  declaiming  to  the  opposition  that 
it  could  not  be  shaken  by  their  liberum  veto.  Fi- 
nally, when  the  house  refused  to  vote  the  necessary 
supplies,  Bismarck  unhesitatingly  adopted  the  extreme 
remedy  and  dissolved  it.  New  elections  brought  no 
better  results.  Month  after  month  the  noisy  strife 
went  on  with  threats  of  impeachment  and  dissolving 
diets,  but  at  no  time  was  there  any  sign  of  flagging 
in  the  activity  at  the  war  office.  The  barrack  yards 
resounded  with  busy  life,  as  the  raw  peasantry  passed 
through  the  grinding-mill  that  was  to  discharge  them 
soldiers  with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  deadly 


THE  RISE   OF  PRUSSIA.  195 

needle-gun.  The  army  question  was  the  one  on  which 
the  crown  and  the  deputies  split,  and  throughout  the 
contest  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  crown  had  its 
way. 

After  all,  the  strife  in  the  deputies  was  only  inter- 
esting to  Bismarck  as  it  affected  through  the  army 
his  foreign  policy.  Within  a  few  weeks  after  his  as- 
sumption of  office  he  opened  his  campaign  against 
Austria.  He  squarely  inaugurated  his  policy,  when 
in  January,/ 1863,  he  informed  Count  Karolyi,  the 
Austrian  ambassador  at  Berlin,  that  he  was  convinced 
that  Prussia's  "  relations  with  Austria  must  unavoid- 
ably become  better  or  worse.?  Karolyi  refused  to 
take  so  solemn  a  view  of-tfeTsrate  of  affairs,  and  even 
ventured  the  belief  "  that  both  great  powers  would 
revert  to  their  old  alliance,  whatever  might  occur, 
should  Austria  find  herself  engaged  in  a  perilous 
war."  This  was  placing  Prussia  in  exactly  the  posi- 
tion that  Bismarck  had  determined  she  should  no 
longer  occupy.  He  lost  no  time  in  assuring  the  Aus- 
trian ambassador  that  his  view  of  the  case  was  "a 
dangerous  error,  which,  it  might  be,  would  only  be 
cleared  up  at  a  critical  moment  and  in  a  manner 
fraught  with  calamity  to  both  cabinets."  He  pointed 
out  that  Austria  had  two  courses  open  to  her,  either 
of  persisting  in  her  anti-Prussian  policy  with  the  sup- 
port of  the  smaller  states,  or  of  seeking  an  alliance 
with  Prussia. 

The  Vienna  statesmen,  however,  could  not  as  yet 
believe  that  Prussia  had  really  passed  beyond  the 
possibility  of  another  Olmiitz.  They  failed  to  make 
due  allowance  for  the  difference  in  character  between 
the  late  king  of  Prussia  and  William  I.,  and  more- 
over they  were  guilty  with  the  world  at  large  of  un- 


196     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

derrating  and  misunderstanding  the  first  minister  at 
Berlin.  The  Austrian  cabinet,  too,  had  carried  its 
policy  too  far  to  admit  of  any  compromise  with 
its  principal  victim.  At  all  events,  Karolyi  declared 
that  "  the  imperial  house  could  not  possibly  renounce 
its  traditional  influence  upon  the  German  govern- 
ments." The  position  of  affairs  when  Bismarck 
turned  to  reply  was  more  threatening  than  at  any 
time  since  the  days  preceding  Olmiitz.  It  was  noth- 
ing different,  to  be  sure,  from  what  he  had  anticipated 
in  the  pursuance  of  his  policy,  and  Moltke  and  Roon 
reported  their  portion  of  the  contract  as  progressing 
favorably.  With  every  word  suggesting  conscious 
power,  Bismarck  sarcastically  observed  "that  the 
alleged  traditions  of  the  Austrian  imperial  house 
date  only  as  far  back  as  the  Schwarzenberg  epoch," 
and  concluded  by  emphasizing  the  fact  that  Austria, 
in  her  treatment  of  Prussia,  "  seemed  to  be  prompted 
by  the  assumption  that  Prussia  was  more  exposed  to 
foreign  attacks  than  any  other  state,  and  must  conse- 
quently put  up  with  inconsiderate  behavior  from  those 
states  to  which  she  had  to  look  for  support.  It  would 
therefore  be  the  aim  of  the  Prussian  government, 
which  had  at  heart  the  interest  of  its  royal  house 
and  its  country,  to  take  steps  to  point  out  the  error 
in  this  assumption,  if  its  words  and  wishes  are  not 
regarded." 

As  the  year  1863  drew  to  a  close,  the  relations  ex- 
isting between  the  two  great  German  powers  had  be- 
come very  far  removed  from  those  of  cordiality. 
Austria  was  irritated  and  alarmed  at  the  altered  pol- 
icy of  her  northern  neighbor,  and  longed  for  the  old 
days  of  Schwarzenberg  and  Manteuffel.  Bismarck 
felt  that  he  had  carried  things  so  far  that  it  was  time 


THE  RISE   OF  PRUSSIA.  197 

to  test  the  edge  of  the  weapon  that  Moltke  and  Roon 
had  been  preparing.  As  for  his  great  European 
neighbors,  his  relations  with  them  had  been  steadily 
improving.  The  revolution  in  Poland  during  the 
early  weeks  of  the  year  had  proved  a  lucky  dispensa- 
tion in  his  favor.  His  first  act  was  to  conclude  a 
military  convention  with  Russia  in  the  face  of  the 
openly  avowed  Polish  sympathies  of  the  deputies. 
The  plan  seemed  attended  with  scarcely  any  danger. 
If  the  insurgents  were  crushed,  Prussia  merely  held 
her  frontiers  against  the  refugees ;  if  the  Russian 
troops  were  worsted,  then  Prussia  entered  Poland, 
subdued  the  insurrection,  and  later  exacted  her  price. 
The  result  demonstrated  the  ability  of  Russia  to  deal 
with  her  own  rebellions,  but  the  gratitude  of  Prince 
Gortschakoff  toward  the  cabinet  of  Berlin  was  fervid 
in  its  warmth.  This  was  not  all  that  Bismarck  gained. 
Austria  earned  the  redoubled  hatred  of  Russia  by  her 
action  in  throwing  open  Galicia  as  a  Polish  recruiting 
ground  and  depot  of  supplies,  while  the  Emperor  of 
the  French  committed  the  fatal  error  of  protesting 
against  the  Russian  course  in  Poland.  Doubtless, 
too,  he  would  have  gone  farther,  could  he  have  per- 
suaded England  to  accompany  him.  The  results  of 
the  Polish  outbreak,  then,  were  to  knit  Prussia  and 
Russia  closely  together,  to  deepen  Russia's  hatred  for 
Austria,  and  to  overturn  the  friendly  feelings  that  had 
existed  between  Paris  and  St.  Petersburg  and  Paris 
and  London. 

Meanwhile,  in  the  north  Frederick  VII.  of  Den- 
mark was  busily  smoothing  Bismarck's  path.  The 
Danish  tendency  for  years  had  been  toward  the  amal- 
gamation of  Schleswig  with  its  own  governmental 
system,  and  Frederick  VII.  was  led  to  promulgate  a 


198     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

new  constitution  incorporating  Schleswig  in  the  mon- 
archy. The  Schleswig-Holstein  question  was  thus 
again  forced  into  prominence.  By  far  the  greater 
part  of  the  population  of  these  duchies  and  of  Lauen- 
burg  as  well,  were  German  by  race  and  sympathy, 
and  had  never  yielded  themselves  cheerfully  to  the 
authority  of  Denmark.  Schleswig  formed  practi- 
cally an  integral  part  of  the  Danish  kingdom,  while 
the  others  were  merely  governed  by  the  king  as  duke 
of  Holstein  and  Lauenburg,  in  which  capacity  he  was 
a  member  of  the  German  confederation.  It  had 
been  plain  for  years  that  nothing  would  satisfy  the 
people  of  the  duchies  but  complete  independence  of 
Denmark  and  a  closer  alliance  with  the  German 
states.  The  hope  had  been  entertained  that  upon  the 
extinction  of  the  old  royal  line  of  Denmark,  an  event 
apparently  of  the  near  future,  a  loophole  would  be 
opened  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  end.  An  open 
letter  of  Christian  VIII.  in  1846,  combating  this  idea, 
engendered  serious  discontent,  which  was  increased 
upon  his  death  a  few  months  later,  when  a  new  consti- 
tution was  promulgated  by  his  successor.  The  revolt 
of  1848  followed.  Upon  the  disarming  of  the  insur- 
gents by  Austria,  the  Schleswig-Holstein  question  was 
left  to  a  conference  of  the  powers  that  convened  in 
London  in  1852.  The  Danish  claims  were  sustained, 
and  it  was  provided  in  case  of  the  failure  of  the  an- 
cient line  of  Denmark,  that  the  duchies  should  fall  to 
Prince  Christian  of  Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg- 
Glucksburg.  The  other  aspirant  for  the  honor  was 
Duke  Christian  of  the  Augustenburg  line,  but  he  was 
finally  induced  to  forego  his  claim  for  a  pecuniary 
consideration  which  was  paid  by  Denmark,  nor  did  this 
act  call  forth  any  public  protest  from  his  sons.  The 


THE  RISE   OF  PRUSSIA.  199 

congress  came  to  an  end,  and  the  Schleswig-Holstein 
question  seemed  settled.  The  duchies  relapsed  into 
sullen  silence,  but  bided  their  time. 

The  proclamation  of  Frederick  VII.  again  aroused 
them  from  their  lethargy.  Their  outcry  found  ready 
acknowledgment  from  the  Frankfort  Diet,  but  inas- 
much as  Schleswig  was  not  included  in  the  German 
confederation,  no  decisive  steps  could  be  taken  in 
behalf  of  that  duchy.  Federal  execution,  however, 
was  immediately  decreed  in  behalf  of  Holstein,  Han- 
overian and  Saxon  troops  entering  the  territory  and 
pushing  their  outposts  to  within  rifle-shot  of  the  Danes 
on  the  Eider.  To  complicate  matters  still  more, 
Prince  Frederick  of  Augustenburg  denounced  his 
father's  concession,  and  came  forward  to  assert  his 
claim  to  the  dukedom  of  both  Schleswig  and  Holstein. 
Then  on  November  15  Frederick  VII.  died,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  stipulations  of  the  London  treaty  the 
prince  of  Glucksburg  succeeded  as  Christian  IX., 
king  of  Denmark  and  duke  of  Schleswig  and  Hol- 
stein. He  was  immediately  forced  by  the  popular 
will  to  ratify  the  new  constitution  for  Denmark  and 
Schleswig. 

The  long-mooted  question  of  the  duchies  had  thus 
assumed  a  tangled  complexity  without  parallel  in  its 
history.  Danish  and  German  sentries  glowered  at 
each  other  across  the  ice-bound,  channel  of  the  Eider. 
The  prince  of  Augustenburg  was  at  Kiel  receiving 
the  homage  of  his  would-be  subjects,  and  bending  his 
gaze  toward  Frankfort  for  an  acknowledgment  of  his 
right.  At  Copenhagen  the  determination  was  fixed 
to  recover  Holstein  from  the  German  grip ;  at  Kiel 
the  hope  was  to  wrest  Schleswig  from  Denmark.  In 
both  Copenhagen  and  Kiel  the  Frankfort  government 


200     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  looked  to  with  confidence,  and  the  two  great  Ger- 
man powers  regarded  with  distrust.  At  Kiel  they 
argued  that  no  good  could  come  from  an  unprincipled 
absolutist  like  Bismarck  Schonhausen ;  at  Copenhagen 
they  believed  that  he  might  engender  any  amount  of 
evil. 

In  the  mean  time  Bismarck  was  busily  at  work  at 
Berlin.  Prussian  aggrandizement  being  his  aim,  he 
thought  he  detected  among  the  sleet  clouds  of  the 
northern  peninsula  a  chance  for  his  first  decisive 
move.  At  this  time  he  had  determined  that  the 
duchies  so  long  in  dispute  must  become  the  property 
of  his  royal  master.  Had  Christian  IX.  withstood 
the  pressure  at  Copenhagen,  Bismarck  might  have 
found  difficulty  in  so  early  carrying  out  his  designs. 
Inasmuch  as  Prussia  was  a  party  to  the  London  con- 
ference, he  could  hardly  have  raised  a  doubt  as  to  the 
claim  of  Christian  IX.  to  the  dukedom  over  Schles- 
wig  and  Holstein.  But  the  treaty  concluded  at  that 
conference  also  stipulated  that  the  duchies  should 
always  remain  distinct  from  the  Danish  monarchy, 
and  the  act  of  Christian  IX.  in  ratifying  the  incor- 
poration of  Schleswig  formed  Bismarck's  opportunity. 
A  quarrel  with  the  little  northern  power,  with  terri- 
torial compensation  at  its  close,  was  by  no  means  dis- 
tasteful to  him.  It  would  besides  form  a  rare  chance 
to  test  the  new  army.  Russia  and  France  being 
"  fixed,"  he  cared  nothing  for  England.  Austria  was 
his  only  fear,  and  to  guarantee  Prussia  against  her 
enmity  he  conceived  the  extraordinary  idea  of  drag- 
ging her  into  the  contest  with  him.  He  argued  that 
Austria's  presence  in  Denmark  was  preferable  to 
leaving  her  to  mass  her  strength  in  the  Prussian  rear. 
She  would  also  be  in  a  position  to  share  the  oppro- 


THE  RISE   OF  PRUSSIA.  201 

brium  which  a  Prussian  invasion  of  Denmark  would 
be  sure  to  arouse  in  Europe.  Inasmuch,  too,  as  the 
Diet  was  opposed  to  any  military  interference  in  be- 
half of  Schleswig,  if  Austria  could  be  lured  into 
independent  action  with  Prussia  it  would  almost  of 
necessity  bring  about  a  rupture  between  her  and  the 
smaller  states. 

The  Vienna  cabinet  fell  into  the  Prussian  trap. 
They  dreaded  a  Prussian  annexation  of  the  duchies, 
and  had  a  dim  notion  that  by  following  Prussia  into 
Denmark  they  would  be  able  to  prevent  this  evil. 
Moreover,  a  chance  might  be  afforded  to  restore  some- 
thing of  the  lustre  which  the  imperial  eagles  had  lost 
at  Magenta  and  Solferino. 

The  state  of  affairs  in  South  Jutland  thus  brought 
Austria  and  Prussia  together.  The  two  powers  which 
seemed  on  the  point  of  engaging  in  a  death  grapple 
clasped  hands,  and  turned  their  swords  against  Den- 
mark early  in  1864. 

Of  course  Bismarck  met  nothing  but  hostility  in 
the  deputies,  regarding  his  alliance  with  Austria. 
This  fact  failed  to  alter  his  course  a  jot,  and  by 
December  his  accord  with  the  Vienna  cabinet  had  be- 
come so  well  established,  that  both  powers  made  a 
formal  demand  upon  the  Diet  to  insist  upon  the  with- 
drawal of  the  new  Danish  constitution.  The  Diet 
refusing  to  comply,  the  powers  on  January  16  laid 
the  demand  upon  Denmark  as  their  ultimatum.  The 
Copenhagen  government  declined  to  accede,  and  the 
allied  troops  immediately  entered  Holsteiu,  the  Prus- 
sians under  Marshal  Wrangel  and  Prince  Frederick 
Charles,  the  Austrians  under  General  Gablenz. 

The  policy  adopted  at  Copenhagen  in  withstanding 
the  demands  of  the  German  powers  was  dictated  by 


202     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

other  considerations  than  the  undoubted  valor  of  the 
little  Danish  army.  It  was  upon  outside  help  that  Den- 
mark depended,  upon  armed  assistance  from  Russia  or 
England.  To  the  former,  from  her  friendly  course  in 
1848—49,  the  Danes  felt  they  could  appeal  with  confi- 
dence. But  Alexander  II.  improved  this  opportunity 
to  display  his  gratitude  to  Prussia  for  her  course  in  the 
Polish  troubles,  and  Prince  Gortschakoff  was  enthu- 
siastically Prussian  in  his  conferences  with  the  Eng- 
lish ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg.  The  Danes  natu- 
rally felt  that  the  great  northern  power  was  cruelly 
unsympathetic,  but  they  could  not  claim  that  she 
had  betrayed  them.  The  same  cannot  be  said  of 
England.  To  her  Denmark  looked  confidently  for 
aid,  and  with  ample  reason.  On  July  23,  1863,  in 
reply  to  certain  questions  touching  the  probable 
course  of  the  government  in  case  of  a  Danish  war, 
Lord  Palmerston  declared  in  the  English  House  of 
Commons,  "  We  are  convinced  —  I  am  convinced  at 
least  —  that  if  any  violent  attempt  were  made  to 
overthrow  the  rights,  and  interfere  with  the  independ- 
ence of  Denmark,  those  who  made  the  attempt  would 
find  in  the  result  that  it  would  not  be  Denmark  alone 
with  which  they  would  have  to  contend."  This  was 
accepted  in  Denmark  as  well  as  in  England  as  a  dec- 
laration of  the  position  of  the  English  government 
in  case  of  war,  nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that 
at  the  time  they  were  uttered  these  words  did  not 
voice  accurately  the  sentiments  of  the  cabinet.  Lord 
John  Russell,  since  1862,  had  been  busy  building  up 
Danish  hopes.  He  advised  and  instructed  the  Danish 
government  as  to  the  course  it  should  pursue ;  and 
when  the  Copenhagen  statesmen  evinced  an  inclina- 
tion to  chafe  under  his  guidance,  he  brought  them 


THE  RISE   OF  PRUSSIA.  203 

back  by  the  solemn  warning  that  unless  they  complied 
strictly  with  instructions  from  London,  they  need 
not  look  to  England  for  support.  Declarations  like 
these  scarcely  admitted  of  misinterpretation,  and 
Denmark  followed  blindly  the  English  lead.1  When 
the  war  came  Palmerston  looked  about  for  allies  with 
whom  to  defend  Danish  rights.  The  English  ambas- 
sador sounded  the  Russian  chancellor  sufficiently  to 
ascertain  that  it  was  useless  to  proceed  farther,  while  a 
proposal  at  the  Tuileries  was  met  by  a  rebuff  adminis- 
tered in  payment  for  the  non-compliance  of  England 
in  the  emperor's  Polish  project.  The  English  gov- 
ernment had  no  idea  of  going  to  war  without  an  ally. 
After  publicly  deploring  the  hostile  and  lukewarm 
attitudes  of  the  various  signers  of  the  London  treaty, 
the  English  statesmen  turned  their  attention  to  domes- 
tic affairs,  and  left  Denmark  to  its  fate. 

With  Marshal  Wrangel's  announcement  to  the 
Danish  commander  that  he  was  under  orders  to  occupy 
the  duchy  of  Schleswig,  and  the  response  of  the  lat- 
ter that  he  was  charged  to  defend  the  same,  the  war 
in  Denmark  began.  The  allies  crossed  the  Eider 
with  nearly  60,000  men,  of  whom  37,000  were  Prus- 
sians and  23,000  Austrians.  Prussia  sent  a  division 
of  the  infantry  of  the  Guard  under  General  Miilbe, 
the  6th  infantry  division  of  the  line  under  Manstein, 
and  the  13th  division  under  Wintsingerode,  two  cav- 
alry brigades,  and  eighteen  batteries  of  artillery. 
Austria  sent  the  6th  army  corps,  with  a  brigade  of 
cavalry  and  seven  batteries. 

1  Evidently  Bismarck  did  what  he  could  to  stimulate  the  Danish 
confidence  in  England.  Count  Beust  states  in  his  memoirs  (vol.  i. 
p.  242)  that  Bismarck  admitted  as  much  to  him:  "I  made  the  cabi- 
net  of  Copenhagen  believe  that  England  had  threatened  us  with 
active  intervention,  if  hostilities  should  be  opened,  although,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  England  did  nothing  of  the  kind." 


204    THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

At  the  Danish  war  office  there  was  no  disposition 
to  belittle  the  danger  which  threatened  the  kingdom. 
All  hopes  were  pinned  to  the  Dannewerk,  where  it  was 
hoped  the  army  would  hold  its  ground  until  England, 
Russia,  or  perhaps  Sweden  could  be  induced  to  come 
to  the  rescue. 

The  Dannewerk  was  a  chain  of  redoubts  and  forts 
extending  across  Schleswig  from  the  head  of  the 
Schlei  Fiord  on  the  east  to  the  village  of  Holingsted 
on  the  Treen.  The  length  of  this  line  was  nearly 
fourteen  miles,  but  in  order  to  secure  it  against  a 
turning  movement,  it  was  necessary  to  guard  the 
shores  of  the  Schlei,  and  patrol  the  marshy  country 
from  Holingsted  to  Frederickstadt.  Thus  the  de- 
fenders of  the  Dannewerk  were  obliged  to  extend 
their  vigilance  along  a  front  of  nearly  sixty  miles. 
Manned  by  a  force  of  150,000  men  the  position  might 
reasonably  be  regarded  as  impregnable ;  to  attempt 
the  defense  with  less  would  be  a  perilous  undertaking. 
Neither  of  the  three  divisions  of  the  Danish  army 
exceeded  10,000  men  on  a  war  footing,  and  yet  it  was 
with  this  handful  that  the  authorities  at  Copenhagen 
expected  General  de  Meza  to  hold  the  Dannewerk 
against  the  armies  of  two  first-rate  powers. 

The  Danish  soldiery,  however,  had  confidence  both 
in  the  Dannewerk  and  in  themselves,  and  there  was 
no  lack  of  assurance  among  the  strapping  officers 
who  thronged  the  streets  and  hotel  cafes  of  Schleswig 
town.  The  king  came  down  from  Copenhagen  to 
inspect  the  position,  and  fly  the  Dannebrog  for  a  few 
days  in  the  wintry  blasts  that  howled  around  the  tur- 
rets of  Castle  Gottorp.  He  was  not  long  in  appre- 
ciating the  difficulty  of  the  task  De  Meza  had  to  per- 
form. The  frozen  surface  of  the  Schlei  formed  the 


THE  RISE  OF  PRUSSIA.  205 

principal  danger  of  the  position,  and  a  mere  glance 
through  the  glasses  across  the  bleak  sea-indented 
country  at  the  activity  in  the  Prussian  lines  was  suf- 
ficient to  prove  that  they  saw  their  advantage.  On 
February  2  Canstein's  Prussian  brigade  carried  the 
Danish  advance  posts  before  Missunde  at  the  narrow- 
est point  of  the  Schlei.  On  the  following  day  Nos- 
titz's  Austrian  brigade  made  a  dash  more  to  the  west 
against  the  redoubts  at  Bustrup.  Perhaps  this  latter 
was  intended  for  nothing  but  a  demonstration,  but  it 
sent  the  Danish  bugles  ringing  through  the  frosty  air 
all  the  way  to  Schleswig,  and  alarmed  the  king  in  the 
castle  on  the  hill.  These  two  days  were  sufficient  to 
convince  De  Meza  of  the  hopelessness  of  a  longer 
stand  at  the  Dannewerk.  The  cold  weather  had  trans- 
formed the  marshy  country  into  a  fair  field  for  the 
operation  of  the  allied  armies.  It  seemed  imperative 
that  the  Danish  troops  should  be  withdrawn,  and 
placed  on  a  narrower  front. 

It  was  toward  evening  on  February  5  when  orders 
were  circulated  for  the  immediate  evacuation  of  the 
Dannewerk.  It  was  a  terrible  humiliation  to  the 
Danish  officers  to  abandon  thus  their  celebrated  for- 
tress without  a  blow,  and  there  were  long  faces  and 
bitter  words  among  the  military  devotees  of  Schles- 
wig. The  king  had  already  left  for  the  north,  and  to 
complete  the  misery  the  elements  conspired  against 
the  unhappy  Danes.  In  the  midst  of  a  driving  snow- 
storm the  retreat  began.  Rarely  have  the  patience 
and  endurance  of  an  army  been  more  severely  tested. 
Horses  and  men  tugged  together  at  the  cannon  over 
ice-coated  roads,  where  to  stand  against  the  gale  was 
an  arduous  task.  After  forty-eight  hours  of  these 
hardships,  the  Danish  army  began  to  concentrate  at 


206      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Sonderburg  in  the  Isle  of  Alsen,  in  the  rear  of  the 
intrenchments  of  Duppel.  The  allies  pushed  the 
pursuit  vigorously,  and  on  the  6th  the  brigade  Nostitz, 
stumbling  over  the  slippery  roads,  came  up  with  two 
Danish  regiments  near  Oeversee.  The  contest  that 
ensued  was  stubborn  and  sanguinary,  and  the  Aus- 
trians  could  attribute  their  victory  to  their  superior 
elan  as  well  as  to  their  overwhelming  numbers. 

From  this  time  the  interest  in  the  war  centred 
about  Duppel  and  Fredericia.  The  latter  town,  sit- 
uated at  the  entrance  of  the  Little  Belt,  being  hemmed 
in  on  three  sides  by  the  sea,  presented  a  narrow  front 
for  land  defense.  It  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
campaign  of  1849,  and  the  growth  of  its  defensive 
works  since  that  time  had  earned  it  the  title  of  a  for- 
tress. A  portion  of  the  Danish  army  from  the  Danne- 
werk  had  continued  the  retreat  to  Fredericia,  and 
was  followed  by  the  Prussian  Guard  division  and  the 
Austrian  brigades  Tomas  and  Nostitz. 

The  Duppel  position  was  strong  and  compact.  The 
main  works,  consisting  of  ten  detached  redoubts,  ex- 
tended across  the  little  Sondeved  peninsula  along  the 
Duppel  heights,  a  distance  of  a  mile  and  a  quarter. 
These  protected  the  bridge  that  crossed  the  narrow 
Alsen  Sound  to  Sonderburg  one  mile  to  the  east.  The 
Danish  outposts  were  strongly  posted  in  Diippel  vil- 
lage, on  the  hill  known  as  the  Avnbjerg,  and  in  the 
forests  to  the  west.  There  were  other  defenses  nearer 
the  bridge-head  and  on  the  Sonderburg  side  to  cover 
a  retreat  in  case  the  works  on  the  heights  became 
untenable,  while  the  ironclad  Rolf  Krake  patrolled 
the  waters  south  of  the  Sondeved  peninsula. 

General  de  Meza  was  sacrificed  to  satisfy  the 
anger  that  pervaded  Copenhagen  on  account  of  the 


THE  RISE  OF  PRUSSIA.  207 

abandonment  of  the  Dannewerk,  and  General  Ger- 
lacli  succeeded  to  the  command  of  18,000  men  behind 
the  Diippel  defenses.  The  headquarters  were  at  Son- 
derburg  and  the  troops  billeted  in  all  the  neighboring 
villages,  whence  they  could  quickly  make  their  way 
across  the  bridges  and  up  the  heights  to  where  the 
vast  wings  of  Diippel  windmill  marked  the  centre  of 
the  Danish  position. 

The  Prussians  settled  down  to  a  regular  siege  with 
their  two  infantry  divisions  supported  by  a  powerful 
artillery,  but  for  six  weeks  nothing  occurred  save 
occasional  skirmishes.  The  Danes  adhered  to  their 
defensive  tactics,  partly  on  account  of  their  inferior 
numbers,  and  still  more  because  they  dreaded  to 
risk  their  clumsy  though  courageous  infantry  against 
their  more  agile  adversaries  in  the  open  field.  If  this 
latter  cause  prevailed  less  at  Diippel  than  at  Fred- 
ericia  it  was  due  to  the  poor  esteem  in  which  the 
Prussian  soldiers  were  held.  The  Danes  hated  the 
Prussians  and  were  little  inclined  to  do  them  justice. 
Every  day  of  inaction  only  increased  the  contempt  of 
the  Danish  army  for  its  foes.  The  Austrians  they 
admitted  to  be  worthy  of  their  steel,  but  it  was  with 
confidence  and  gladness  that  the  fair-haired  soldiers, 
huddling  about  their  fires  on  the  windy  heights,  roared 
like  true  descendants  of  the  Vikings  the  martial 

chorus,  — 

"Now  shall  we  fight  the  Prussians  again." 

In  the  mean  time  the  Prussians  went  about  their 
work  leisurely  under  the  eye  of  Prince  Frederick 
Charles,  who  established  his  headquarters  in  the  pic- 
turesque schloss  among  the  beeches  of  Gravenstein. 
There  was  no  haste,  nor  any  anxiety  displayed  to  raise 
the  reputation  of  Prussia  as  a  military  power  in  Dan- 


208     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ish  estimation,  but  as  soon  as  the  alternation  of  cold 
and  thaw  was  superseded  by  milder  weather  and  high 
winds  that  dried  the  soil,  then  activity  began,  and 
one  by  one  the  ponderous  batteries  were  unmasked  to 
try  the  range  of  the  Danish  positions.  A  general  as- 
sault was  ordered  on  the  Danish  advance  posts  011  the 
Avnbjerg  and  in  Diippel  village.  The  Danes  made  a 
courageous  stand,  but  numbers  and  modern  weapons 
overcame  them.  The  Avnbjerg  was  carried  with  a 
rush,  and  after  a  fierce  battle  about  the  church,  Diip- 
pel village  fell.  The  Danes  returned  pluckily  to  the 
onset,  only  to  swell  their  losses.  The  needle-guns 
swept  the  approaches  with  a  ceaseless  leaden  rain. 
Night  fell  and  progress  was  reported  at  the  Prussian 
headquarters. 

Diippel  taught  the  Danes  a  lesson  in  modern  small 
arms.  Even  before  that,  they  had  learned  something 
in  regard  to  modern  artillery.  The  peninsula  of 
Broager,  three  miles  southwest  of  their  main  posi- 
tion, which  their  engineers  had  deemed  too  distant  to 
be  of  any  service  to  an  enemy,  had  been  lined  with 
Prussian  batteries  whose  great  guns  covered  Sonder- 
burg  itself.  From  the  middle  of  March  the  Danes 
had  no  reason  to  complain  of  Prussian  inactivity. 
Day  after  day  the  bombardment  was  continued.  The 
Prussians  seemed  bent  on  destroying  not  only  the 
redoubts,  but  every  shelter  beneath  which  the  Danes 
could  find  refuge.  In  every  direction  villages  and 
farm  buildings  were  in  flames.  When  the  new  Prus- 
sian batteries  on  the  Avnbjerg  and  at  Diippel  church- 
yard opened  their  fire,  the  effect  was  terrific.  Even 
at  night  the  fire  was  maintained,  allowing  the  weary 
Danes  no  opportunity  to  repair  damages.  Day  after 
day  they  worked  patiently  at  their  smooth-bore  guns 


THE  RISE   OF  PRUSSIA.  209 

behind  breastworks  little  better  than  rubbish,  with  a 
burning  town  behind  them  and  an  irresistible  enemy 
in  their  front.  It  is  no  discredit  to  the  Danish  sol- 
diers if  during  the  last  days  of  their  defense  their 
spirits  failed  them. 

At  last  the  windmill  on  the  heights,  whose  wings 
had  fanned  so  long  the  sulphurous  air  was  shot  away, 
an  event  regarded  as  an  evil  omen.  The  Prussians 
pushed  their  parallels  close  under  the  Danish  works, 
and  frequently  the  roll  of  the  needle-guns  was  added 
to  the  tumult.  The  Danish  officers,  driven  from  the 
burning  streets  of  Sonderburg,  conferred  at  Ulkebol 
upon  the  advisability  of  abandoning  their  almost  dis- 
mantled works.  The  conference  was  speedily  decided 
by  the  production  of  orders  from  Copenhagen  to  hold 
the  position  to  the  last  extremity.  This  order  was 
fatal  to  the  Danish  army.  The  moral  effect  of  the 
terrible  cannonade  had  been  most  pronounced,  and  it 
was  everywhere  realized  that  the  end  was  near. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  April  the  Prussian 
infantry  suddenly  burst  from  their  lines  against  the 
Danish  left.  It  was  a  matter  of  only  a  few  moments 
before  the  Danes  were  struggling  down  the  hill  under 
the  deadly  fire  of  the  needle-guns.  On  the  crest  of 
the  captured  heights  the  Prussian  artillery  went 
promptly  into  action.  Sublime  confusion  reigned 
among  the  Danes.  The  attack  was  unexpected,  Ger- 
lach  was  ill,  there  was  no  one  to  give  orders.  The 
whole  Diippel  line  was  abandoned,  the  batteries  in  the 
rear  were  wholly  untenable,  while  the  Rolf  Krake  was 
disabled  by  a  shell  before  she  had  fired  a  gun.  When 
night  fell,  the  remnants  of  the  brave  Danish  army 
were  scattered  through  the  villages  and  along  the 
roads  of  western  Alsen. 


210      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

The  garrison  of  Fredericia,  discouraged  by  the  news 
from  Alsen,  evacuated  the  town  and  withdrew  into 
Fiinen,  leaving  all  Jutland  at  the  mercy  of  the  in- 
vaders. 

England  in  the  mean  time  had  been  ceaselessly 
bestirring  herself  in  behalf  of  peace,  and  had  invited 
the  five  powers  to  a  conference  at  London.  The  am- 
bassadors gathered  on  the  Thames,  and  an  armistice 
was  concluded  between  the  belligerents.  Austria  and 
Prussia  demanded  the  establishment  of  the  duchies 
under  the  sway  of  the  prince  of  Augustenburg. 
Their  claims  were  supported  by  the  congress,  and 
Denmark  was  advised  to  relinquish  her  rights  over 
Holstein-Lauenburg  and  the  German  districts  of 
Schleswig.  To  these  terms  the  Danes  refused  to 
accede,  and  resorted  once  more  to  arms.  What  they 
hoped  to  gain  by  this  rash  step  it  is  difficult  to  see, 
unless  some  dim  hope  yet  lingered  in  Copenhagen  of 
European  interference.  The  fighting  that  followed 
was  insipid  in  the  extreme.  The  Austrians  overran  Jut- 
land ;  the  Prussians  swarmed  through  Alsen.  Den- 
mark was  beaten  to  her  knees.  Finally  Prince  John 
was  sent  to  Berlin  to  sue  for  peace.  Preliminaries 
were  arranged  on  August  1,  and  finally  ratified  by 
the  treaty  of  Vienna,  October  31,  according  to  which 
the  king  of  Denmark  ceded  all  his  rights  over  the 
duchies,  including  the  island  of  Alsen,  to  the  king  of 
Prussia  and  the  emperor  of  Austria. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

BISMARCK  VS.    AUSTRIA. 

BISMARCK'S  ATTITUDE  ON  THE  AUGUSTENBURG  CLAIM.  —  His  SUD- 
DEN CHANGE  OF  FRONT.  —  MENSDORFF'S  BLUNDER.  —  BISMARCK 
ANTICIPATES  WAR. HlS  REMARK  AT  SALZBURG. THE  CON- 
FERENCE AT  GASTEIN  AND  THE  BARGAIN  ARRANGED  THERE.  — 
BISMARCK'S  OPINION  OF  THE  CONFERENCE.  — HE  SOUNDS  ITALY. 
—  INTERVIEWS  NAPOLEON  AT  BIARRITZ.  —  NAPOLEON'S  VIEWS  ON 
EUROPEAN  AFFAIRS.  —  His  IDEAS  RESPECTING  THE  MILITARY 
STRENGTH  OF  PRUSSIA  AND  AUSTRIA.  —  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS 
IN  THE  ELBE  DUCHIES.  —  BISMARCK  REOPENS  THE  DIPLOMATIC 
CAMPAIGN  AGAINST  AUSTRIA.  —  AUSTRIA  AND  ITALY  BEGIN  TO 
ARM.  — ATTITUDE  OF  THE  DIET  ON  THE  DISPUTE.  —  BISMARCK'S 
BAIT  TO  GERMANY.  —  THE  PRUSSO-!TALIAN  ALLIANCE.  —  THE 
PRUSSIAN  ARMY  MOBILIZED.  —  THE  CLAIMS  OF  PRUSSIA  AND  AUS- 
TRIA PRESENTED  IN  THE  FRANKFORT  DlET. PRUSSIAN  TROOPS 

ENTER  HOLSTEIN.  BlSMARCK's  PROPOSITION  FOR  A  NEW  CON- 
FEDERATION. —  ITS  FAILURE.  —  AUSTRIA  MOVES  THE  MOBILIZA- 
TION OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY  AGAINST  PRUSSIA.  —  THE  MILITARY 
SITUATION.  —  THE  DIET  VOTES  TO  SUPPORT  AUSTRIA.  —  PRUSSIA 
DECLARES  WAR  UPON  THE  PETTY  STATES. PRUSSIAN  OCCUPA- 
TION OF  HANOVER,  HESSE-CASSEL,  AND  DRESDEN.  —  BRILLIANCY 
OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  CONQUEST. 

IN  the  London  Congress  Bismarck  had  advocated 
the  claims  of  the  prince  of  Augustenburg,  and  stated 
that  Prussia  and  Austria  were  merely  holding  the 
duchies  in  trust  for  their  lawful  ruler.  Six  months 
later,  however,  we  find  him  in  the  Prussian  Diet  op- 
posing the  claims  of  the  Augustenburg  pretender, 
and  declaring  that  "his  majesty  the  king  and  his 
majesty  the  emperor  of  Austria  are  the  duke  of 
Schleswig-Holstein  and  Lauenburg."  This  incon- 
sistency admits  of  easy  explanation. 


212     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Austria  and  Prussia  at  London  were  agreed  upon 
the  legality  of  the  Augustenburg  claims.  Austria 
backed  the  prince  because  she  aimed  at  the  establish- 
ment of  another  anti-Prussian  state  in  the  confedera- 
tion, with  its  prince  under  her  influence.  Bismarck, 
on  the  other  hand,  never  seriously  advocated  the  Au- 
gustenburg cause,  and  merely  chimed  in  with  the 
Austrian  views  so  long  as  it  suited  his  policy.  He 
understood  the  Vienna  government  well  enough  to 
appreciate  its  designs  in  regard  to  the  duchies,  and 
on  his  part  was  determined  to  frustrate  them. 

Shortly  after  his  return  from  London,  when  Aus- 
tria and  the  smaller  states  began  to  clamor  for  the 
recognition  of  the  prince  of  Augustenburg  by  the 
Frankfort  Diet,  he  first  showed  his  hand.  He  de- 
clared that  other  pretenders  having  arisen,  he  was  in 
doubt  after  all  of  the  value  of  Prince  Frederick's 
claim  to  the  duchies ;  indeed,  the  succession  being 
so  doubtful,  no  lawful  ruler  could  be  acknowledged 
save  the  king  of  Denmark.  Inasmuch,  however,  as 
by  the  treaty  of  Vienna  the  king  had  ceded  his 
rights  to  the  German  powers,  the  position  of  affairs 
was  quite  clear :  "  his  majesty  the  king  and  his 
majesty  the  emperor  of  Austria  are  the  duke  of 
Schleswig-Holstein  and  Lauenburg." 

This  position  adopted  by  Bismarck  removed  the 
question  from  the  authority  of  the  confederation. 
The  endeavor  of  Austria,  on  the  other  hand,  from  the 
first  was  to  make  it  a  federal  matter  for  the  purpose, 
as  of  old,  of  combating  her  rival  with  the  small  states 
at  her  back. 

It  was  on  December  13  that  Bismarck  first  def- 
initely unmasked  his  desire  at  Vienna  for  a  Prussian 
annexation  of  the  duchies.  Count  Mensdorff  imme- 


BISMARCK  vs.  AUSTRIA.  213 

diately  compromised  the  moral  and  federal  aspect  of 
the  Austrian  cause  by  expressing  a  tacit  compliance 
with  the  Prussian  proposals,  on  condition  that  Austria 
should  be  compensated  —  by  the  county  of  Glatz,  for 
instance.  This  was  rejected  by  Bismarck,  who  on  the 
22d  of  February,  1865,  came  forward  with  a  scheme 
to  recognize  the  prince  of  Augustenburg,  on  the  con- 
dition that  the  control  of  the  foreign,  military,  postal, 
and  commercial  affairs  of  the  duchies  should  be  super- 
vised by  Prussia.  At  Vienna  they  saw  no  advantage 
in  this  scheme  over  that  possessed  by  a  direct  annexa- 
tion, and  refused  it.  From  this  time  on,  Bismarck 
never  entertained  a  shade  of  doubt  that  "  iron  and 
blood  "  would  settle  the  dispute.  There  was  a  pause  in 
the  negotiations,  but  domestic  affairs  offered  sufficient 
opportunity  for  the  play  of  his  energy.  He  had  to 
smooth  matters  out  considerably  at  home  before  he 
could  proceed  to  greater  lengths.  The  king  himself 
was  the  principal  impediment  with  his  conscientious 
scruples  against  warring  with  the  House  of  Hapsburg, 
for  which  he  as  a  true  Hohenzollern  entertained  a 
deep  veneration  and  respect.  In  the  summer  the 
king  went  to  Carlsbad,  where  Bismarck  followed  him. 
That  the  royal  mind  was  influenced  by  his  arguments 
was  demonstrated  by  the  fact  that  Bismarck  soon  re- 
opened the  discussion  with  Vienna  by  a  communica- 
tion more  forcible  than  friendly. 

A  few  days  later  he  met  the  president  of  the  Ba- 
varian council  at  Salzburg,  to  whom  he  spoke  glibly  of 
an  Austrian  war.  "Austria  cannot  sustain  a  cam- 
paign," he  declared ;  "  a  single  blow  will  suffice,  a  sin- 
gle and  great  battle  from  the  side  of  Silesia,  to  obtain 
satisfaction  of  the  Hapsburg." 

The  Prussian  king,  however,  was  desirous  of  peace, 


214     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

and  hastened  to  Gastein  to  confer  with  the  emperor 
of  Austria.  Thither  Bismarck  was  also  summoned 
to  meet  Count  Blome,  and  arrange  some  compromise 
in  regard  to  the  duchies.  As  a  result  of  the  confer- 
ence a  convention  was  signed  on  August  14,  by  which 
Prussia  undertook  the  provisional  government  of 
Schleswig  and  Austria  of  Holstein,  while  both  pow- 
ers "  reserved  to  themselves  the  common  sovereignty 
over  the  duchies."  Prussia  gained  the  command  of 
the  long-coveted  harbor  of  Kiel,  purchased  of  Aus- 
tria her  right  to  Lauenburg,  and  with  it  of  course 
another  practical  admission  that  the  two  powers  had 
the  right  to  dispose  of  their  conquest  as  they  pleased. 
The  result  of  the  Gastein  convention  was  certainly  a 
Prussian  victory,  and  King  William  testified  his  ap- 
preciation of  the  fact  by  creating  Bismarck  a  count  in 
September. 

A  tremendous  uproar  was  engendered  in  Germany 
by  this  cold-blooded  bargaining.  There  were  denun- 
ciations from  all  quarters,  and  the  Prussian  deputies 
protested  with  rage  and  horror.  The  Prussian  policy, 
however,  was  influenced  by  all  this  no  more  than  in 
the  past.  Prussian  troops  occupied  Lauenburg  on 
September  15.  The  Austrians  withdrew  into  Hol- 
stein, and  the  Prussians  into  Schleswig.  General 
Gablenz  was  appointed  governor  of  Holstein  and 
General  Manteuffel  governor  of  Schleswig. 

Bismarck,  at  heart,  had  no  faith  in  the  Gastein 
ccmtract  as  a  preventive  of  war.  He  referred  to  it 
lightly  as  a  mere  "  stopping  of  the  cracks,"  and  even 
while  the  conference  was  sitting  he  was  suggesting  to 
the  Italian  government  an  alliance  against  Austria. 
It  was  plain  that  Prussia  would  have  to  fight,  not 
only  the  empire  of  the  Hapsburgs,  but  the  German 


BISMARCK  vs.  AUSTRIA.  215 

confederation  as  well.  It  was  to  overcome  the  strength 
of  the  smaller  states  that  Bismarck  had  recourse  to 
Italy.  Venetia  was  the  magic  word  that  would  send 
the  war  fever  throbbing  through  the  veins  of  every 
true  Italian.  With  Venetia  as  an  inducement  the 
Italian  armies  were  ready  at  any  time  to  throw  their 
strength  against  the  Quadrilateral.  Bismarck  found 
Italy,  as  he  expected,  ready  and  eager  to  hear  more 
of  his  project. 

Early  in  October  he  turned  to  sound  and  inter- 
rogate the  monarch  who  at  the  time  was  believed  to  be 
most  potent  in  shaping  the  destinies  of  Europe.  It  was 
afr  Biarritz  that  he  met  the  Emperor  of  the  French, 
who  was  rusticating  in  the  companionship  of  Prosper 
Merimee.  It  was  certainly  a  rare  trio  that  in  those 
bright  October  days  strolled  along  the  beach  where 
the  blue  waters  of  the  Bay  of  Biscay  broke  in  foam. 
The  emperor  was  amused  with  the  glibness  with  which 
this  Prussian  count  rattled  on  about  the  future  of 
Europe.  "  He  is  crazy,"  he  whispered  to  Merimee. 
The  novelist,  however,  held  his  own  ideas.  "  M.  de 
Bismarck  pleased  me.  .  .  .  He  is  deficient  in  senti- 
ment, but  has  a  great  mind,"  such  was  the  tenor  of 
Merimee's  comments  in  his  letters  from  Biarritz. 
Time  was  to  prove  whether  the  emperor  or  the  writer 
was  the  most  sagacious  observer. 

Bismarck  left  the  cliffs  and  cool  breezes  of  Biar- 
ritz not  without  recompense.  He  found  time  for  busi- 
ness as  well  as  pleasure,  and  he  went  away  with  the 
belief  that  the  emperor  would  be  unlikely  to  interfere 
in  a  German  war.  There  can  be  no  question,  in  fact, 
that  the  emperor  longed  for  such  an  event  at  that 
time.  He  believed  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Prus- 
sia. She  must  of  necessity  be  crushed  by  the  splen- 


216     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

did  Austrian  army,  inured  to  service.  A  chance 
would  be  afforded  him  to  step  in  and  interfere  in  be- 
half of  Prussia,  to  lighten  her  punishment,  and  obtain 
from  her  grateful  statesmen  a  reward,  —  the  old  Rhen- 
ish frontier,  perhaps.  Italy's  alliance  with  Prussia 
gave  him  too  an  additional  interest  in  the  schemes  of 
the  Hohenzollern,  for  if  Napoleon  had  an  unselfish  spot 
in  his  heart,  it  was  warm  toward  Italy.  He  would 
see  that  Victor  Emmanuel  gained  Venetia  this  time. 
Austria  must  of  necessity  acquiesce.  After  an  ardu- 
ous campaign  against  Prussia  she  would  not  care  to 
ruffle  the  power  which  had  so  recently  asserted  its 
superiority  at  Solferino  and  Magenta.  Altogether 
Bismarck's  plans  must  have  fallen  as  sweet  music 
upon  the  ears  of  the  French  emperor.  There  was 
only  one  possible  contingency  in  which  a  German  war 
might  affect  France  unfavorably,  a  contingency  so 
vague  that  it  seemed  hardly  worth  considering,  and 
that  was  a  Prussian  victory. 

The  emperor  had  definite  ideas  in  regard  to  the 
relative  strength  of  the  European  military  powers. 
He  held  the  same  views  that  the  cadets  at  Metz 
gleaned  from  the  text-books.  "  The  Prussian  army, 
in  which  service  is  of  very  short  duration,  is  nothing 
but  a  kind  of  Landwehr  school.  It  is  a  magnificent 
organization  on  paper,  but  a  very  doubtful  weapon  of 
defense,  and  most  useless  during  the  first  period  of 
an  offensive  war.  Austria,  whose  population  numbers 
about  thirty-seven  millions  of  inhabitants,  has  a  large 
and  splendid  army,  which  is  far  superior  in  its  organ- 
ization to  the  Prussian  or  Russian  armies.  After 
France  she  occupies  the  first  rank  as  a  military 
power."  Leaving  the  emperor  to  his  complacent 
dreams,  Bismarck,  hardly  less  satisfied,  reached  Ber- 


BISMARCK  vs.  AUSTRIA.  217 

lin  fortified  for  the  contest.  Sure  of  Russian  friend- 
ship, French  neutrality,  and  Italian  cooperation,  he 
was  ready  to  enter  upon  his  heroic  treatment  of  the 
Schleswig-Holstein  and  German  questions. 

In  the  mean  time  matters  in  the  duchies  had  been 
progressing  exactly  as  he  expected.  In  Schleswig, 
Manteuffel  was  upholding  Prussian  prestige ;  in  Hoi- 
stein,  Gablenz  was  encouraging  agitation  in  favor  of 
the  Augustenburg  prince.  The  Gastein  arrangement 
had  simply  made  matters  worse. 

On  January  20,  1866,  Bismarck  forwarded  to  the 
Prussian  envoy  at  Vienna  a  protest  against  the  Aus- 
trian policy  in  Holstein.  After  summing  up  the  va- 
rious objectionable  features  of  this  policy,  the  license 
allowed  the  press  in  attacking  Prussia,  and  the  def- 
erence exercised  toward  the  pretender,  the  dispatch 
continued,  "  All  these  circumstances  make  his  (the 
pretender's)  mere  presence  in  Kiel  a  chronic  protest 
against  the  rights  of  both  sovereigns.  .  .  .  His  maj- 
esty the  king  has  a  right  to  demand  that  this  evil  be 
remedied  by  the  expulsion  of  the  prince,  if  the  im- 
perial government  really  feels  itself  unequal  to  putting 
a  stop  to  the  demonstrations  in  question."  The  dis- 
patch declared  in  conclusion,  "  The  democratic  agita- 
tion, animated  by  hatred  of  conservative  Prussia,  blos- 
soms out  luxuriantly  in  the  associations  and  the  press. 
The  imperial  Austrian  government  may  contemplate 
this  demoralization  and  corruption  of  the  populace 
with  comparative  indifference.  Not  so  we.  What- 
ever may  be  the  decision  ultimately  arrived  at  respect- 
ing the  duchies,  their  condition  will  always  be  a  matter 
of  importance  to  Prussia ;  and  should  they  become  a 
nucleus  of  democratic  and  revolutionary  tendencies, 
it  will  become  Prussia's  business  to  put  them  in 
order." 


218      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

On  February  7  Count  Mensdorff  in  his  reply  to 
Count  Karolyi  stated  "that  Austria  regards  each 
separate  question  arising  within  the  sphere  of  her 
administration  in  Holstein,  as  exclusively  pendent 
between  herself  and  her  lord  lieutenant,  and  exempt 
from  interference  from  any  other  quarter."  Bismarck 
then  took  occasion  to  point  out  the  fact  that  "  Prus- 
sia's relations  to  Austria,  despite  the  intimate  charac- 
ter they  had  assumed  during  the  past  year  or  two,  had 
now  been  thrust  back  to  the  standpoint  they  occupied 
before  the  Danish  war,  —  neither  better  nor  worse 
than  those  obtaining  with  any  other  power." 

Austria's  attitude  now  became  distinctly  warlike. 
On  March  10  a  council  of  war  was  held  at  Vienna,  to 
which  General  Benedek  was  summoned  in  haste  from 
Verona.  Not  only  was  the  attitude  of  Prussia  threat- 
ening, but  Italy  was  actually  arming.  The  council 
decided  upon  defensive  measures,  and  orders  were 
issued  for  the  mobilization  of  the  army  in  Bohemia 
and  Moravia.  On  the  16th  Mensdorff,  in  a  dispatch 
to  the  Austrian  ambassadors  at  German  courts  in- 
forming them  of  Prussia's  menacing  attitude,  declared 
also,  "  Should  the  danger  of  a  breach  of  peace  become 
still  more  imminent,  it  would  be  necessary  to  take 
measures  promptly  and  decisively  for  self-defense. 
In  view  of  Prussia's  threatened  attack,  these  measures 
could  only  consist  of  mobilizing  the  7th,  8th,  9th,  and 
10th  federal  army  corps,  and  placing  them  in  the  field 
side  by  side  with  the  Austrian  army." 

On  March  24  Bismarck,  to  offset  the  effect  of  this, 
informed  the  Prussian  ambassadors  at  German  courts 
that  Prussia  was  in  favor  of  federal  reform,  and  was 
about  to  arm  in  self-defense,  that  Prussian  and  Ger- 
man interests  were  identical,  and  that  the  fall  of  Prus- 


BISMARCK  vs.  AUSTRIA.  219 

sia  meant  the  fall  of  Germany.  The  dispatch  concluded 
with  the  question,  "  Whether  and  to  what  extent  Prus- 
sia could  count  upon  assistance  from  the  government 
addressed,  in  case  she  should  be  attacked  by  Austria 
or  compelled  to  make  war  by  unmistakable  threats  ?  " 
The  response  of  the  various  governments  was  gen- 
erally evasive  or  hostile,  and  they  referred  Prussia  to 
the  Diet  for  a  consideration  of  her  plan  of  federal 
reform.  This  latter  scheme  including,  as  it  did,  the 
longed-for  national  representation  by  suffrage,  was 
Bismarck's  last  trump-card  to  win  over  popular  sym- 
pathy. In  the  mean  time  he  had  been  pushing  things 
with  the  government  of  Victor  Emmanuel.  On  April 
8  the  treaty  of  alliance  was  signed,  and  within  a  fort- 
night ratified  at  both  Florence  and  Berlin.  Matters 
then  progressed  smoothly  toward  war.  During  the 
last  days  of  March  the  Prussian  regiments  in  Silesia 
were  reinforced,  a  fact  that  occasioned  the  protest  of 
Count  Mensdorff.  He  denied  that  Austria  was  arm- 
ing against  Prussia,  and  claimed  that  the  strengthen- 
ing of  the  imperial  forces  in  Bohemia  was  due  to  the 
supposed  imminence  of  outbreaks  among  the  Jews. 
Negotiations  followed  between  Berlin  and  Vienna 
concerning  disarmament.  Austria  finally  agreed  to 
decrease  her  strength  in  Bohemia,  but  insisted  upon 
the  necessity  of  placing  Venetia  in  a  state  of  defense. 
Bismarck  saw  in  this  proposal  merely  a  scheme  of  the 
Austrian  statesmen  to  crush  Italy  and  Prussia  in 
detail.  He  refused  to  entertain  the  suggestion,  and 
during  the  first  week  in  May  the  question  of  disarma- 
ment was  suffered  to  drop. 

By  May  1  the  whole  Austrian  mobilization  machin- 
ery was  working  at  its  highest  pitch,  but  it  was  not 
until  a  week  later  that  the  kin<r  of  Prussia  issued  his 


220       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

final  orders  for  placing  the  whole  army  on  a  war 
footing.  The  ease  and  celerity  with  which  the  Prus- 
sian army  was  mobilized,  however,  more  than  com- 
pensated for  the  time  which  Austria  had  gained.  In 
fourteen  days  from  the  royal  order  nine  Prussian 
army  corps,  were  thoroughly  equipped  and  ready  for 
the  field. 

On  June  1,  in  compliance  with  Bavaria's  motion  of 
May  24,  the  envoys  of  the  various  German  govern- 
ments which  had  armed  made  their  explanations  before 
the  Diet.  Prussia  and  Austria  of  course  had  done 
nothing  save  in  self-defense,  but  the  Austrian  envoy, 
after  explaining  the  dispute  between  his  government 
and  that  of  Berlin,  declared  that  Austria  placed  the 
whole  question  of  the  duchies  at  the  disposal  of  the 
Diet,  and  furthermore  signified  that  General  Gablenz 
had  been  instructed  to  summon  the  Holstein  as- 
sembly for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  its  will  as  to  the 
future  of  the  duchy.  This  move  was  in  direct  an- 
tagonism to  the  Prussian  policy,  and  an  assertion  of 
a  theory  that  Austria  herself  had  denied  by  the  sale 
of  Lauenburg.  Bismarck,  adhering  to  the  Vienna 
treaty  and  the  Gastein  agreement,  regarded  Austria's 
course  in  this  matter  as  irreparable,  and  dispatched  a 
circular  message  to  the  German  courts  with  the  dec- 
laration, "  Vienna  has  resolved  upon  war ;  the  next 
thing  to  be  done  is  to  choose  the  most  auspicious 
moment  for  beginning  it." 

General  Manteuffel  received  orders  to  enter  Hol- 
stein immediately  upon  the  summoning  of  the  As- 
sembly by  Gablenz.  Bismarck's  position  was  briefly 
this  :  Austria,  having  violated  the  Gastein  conven- 
tion by  attempting  to  make  the  question  of  the  duch- 
ies a  federal  one,  had  violated  and  thereby  annulled 


BISMARCK  vs.  AUSTRIA.  221 

that  convention.  The  dual  occupation  must  be  re- 
newed, and  in  consequence  Prussian  troops  were 
ordered  to  reenter  Holstein.  Gablenz  summoned 
the  estates  for  the  llth  of  June,  and  on  the  8th  the 
Prussian  troops  crossed  the  Eider  and  moved  slowly 
southward.  Gablenz,  who  had  but  one  brigade,  fell 
back  to  Altona,  taking  with  him  the  prince  of  Augus- 
tenburg.  On  the  9th  Itzehoe,  where  the  assembly  was 
to  convene,  was  occupied  by  Prussian  troops,  and  on 
the  llth  the  assembly  hall  itself  was  placed  under 
guard.  On  the  same  evening  Gablenz  withdrew  his 
forces  to  Harburg,  and  dispatched  them  by  train 
through  Hanover  and  Hesse  to  Bohemia.  At  last 
the  Schleswig-Holstein  question  was  settled. 

On  June  10  Bismarck  had  submitted  to  the  German 
governments  a  constitution  for  a  new  confederation, 
"  to  consist  of  those  states  which  had  hitherto  been  in- 
cluded in  the  confederation,  with  the  exception  of  the 
dominions  of  the  emperor  of  Austria  and  the  king 
of  the  Netherlands."  This  bold  project  for  the  elim- 
ination of  Austria  as  a  federal  power  was  not  gener- 
ally well  received  at  the  petty  courts.  On  the  llth, 
at  an  extraordinary  session  of  the  Diet,  the  Austrian 
ambassador  retaliated  by  moving,  in  consideration  of 
Manteuffel's  "  violent  self-help  "  in  Holstein,  the  mo- 
bilization of  the  federal  army  against  Prussia.  The 
vote  was  postponed  until  the  14th,  and  in  the  interval 
the  various  governments  made  their  final  preparations 
for  war.  The  Austrians  had  seven  corps  in  readiness 
in  Bohemia,  and  the  Saxon  and  Bavarian  forces  were 
ready  to  take  the  field.  The  Hanoverian  army  had  not 
been  mobilized,  while  the  troops  of  Baden,  Wiirtem- 
berg,  Nassau,  and  Hesse  Darmstadt,  forming  the  8th 
federal  corps,  were  in  a  very  backward  state  of  prepa- 


222     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ration.  Prussia,  however,  had  thoroughly  equipped 
for" service  three  corps  in  the  vicinity  of  Gorlitz  under 
Prince  Frederick  Charles,  four  in  Silesia  under  the 
crown  prince,  three  divisions  under  General  Bittenfeld 
about  Halle  and  Torgau,  and  a  reserve  corps  at  Berlin 
under  General  Miilbe.  In  addition  to  these  there 
was  ManteuffePs  division  in  Holstein,  the  division  of 
General  von  Falckenstein  at  Minden  in  Westphalia, 
and  another  under  General  Beyer  at  "Wetzlar.  It 
was  to  the  roll  of  drums  and  clank  of  arms  that  the 
Diet  convened  on  the  14th.  By  a  vote  of  nine  to  six 
the  Austrian  motion  was  sustained.  Prussia  and 
Holstein  were  unrepresented,  and  Baden  was  the  only 
one  of  the  large  states  to  oppose  the  Austrian  project. 
The  Prussian  ambassador  then  pronounced  the  con- 
federation dissolved  and  withdrew  from  the  hall. 

That  night  the  wires  all  over  Germany  were  loaded 
with  messages  of  grave  importance.  Scarcely  had 
the  Prussian  ambassador  at  Frankfort  turned  lus 
back  upon  the  palace  of  Thurn  and  Taxis  than  there 
went  flashing  out  from  Berlin  the  ultimatum  of  Prus- 
sia to  Hanover,  Saxony,  and  Hesse,  which  had  sup- 
ported the  Austrian  motion.  Its  tenor  was  simply 
this :  in  case  within  twelve  hours  the  governments 
addressed  did  not  signify  their  intention  to  reduce 
their  armies  to  a  peace  footing  and  accept  the  Prus- 
sian proposals  of  June  10,  the  Berlin  government 
would  resort  to  arms. 

Perhaps  these  states  had  not  counted  upon  the 
efficiency  of  Prussia's  preparations  and  did  not  be- 
lieve it  possible  that  she  was  in  a  position  to  under- 
take immediate  action.  At  all  events  they  deliberated 
too  long,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  15th,  no  reply 
having  been  received  to  its  summons,  the  Prussian 


BISMARCK  vs.  AUSTRIA.  223 

government  declared  war.  At  the  same  time  there 
went  forth  from  the  Leipsiger  Strasse  the  orders  to 
set  in  motion  those  perfect  battalions  upon  which 
such  time  and  care  had  been  expended. 

Before  daylight  on  the  16th  Manteuffel  and  Falck- 
enstein  were  on  the  march  for  Hanover,  Beyer's  divi- 
sion was  grinding  into  dust  the  long  road  from  Wetz- 
lar  to  Cassel,  while  in  the  east  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  was  over  the  Saxon  frontier. 

On  the  night  of  the  16th  King  George  of  Hanover 
abandoned  his  capital,  and  with  his  half-constructed 
army  retreated  to  Gottingen.  At  four  o'clock  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  next  day  the  tramp  of  the  Prussian 
troops  awoke  the  echoes  of  the  deserted  streets. 

The  Hessian  army  eluded  General  Beyer  by  re- 
treating to  Fulda  and  thence  to  Frankfort.  On  the 
19th,  however,  the  black  and  white  banner  was 
hoisted  over  Cassel,  where  the  crestfallen  elector  sul- 
lenly awaited  his  conquerors. 

The  army  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles  approached 
Dresden  on  the  18th.  The  Saxons  had  fallen  back 
upon  the  Austrians  in  Bohemia,  and  that  evening  the 
Prussian  officers  strolled  along  the  Briihl  Terrace 
and  gravely  saluted  each  other  in  the  Grosse  Garten. 

Thus  in  four  days  after  the  declaration  of  war  by 
Prussia  against  Saxony,  Hanover,  and  Hesse,  her 
troops  without  firing  a  shot  had  subjugated  and  occu- 
pied those  states,  captured  the  Hessian  elector,  and 
hopelessly  isolated  the  Hanoverian  army  at  Gottin- 
gen. It  was  a  brilliant  combination,  brilliantly  exe- 
cuted, and  there  was  amazement  at  Paris  and  at 
Vienna,  yet  it  was  but  the  first  of  a  series  of  achieve- 
ments with  which  this  mighty  creation  of  Moltke  and 
Roon  was  to  astonish  the  world. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  PRUSSIANS   IN  BOHEMIA. 

THE  MILITARY  SITUATION  ON  JUNE  20.  —  BENEDEK'S  PLAN  OF  CAM- 
PAIGN   CHECKMATED.  —  ADVANCE    OF    THE    PRUSSIANS    INTO    Bo- 

HEMIA.  —  COMBATS  AT  LIEBENAU  AND  PODOL,  AND  DEFEAT  OF 
THE  AUSTRIANS.  CAPTURE  OF  MijNCHENGRATZ  BY  THE  PRUS- 
SIANS. —  RETREAT  OF  THE  AUSTRIANS  UPON  GITSCHIN.  —  BATTLE 
OF  GITSCHIN  AND  ROUT  OF  THE  AUSTRIANS.  —  BISMARCK  AT 
GITSCHIN.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  SECOND  PRUSSIAN  ARMY  INTO  BO- 
HEMIA UNDER  THE  CROWN  PRINCE.  VICTORIES  OF  THE  PRUS- 
SIAN STH  CORPS  AT  NACHOD  AND  SKALITZ.  —  DISCOMFITURE  OF 
THE  PRUSSIANS  AT  TRAUTENAU.  —  BATTLE  AT  Soon  WON  BY  THE 
PRUSSIAN  GUARDS. — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  SECOND  ARMY  ON  THE 
ELBE.  —  COMMUNICATIONS  RESTORED  BETWEEN  THE  PRUSSIAN 
ARMIES.  —  DILEMMA  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  COMMANDER.  —  His 
ORDERS  TO  HIS  ARMY.  —  His  IGNORANCE  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  DE- 
SIGNS. —  CHARACTER  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  POSITION  ON  THE  Bis- 

TBITZ. 

I. 

THE  action  of  the  Frankfort  Diet  on  June  14  was 
virtually  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  German  con- 
federation against  Prussia.  On  the  17th  the  Kaiser 
issued  his  manifesto  to  his  people,  and  three  days 
later  the  Italian  government  formally  declared  war 
against  Austria  and  Bavaria. 

On  the  20th  the  military  situation  was  as  follows  : 
the  Prussians  by  their  seizure  of  Saxony  had  divided 
Germany  into  an  eastern  and  western  battlefield.  In 
the  east  they  had  three  distinct  armies  ready  for  the 
invasion  of  Bohemia :  the  army  of  the  Elbe,  compris- 
ing three  divisions  under  General  Herwarth  von  Bit- 


THE  PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA.  225 

tenfeld ;  the  first  army,  made  up  of  the  2d,  3d,  and  4th 
corps  under  Prince  Frederick  Charles  ;  and  the  second 
army  under  the  crown  prince,  comprising  the  1st,  5th, 
6th,  and  Guard  corps. 

The  first  army  and  the  army  of  the  Elbe  in  Sax- 
ony were  under  orders  to  pass  into  Bohemia  by  sep- 
arate routes  through  the  Iron  Mountains,  and  unite 
on  the  Iser. 

The  second  army  was  to  move  from  Silesia  through 
the  mountain  passes  and  gain  the  left  bank  of  the 
Elbe.  On  account  of  the  dangerous  character  of  the 
hilly  country  through  which  this  army  was  to  pass, 
the  crown  prince  was  ordered  to  delay  its  movements 
until  the  attention  of  the  Austrians  had  become  dis- 
tracted by  the  operations  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles. 
The  total  strength  of  these  three  armies  was  254,000 
men,  of  which  the  first  army  comprised  93,000,  the 
second  army  115,000,  and  the  army  of  the  Elbe 
46,000. 

In  the  west  Prussia  had  the  divisions  of  Falcken- 
stein,  Manteuffel,  and  Beyer  in  Hesse  and  Hanover, 
an  aggregate  of  48,000  men.  In  reserve  was  the 
corps  of  General  Miilbe  at  Berlin,  in  process  of  mo- 
bilization. 

The  Austrian  army  of  the  north,  concentrated  mainly 
about  Olmiitz  and  Brunn,  comprised  the  1st,  2d,  3d, 
4th,  6th,  8th,  and  10th  corps,  with  five  divisions  of 
cavalry.  To  these  must  be  added  the  24,000  men  of 
the  Saxon  army,  which  had  retired  into  Bohemia 
before  the  Prussian  advance.  These  forces,  number- 
ing nearly  270,000  men,  were  commanded  by  General 
Benedek,  whose  brilliant  conduct  at  Solferino  had 
won  hun  a  most  exalted  reputation  as  a  soldier  among 
his  countrymen. 


226     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

In  the  west,  opposed  to  the  Prussian  armies,  was  the 
Bavarian  army  with  its  50,000  bayonets,  the  troops  of 
Hanover  and  Hesse,  and  the  8th  federal  corps.  This 
made  a  total  strength  on  paper  of  119,000  men,  of 
which,  however,  the  19,000  Hanoverians  were  isolated 
at  Gottingen,  and  the  8th  federal  corps  was  only  in 
the  first  stages  of  formation. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  while  both  in  the  east  and 
west  the  Prussian  troops  were  outnumbered,  they 
were  thoroughly  prepared,  advantageously  posted, 
and  armed  with  a  breech-loading  weapon.  Benedek's 
corps,  on  the  other  hand,  were  badly  distributed,  the 
federal  troops  only  half  organized,  and  the  whole 
dependent  upon  the  muzzle-loading  rifle.  It  must  be 
admitted,  therefore,  that  the  situation  was  decidedly 
favorable  to  Prussia,  a  fact  due  to  the  foresight  and 
preparation  of  her  statesmen  and  the  skill  and  vigor 
of  her  generals. 

It  had  doubtless  been  Benedek's  plan,  supported  by 
the  Bavarian  army,  to  push  through  the  passes  of  the 
Giant  Mountains  into  Saxony,  and  in  company  with 
the  army  of  that  kingdom  undertake  an  invasion  of 
Prussia.  The  extraordinary  rapidity  of  the  Prussian 
advance  overthrew  his  calculations.  Saxony  passed 
into  the  hands  of  his  enemy,  and  with  it  the  control 
of  the  passes  through  which  the  Bavarian  cooperation 
was  to  be  expected.  Benedek  was  forced  to  regard 
himself  as  beaten  in  the  first  move  of  the  contest, 
and  compelled  to  stand  on  the  defensive. 

On  June  23  the  Prussian  armies  crossed  the  Saxon 
frontiers  into  Bohemia,  the  first  army  advancing  in 
three  columns  with  the  Elbe  army  several  miles  to 
the  west.  At  daybreak  Prince  Frederick  Charles  had 
notified  the  Austrian  outposts  at  Reichenberg  that 


THE  PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA.  227 

Prussia  regarded  herself  as  in  a  state  of  war  with 
Austria.  A  few  hours  later  he  had  taken  his  stand 
by  the  toll-house  on  the  frontier  to  review  the  troops 
as  they  entered  Austrian  territory.  The  headquarters 
that  night  were  in  the  Castle  of  Grafenstein,  the  seat 
of  Count  Clam  Gallas,  who  had  left  its  retirement  to 
assume  command  of  the  1st  Austrian  corps  in  Bohe- 
mia. The  next  day  Reichenberg,  the  key  to  the 
passes,  was  occupied  by  the  Prussians  without  a  blow, 
and  the  various  columns  reunited. 

Count  Clam  Gallas  had  been  ordered  by  Benedek 
to  hold  the  line  of  the  Iser  from  Turnau  to  Miin- 
chengriitz,  and  had  at  his  disposal  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
latter  place  the  1st  corps  and  the  Saxons.  He  had 
thrown  forward  one  brigade  on  the  north  of  the  Iser 
with  a  few  companies  in  advance  at  Liebenau.  It 
was  in  the  vicinity  of  this  village  that  the  first  fight- 
ing of  the  campaign  occurred  on  the  26th.  The  Aus- 
trians  retired  before  Von  Home's  Prussian  division, 
maintaining  a  running  fight  to  Turnau,  where  they 
broke  the  bridge  over  the  Iser  and  retreated  along 
the  road  to  Podol.  Home  followed  fast,  and  throw- 
ing a  bridge  at  Turnau  continued  the  pursuit. 

Podol  was  a  point  of  great  strategical  importance, 
as  the  railway  to  Prague  crosses  the  river  at  that 
point  side  by  side  with  the  road.  It  was  almost  dusk 
when  the  Prussian  vanguard  approached  the  outskirts 
of  the  town.  A  sharp  fight  at  once  commenced, 
which  increased  in  warmth  with  the  continued  arrival 
of  Prussian  reinforcements.  Podol  was  held  by  the 
"  Iron  Brigade,"  which  had  won  the  title  by  its  sturdy 
conduct  in  the  Danish  war.  The  action  was  wholly 
one  of  musketry.  The  Austrians  were  forced  to  the 
village,  and  from  there  to  the  bridgehead,  over- 


228     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

matched  by  numbers  and  the  rapid  discharge  of  the 
needle-guns.  Podol,  in  fact,  was  the  first  fair  trial  of 
the  Prussian  weapon,  and  was  terribly  satisfactory  in 
its  results.  Shortly  after  midnight  the  Austrians 
drew  off  toward  Miinchengratz,  leaving  the  Prussians 
in  undisputed  possession  of  Podol  and  the  bridges. 

On  the  same  day  as  the  action  at  Podol  communi- 
cation was  reestablished  between  the  first  and  Elbe 
armies,  and  on  the  27th  the  latter,  after  a  sharp  skir- 
mish at  Hiihnerwasser,  compelled  the  retirement  of 
the  Austrians  across  the  Iser  at  Miinchengratz.  A 
combined  movement  was  immediately  undertaken 
against  that  town  with  the  purpose  of  capturing  the 
whole  Austrian  force.  While  Bittenfeld  moved  from 
Bohmisch-Aicha  and  Hiihnerwasser  toward  Miinchen- 
gratz, Prince  Frederick  Charles  sent  his  troops  down 
the  valley  against  the  same  place.  He  also  dispatched 
the  1st  corps  from  Turnau  to  turn  the  Austrian  posi- 
tion on  the  heights  east  of  Miinchengratz  and  cut  off 
their  retreat  on  Gitschin.  Miinchengratz  was  captured, 
but  the  Austrians  escaped,  their  commander  realizing 
the  dangers  attaching  to  a  prolonged  defense.  The 
whole  line  of  the  Iser  was  thus  relinquished  to  the 
Prussians.  In  five  days,  and  with  losses  aggregating 
hardly  500  men,  they  had  massed  four  and  a  half 
corps  in  the  very  heart  of  the  enemy's  country. 

Clam  Gallas  retreated  upon  Gitschin,  and  seized  a 
strong  position  with  his  left  resting  on  the  Anna  Berg, 
his  centre  on  the  heights  of  Brada,  and  his  right  ex- 
tending beyond  Diletz  east  of  the  Turnau  road.  On 
the  29th  the  Prussians  advanced  upon  Gitschin  in 
four  columns,  the  left  from  Turnau,  the  centre  from 
Podol,  the  right  from  Miinchengratz,  with  the  army  of 
the  Elbe  still  farther  south.  About  four  o'clock  "\Ver- 


THE  PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA.  229 

cler's  division  of  the  2d  corps  forming  the  Prussian 
centre  began  to  engage  the  enemy  on  the  road  be- 
tween Sobotka  and  Gitschin.  About  the  same  time 
General  Tiimpling's  division  from  Turnau  encountered 
the  Saxon  posts  in  advance  of  Brada  and  Diletz. 
"VVerder's  troops  attacked  without  delay.  The  coun- 
try west  of  Gitschin  is  broken  by  several  ravines 
into  which  the  road  dips.  Through  and  over  these 
ravines  a  desperate  fight  was  maintained,  the  Aus- 
trians  fighting  stubbornly  under  cover  of  the  woods, 
but  suffering  terrible  losses  when  exposed  on  the 
open  ground  to  the  rapid  fire  of  the  Prussians.  It 
was  nearly  midnight  when  Werder's  men  finally  ap- 
proached Gitschin. 

General  Tiimpling  on  the  north  had  succeeded  in 
carrying  the  village  of  Podultz,  thereby  cutting  the 
Austrian  right  in  two.  Werder's  division,  moreover, 
being  well  on  the  road  to  Gitschin,  the  retreat  of  the 
Austrians  in  Brada  was  wholly  cut  off.  The  Saxon 
troops  in  Diletz  retired  hastily  upon  Gitschin  under 
a  murderous  fire,  and  acted  as  a  rearguard  to  the  dis- 
comfited army.  They  held  Gitschin  until  midnight, 
resisting  successfully  the  efforts  of  the  Prussians  to 
gain  the  market-place,  and  then  withdrew.  Gitscliin 
was  a  better  contested  action  than  any  of  its  predeces- 
sors, and  the  losses  were  correspondingly  heavy.  On 
the  30th  a  detachment  of  Prussian  cavalry  opened 
communication  with  the  second  army  at  Arnau  on 
the  Elbe.  On  that  same  day  Bismarck  and  the  king 
started  for  the  front,  leaving  Berlin  uproariously  en- 
thusiastic over  the  tidings  of  victory.  Two  days  later, 
and  "  the  iron  count "  was  mingling  with  the  military 
men  in  Gitschin,  himself  adorned  with  the  white  coat 
and  helmet  of  the  cuirassiers.  In  the  midst  of  the 


230       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

bustle  at  headquarters  lie  still  found  leisure  to  write 
his  wife,  "  I  have  just  arrived,  the  ground  is  heaped 
with  corpses,  horses,  and  arms.  Our  victories  are 
much  greater  than  we  thought.  Send  me  some 
French  novels  to  read,  but  not  more  than  one  at  a 
tune.  May  God  bless  you." 

II. 

In  the  mean  time  the  troops  of  the  crown  prince 
had  been  discharging  their  duties  with  the  same  suc- 
cess, though  at  a  greater  expenditure  of  blood  than 
their  comrades  on  the  Iser.  It  was  on  June  20  that 
the  crown  prince  notified  the  Austrian  outposts  of  his 
intention  to  commence  hostilities.  His  plans  were 
already  formed  for  an  advance  in  three  columns. 
The  1st  corps  and  cavalry  division  on  the  right  were 
to  move  from  Landeshut  through  the  mountains  to 
Trautenau.  The  Guards  in  the  centre  were  to  march 
from  Wiinschelburg  via  Braunau  to  occupy  the  pass 
at  Eypel,  while  on  the  left  the  5th  corps,  followed  by 
the  6th,  was  to  move  by  Reinerz  to  Nachod. 

On  the  evening  of  the  26th  the  Guards  passed  the 
frontier.  The  5th  corps  under  Steinmetz  occupied 
the  town  of  Nachod  after  a  slight  skirmish,  seizing 
also  the  castle  commanding  the  defile,  which  the  Aus- 
trians  with  unaccountable  negligence  had  left  unde- 
fended. In  the  morning,  upon  resuming  the  march, 
the  vanguard  of  this  corps  found  itself  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Austrian  6th  corps  under  General  Ram- 
ming. Finding  his  way  blocked  by  such  superior 
forces,  Steinmetz  seized  the  woods  fringing  the  road, 
where,  partially  screened  from  the  Austrian  shells,  his 
infantry  stood  stoutly  on  the  defensive.  It  devolved 
upon  this  detachment  in  the  wood  to  cover  the  de- 


THE  PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA.  231 

bouching  of  the  main  body  of  the  corps,  which  was 
still  tangled  up  in  the  narrow  defile.  Thanks  to  the 
excellence  of  their  weapons  and  the  presence  of  the 
crown  prince,  who  had  forced  his  way  to  the  front 
through  the  confusion  of  the  crowded  road,  their  de- 
fense was  successful.  The  Austrian  infantry  were 
unable  to  face  the  murderous  fire  that  blazed  from  all 
corners  of  the  wood.  At  last  the  Prussian  corps, 
having  extricated  itself  from  the  pass,  began  to 
assume  the  offensive.  The  general  advance  was  pre- 
ceded by  a  cavalry  combat  in  which  the  Austrian 
cuirassiers  who  had  been  threatening  the  flank  of  the 
wood  were  overthrown.  The  Austrian  retreat  com- 
menced shortly  after,  Ramming  drawing  off  in  the 
direction  of  Skalitz.  At  that  place  the  Austrian  8th 
corps  was  already  stationed  under  the  Archduke  Leo- 
pold. There  was  only  time  to  send  the  6th  corps  to 
the  rear  for  recuperation  when  on  the  28th  General 
Steinmetz  came  up  with  his  leading  brigades.  Skalitz 
was  bravely  defended  by  the  Austrian  jagers,  though 
they  were  finally  driven  across  the  Aupa.  Toward 
evening  the  archduke  relinquished  the  heights  be- 
yond, and  began  his  retreat,  leaving  4,000  prisoners 
and  eight  guns  in  the  hands  of  the  Prussians.  On 
the  29th,  after  some  artillery  fighting,  General  Fes- 
tetics  with  three  brigades  of  the  Austrian  4th  corps 
abandoned  Schweinschadel,  the  troops  of  Steinmetz 
pushing  on  the  same  night  to  the  village  of  Gradlitz 
on  the  Elbe,  about  two  miles  from  Koniginhof. 

The  1st  Prussian  corps,  forming  the  right  of  the 
second  army,  did  not  cross  the  frontier  until  dawn  on 
the  27th.  The  day  was  intensely  warm,  and  the 
troops  were  already  somewhat  fatigued  when  shortly 
before  noon  they  encountered  the  Austrian  outposts 


232     THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE. 

in  front  of  Trautenau,  a  hill -girdled  town  on  the 
Aupa.  The  Prussians  immediately  crossed  the  river, 
and  forced  the  fighting  in  the  streets  of  the  town. 
The  Austrians,  not  being  in  force,  slowly  retired  to  a 
position  on  the  hills  beyond.  About  one  o'clock  they 
were  dislodged  from  there,  and  by  three  they  had 
relinquished  the  village  of  Hohenbruck  south  of 
Trautenau  and  the  heights  southeast  of  that  place. 
General  von  Bonin  was  so  well  satisfied  with  the 
progress  of  affairs  that  he  rejected  an  offer  of  assist- 
ance from  the  1st  division  of  the  Guards,  which  had 
halted  at  Qualitch  upon  hearing  the  heavy  firing  at 
Trautenau.  But  Von  Bonin  was  deceived,  for  about 
3.30  General  Gablenz  came  up  with  the  other  three 
brigades  of  the  Austrian  10th  corps,  and  fell  heavily 
upon  the  weary  Prussians.  By  five  o'clock  the  Prus- 
sians were  giving  ground  in  all  directions,  and  the 
Austrian  infantry  streamed  through  Hohenbruck  at 
the  charge.  Von  Bonin  bivouacked  that  night  on  the 
same  ground  occupied  by  his  corps  in  the  morning. 

The  battle  of  Trautenau  was  an  Austrian  victory, 
inasmuch  as  it  forced  the  Prussian  corps  back  into 
the  mountains.  The  losses  of  the  Prussians,  however, 
were  only  1,300  men  to  the  5,500  of  the  victors.  This 
contest  alone  is  sufficient  to  prove  the  hopeless  char- 
acter of  the  struggle  which  Austria  was  waging  with 
her  better  armed  antagonist. 

After  receiving  Benin's  refusal  of  aid  on  the  27th, 
the  1st  division  of  the  Guards  had  taken  up  the 
march  to  Eypel.  That  night  the  prince  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  commanding  the  Guard  corps  received  tidings 
from  the  crown  prince  of  the  battle  at  Trautenau  with 
orders  to  proceed  immediately  to  extricate  the  1st 
corps.  Pushing  the  1st  division  rapidly  forward  with 


THE  PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA.  233 

the  2d  a  few  miles  in  the  rear,  the  prince  of  Wurtem- 
berg  crossed  the  Aupa  early  on  the  28th  and  moved 
toward  Koniginhof.  This  compelled  Gablenz  who 
was  facing  northward  against  the  1st  corps  to  change 
his  front,  a  feat  which  he  skillfully  accomplished  just 
in  time  to  receive  the  attack  of  the  Guards  all  along 
the  heights  of  Soor.  The  attack,  however,  was  suc- 
cessful, and  Gablenz  fell  back  toward  Koniginhof. 
Later  in  the  afternoon  the  2d  division  of  the  Guards 
came  up,  stormed  Trautenau,  and  captured  the  greater 
portion  of  the  Austrian  brigade  engaged  there.  This 
opened  the  way  for  the  advance  of  the  1st  corps, 
which  pushed  on  to  Arnau  and  fell  in  with  the  cav- 
alry patrols  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles.  The 
Guards  on  the  29th  continued  their  advance,  storming 
Koniginhof,  thus  completing  the  union  of  the  second 
army  on  the  Elbe. 

III. 

Communications  were  reopened  between  the  three 
Prussian  armies  in  Bohemia  on  the  30th  of  June,  or 
just  one  week  from  the  time  the  first  battalion  passed 
the  frontier.  Unquestionably  Benedek's  plan  had 
been  to  detain  the  crown  prince  in  the  mountains 
while  with  his  main  army  he  overwhelmed  Prince 
Frederick  Charles.  Military  critics  claim  that  had 
Benedek  reversed  this  plan,  standing  on  the  defensive 
on  the  Iser  while  he  massed  his  strength  against. the 
crown  prince,  better  fortune  might  have  attended  the 
Austrian  arms.  It  is  also  asserted  that  Benedek 
committed  a  grave  error  in  delaying  his  attack  upon 
the  crown  prince's  columns  until  they  had  debouched 
from  the  mountain  passes  ;  that  by  so  doing  he  left 
his  isolated  corps  to  be  beaten  in  detail  by  superior 


234      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

forces,  and  exhausted  the  strength  with  which  he 
should  have  succored  Clam  Gallas  on  the  Iser.  It  is 
certainly  to  the  credit  of  the  Austrian  commander, 
that  he  did  not  lose  his  head  when  the  tidings  of 
disaster  poured  in  upon  him  from  all  quarters.  No 
sooner  had  he  received  information  of  the  actions 
at  Miinchengratz  and  Skalitz  than  he  issued  orders 
for  the  army  to  form  on  a  new  line,  from  Josephstadt 
to  Gitschin.  For  this  purpose  he  urged  Clam  Gallas 
to  hold  firm  at  the  latter  place.  Scarcely  had  he 
done  so  when  the  news  arrived  that  Clam  Gallas  was 
in  full  retreat.  Nothing  daunted  by  this  disappoint- 
ment Benedek  with  commendable  promptness  ordered 
the  retreat  of  the  whole  army  under  the  guns  of  the 
fortress  of  Koniggratz,  though  he  must  have  real- 
ized before  this  that  the  chances  of  the  campaign 
were  against  him.  His  enemies  were  consolidating 
in  his  front  after  he  had  lost  40,000  men  in  the  at- 
tempt to  keep  them  divided.  In  this  crisis  it  seems 
to  be  generally  admitted  that  Benedek  made  the  most 
of  the  opportunities  afforded  him  by  seizing  a  strong 
defensive  position  in  the  hilly  country  between  the 
Elbe  and  the  Bistritz  rivers. 

On  the  afternoon  of  July  2d  Benedek  issued  his 
orders  in  anticipation  of  a  Prussian  attack.  ''  The 
royal  Saxon  corps  will  occupy  the  heights  of  Popo- 
witz.  .  .  .  The  10th  corps  will  take  post  on  the  right 
of  the  Saxon  corps,  and  lastly  the  3d  corps  will  oc- 
cupy the  heights  of  Lipa  and  Chlum,  on  the  right  of 
the  10th  corps.  The  principal  duty  of  the  8th  corps 
will  be  to  serve  as  support  to  the  Saxon  corps,  behind 
which  it  will  station  itself.  Troops  not  herein  named 
have  merely  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  so  long 
as  the  attack  is  confined  to  our  left  wing ;  but  should 


THE  PRUSSIANS  IN  BOHEMIA.  235 

the  enemy's  attack  assume  greater  dimensions,  and  be 
directed  against  our  centre  and  right  wing  as  well, 
then  the  whole  army  will  be  formed  in  order  of  bat- 
tle, and  the  following  measures  will  be  taken :  the 
4th  corps  will  move  up  on  the  right  of  the  3d  to  the 
heights  of  Chlum  and  Nedelist,  and  the  2d  corps  on 
the  extreme  right  flank,  next  to  the  4th."  These 
orders  also  provided  that  the  1st  and  6th  corps  should 
act  as  a  reserve,  the  former  to  take  position  near 
Eosnitz,  the  other  to  occupy  the  heights  of  Wsestar. 
Of  the  five  cavalry  divisions  two  were  on  the  left 
near  Prim,  one  on  the  right,  and  two  in  reserve  in  the 
rear  of  the  1st  and  6th  corps. 

These  dispositions  were  made  clearly  with  a  view 
to  repelling  an  attack  from  the  west.  Benedek  held 
the  opinion  that  the  mass  of  the  Prussian  second  army 
had  moved  toward  Gitschin,  and  that  the  forces  left 
on  the  Elbe  were  too  weak  or  too  distant  to  be  danger- 
ous. He  anticipated  a  Prussian  attempt  to  turn  his 
left,  but  he  seems  to  have  given  himself  no  uneasiness 
respecting  his  right.  This  is  demonstrated  by  the 
tone  of  his  instructions  to  the  2d  and  4th  corps  form- 
ing the  latter  wing,  which  were  to  apply  only  in  case 
of  the  action  becoming  general,  a  contingency  which 
he  plainly  regarded  as  improbable.  He  clung  tena- 
ciously to  the  theory  that  his  enemies  were  all  before 
him,  and  this  was  the  fatal  blunder  of  his  campaign. 
Whether  it  was  due  to  lack  of  information  or  faulty 
information,  to  the  sluggishness  of  patrols  or  to  ob- 
tuseness  on  the  part  of  the  commander  himself,  it 
was  the  blunder  that  was  destined  to  decide  a  great 
battle,  and  settle  the  long  dispute  between  the  Ger- 
man powers. 

The   heights   on   which   the   Austrian   army  took 


236       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

position  overlooked  the  Bistritz,  and  no  labor  was 
spared  to  render  their  slopes  unassailable.  A  chain 
of  redoubts  was  thrown  up  to  protect  the  central 
positions  between  Lipa  and  Nedelist,  while  the  woods 
above  Sadowa  and  Benatek  were  obstructed  by  ab- 
batis.  Other  works  were  .ordered  for  the  protection 
of  the  Saxons  on  the  left,  but  the  Prussian  advance 
prevented  their  completion. 

The  main  road  from  Koniggratz  to  Horsitz  inter- 
sected the  centre  of  the  Austrian  position,  passing 
south  of  Rosberitz  and  Chlum  and  crossing  the  Bis- 
tritz at  Sadowa.  The  Austrian  line  was  in  the  shape 
of  a  half  circle  sprung  from  the  vicinity  of  Prim  on 
the  left  through  Lipa  and  Nedelist  nearly  to  the  Elbe 
on  the  right.  The  Saxon  outposts  were  in  Nechanitz 
on  the  Bistritz,  the  Austrians  in  Mokrovous,  Do- 
halicka,  Dohalitz,  Sadowa,  and  Benatek  farther  up 
the  stream.  To  hold  this  line,  nearly  seven  miles  in 
length,  Benedek  had  eight  corps,  comprising  perhaps 
200,000  men.  All  but  two  of  these  corps,  however, 
were  suffering  from  the  depression  and  demoralization 
consequent  upon  recent  contact  with  the  needle-gun. 
The  pluck  of  the  Austrian  army  was  still  good,  but 
its  enthusiasm  was  gone. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE     PRUSSIANS     AT    KONIGGRATZ    AND    BEFORE 
VIENNA. 

PRINCE  FREDERICK  CHARLES  PREPARES  FOR  BATTLE.  —  NIGHT 
MARCH  OF  THE  FIRST  PRUSSIAN  ARMY  UPON  THE  BISTRITZ.  — 
ARRIVAL  OF  THE  KING  OF  PRUSSIA  AT  DUB.  —  OPENING  OF  THE 
BATTLE  OF  KONIGGRATZ.  —  THE  PRUSSIANS  CROSS  THE  BISTRITZ. 

—  STATE  OF  THE  BATTLE  AT  NOON.  —  CRITICAL  POSITION  OF  THE 
PRUSSIAN  LEFT.  —  ANXIETY  OF  THE   PRUSSIAN  STAFF.  —  AP- 
PROACH OF  THE  CROWN  PRINCE  TO  THE  FIELD.  —  HE  THREATENS 
THE  AUSTRIAN  RIGHT.  —  CONFUSED  STATE  OF  THAT  WING  AND 
CAUSES  THEREFOR. THE  CROWN  PRINCE  MOVES  UPON  CHLUM. 

—  CAPTURE  OF  CHLUM  BY  THE  PRUSSIAN  GUARDS  AND  ITS  RE- 
SULTS. —  BENEDEK'S  AMAZEMENT  UPON  LEARNING  OF  THE  FALL 
OF  CHLUM.  —  HE  HEADS  HIS  RESERVES  IN  THE  EFFORT  TO  RE- 
TAKE IT.  — FAILURE  OF  THE  ATTACK.  —  TOTAL  DEFEAT  OF  THE 
AUSTRIAN  ARMY.  —  HEROISM  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  ARTILLERY.  — 
IMMEDIATE  RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE.  —  AKCHDUKE  ALBRECHT 
ASSUMES  COMMAND  OF  THE  AUSTRIAN  ARMIES.  —  THE  PRUSSIAN 
ADVANCE  UPON  VIENNA.  —  BENEDEK'S  RETREAT.  —  BATTLE  OF 
BLUMENAU.  —  THE  ARMISTICE. 

ON  the  afternoon  of  July  2  Prince  Frederick  Charles 
was  at  Kammenitz,  having  just  returned  from  a  coun- 
cil of  war  at  the  royal  headquarters  in  Gitschin.  This 
council  had  decided  that  on  the  following  morning 
the  first  army  should  push  a  reconnoissance  in  the 
direction  of  Koniggriitz,  and  the  prince  returned  to 
Kammenitz  to  direct  the  intended  movements.  Im- 
mediately upon  his  arrival,  however,  he  received  in- 
formation that  led  him  to  assume  the  responsibility 
of  disregarding  the  decision  of  the  high  military  con- 


238     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

clave  he  had  just  quitted.  The  reports  of  the  officers 
whom  he  had  sent  out  in  the  morning  to  explore  the 
country  in  his  front  demonstrated  clearly  that  the 
Austrians  were  in  force  all  along  the  Bistritz  River 
from  Benatek  to  Nechanitz.  He  immediately  con- 
cluded that  Benedek  was  on  the  point  of  assuming 
the  offensive  with  his  entire  army.  Recognizing  that 
his  present  position  was  unfavorable  for  the  accept- 
ance of  a  great  battle,  the  prince  determined  upon 
an  immediate  advance.  The  plan  he  hastily  evolved 
had  for  its  object  the  decisive  overthrow  of  Benedek's 
army.  While  the  first  army  advanced  against  Sa- 
dowa,  the  army  of  the  Elbe  was  to  move  on  its  right 
against  Nechanitz,  the  second  army  on  the  north 
threatening  meantime  the  Austrian  right  and  rear. 
Considering  the  distance  that  separated  the  first  and 
second  armies,  there  was  a  strong  element  of  risk  in 
this  scheme.  The  strength  of  the  Austrian  army  was 
not  definitely  known,  but  it  was  certain  that  the  first 
and  Elbe  armies  would  be  obliged  to  hold  their  own 
against  vastly  superior  forces  until  the  crown  prince 
had  time  to  develop  his  attack. 

Prince  Frederick  Charles  immediately  ordered  Gen- 
eral Bittenf  eld  to  advance  upon  Nechanitz,  while  he 
dispatched  a  messenger  to  the  crown  prince  reqiiest- 
ing  his  cooperation.  It  was  not  until  after  these 
orders  had  been  issued  that  he  acquainted  the  king 
at  Gitschin  with  his  proposed  movements  and  secured 
his  hearty  approval.  Indeed  a  royal  messenger  was 
hurried  off  to  the  crown  prince  with  orders  for  the 
immediate  advance  of  his  entire  army. 

Before  midnight  on  the  2d  the  first  army  was  on 
the  march  toward  the  Bistritz.  While  the  8th  divi- 
sion, supported  by  the  5th  and  6th,  followed  the  Kbnig- 


Gr.Burglitz 

Q 


Jerlckek 

a 


Ehpta 


Cerekwitz  Bzizlowes 

a 


Benatek 


Racitz 


KONIGGRATZ  AND  VIENNA.  239 

gratz  road,  the  3d  and  4th  divisions  moved  through 
the  cultivated  country  on  their  right.  The  7th  divi- 
sion marched  011  the  left  of  the  main  army  from 
Horsitz  toward  Cerekwitz.  The  night  was  dark,  save 
occasionally  when  the  moon  broke  through  the  driv- 
ing clouds  and  revealed  glimpses  of  the  trees  and 
cornfields  waving  in  the  damp  wind.  The  dawn  was 
ushered  in  by  a  dismal  rain  that  transformed  field 
and  road  into  sloughs  that  seriously  clogged  the 
progress  of  the  artillery.  About  four  o'clock  the 
head  of  the  columns  began  to  ascend  the  long  hill  on 
which  stands  the  village  of  Dub.  From  the  crest  of 
the  hill  the  Bistritz  valley  burst  upon  the  view  from 
Beiiatek  on  the  north  to  the  clustering  roofs  of 
Nechanitz  four  miles  below  Sadowa.  All  along  the 
river  nestled  little  hamlets,  backed  by  hills  and  woods 
that  showed  dimly  through  the  rain  and  mist  of  the 
gray  morning. 

It  was  half  past  eight  when  the  king  of  Prussia 
and  his  staff  came  within  sight  of  the  battlefield,  and 
then  the  contest  had  fairly  begun.  Franzecky's  7th 
division  was  hotly  engaged  on  the  left  in  front  of 
Benatek,  while  Sadowa  and  the  villages  farther  down 
the  stream  were  belted  with  the  smoke  of  the  Aus- 
trian riflemen,  whose  fire  increased  as  the  Prussian 
skirmishers  advanced.  All  along  the  heights  above 
the  Austrian  guns  were  at  work,  flashing  through  the 
haze  and  mingling  their  billowy  smoke  with  the  mist 
and  fog.  Their  practice  was  good,  and  the  shells 
swept  the  Koniggratz  road  in  front  of  Sadowa,  and 
went  rushing  up  the  hillside  into  the  environs  of  Dub 
where  the  royal  staff  had  taken  position. 

Before  ten  o'clock  Benatek  had  been  set  on  fire 
and  occupied  by  the  Prussian  7th  division.  About 


240     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

this  time,  too,  the  Austrian  artillery  on  the  slope  be- 
tween Dohalitz  and  Mokrovous  began  to  show  signs  of 
weakening  under  the  continually  increasing  weight  of 
the  Prussian  fire.  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  noticing 
this,  gave  the  word  for  the  infantry  to  advance  against 
the  villages  along  the  river.  The  8th  division  moved 
against  Sadowa,  the  4th  against  Dohalitz,  and  the  3d 
against  Mokrovous.  It  was  no  part  of  the  Austrian 
plan  to  sacrifice  much  for  these  positions,  and  Colonel 
Proshaka  commanding  the  garrison  of  Sadowa  re- 
ceived orders  to  retire.  The  abandonment  of  Sadowa 
settled  also  the  fate  of  Dohalitz,  Dohalicka,  and 
Mokrovous,  and  before  eleven  o'clock  the  whole  left 
bank  of  the  Bistritz  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Prussians.  The  army  of  the  Elbe  had  driven  the 
Saxon  outposts  from  Nechanitz,  and  was  crossing  the 
river  at  that  place  preparatory  to  turning  the  left  of 
Benedek's  position. 

At  noon,  however,  the  state  of  affairs  was  hardly 
satisfactory  to  the  Prussians.  Franzecky  was  barely 
able  to  maintain  himself  in  the  wood  above  Benatek, 
while  all  along  the  river  from  Sadowa  to  Mokrovous 
the  Prussians  were  subjected  to  a  murderous  and 
crushing  artillery  fire.  Shortly  after  noon  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  sent  the  5th  and  6th  divisions  for- 
ward to  the  support  of  those  already  engaged  in  the 
woods  on  the  slope  above  Sadowa.1  At  one  o'clock, 
with  all  their  reserves  engaged,  the  Prussian  staff 
could  trace  no  improvement  in  the  situation.  The 
Austrian  artillery  still  maintained  its  terrible  fire. 

1  The  Prussian  generals  at  no  time  meditated  a  strong  offensive  by 
their  centre,  but  dreaded  such  a  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Aus- 
trians.  The  reserves  went  forward  to  be  at  hand  in  case  of  a  general 
assault  by  their  enemy. 


KONIGGRATZ  AND  VIENNA.  241 

Franzecky's  position  on  the  left  had  become  one  of 
absolute  peril,1  while  on  the  right  the  army  of  the 
Elbe  was  still  painfully  defiling'  through  the  swamps 
at  Nechanitz,  and  unable  to  gain  ground. 

Everything  depended  upon  the  prompt  arrival  of 
the  crown  prince.  The  royal  staff  recognized  this 
fact.  The  king,  erect  and  white-haired,  turned  his 
gaze  from  the  wood  where  the  Austrian  shells  were 
playing  sad  havoc  with  his  devoted  troops,  for  some 
sign  of  his  son,  whose  arrival  was  to  decide  the  day. 
Bismarck  turned  in  his  saddle  and  peered  anxiously 
from  under  the  vizor  of  his  helmet  in  the  vain  en- 
deavor to  penetrate  the  smoke  that  hung  over  the 
valley  about  Benatek.  Even  Moltke's  furtive  glances 
belied  the  habitual  imperturbability  of  his  face. 
Every  eye  was  strained  for  some  glimpse  of  the 
second  army,  every  ear  alert  to  catch  the  music  of  its 
approaching  artillery.  The  moments  dragged  heavily. 
At  two  o'clock  the  situation  was  still  unchanged.2 
The  soldiers  of  the  Kaiser  were  fighting  a  grand 
battle.  Just  before  three  the  Prussian  8th  division 
received  orders  to  retire,  and  the  cavalry  was  held  in 
readiness  to  cover  a  retreat. 

The  Prussian  staff  was  anxious  and  Benedek  was 
complacent,  but  the  condition  of  each  was  induced 
by  ignorance  of  the  true  position  of  affairs.  The 
crown  prince  was  in  reality  keeping  his  engagements 

1  Franzecky  had  14  battalions  and  24  grins  against  51   Austrian 
battalions  and   128  guns.     Indeed,  nearly  the  -whole  strength  of  the 
Austrian  2d  and  4th  corps  was  employed  against  him.     The  Prussian 
headquarters,  however,  did  not  feel  justified  in  reinforcing  Franzecky 
at  the  expense  of  their  centre. 

2  Von  Moltke  knew  at  this  time  that  the  crown  prince  was  ap- 
proaching the  field,  but  did  not  realize   his  troops  were  really  en- 
gaged.    At  1.45  he  informed  General  Bittenfeld,  "the  crown  prince 
is  at  Zizelowes." 


242       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

to  the  letter.  His  information  as  to  the  position  of 
the  enemy  was  very  indefinite,  but  he  commenced 
his  advance  at  five  in  the  morning.  The  6th  corps 
crossed  the  Elbe  near  Jaroniir  and  marching  south- 
west formed  the  left  of  his  army.  The  1st  corps  on 
the  right  headed  for  Gross  Burglitz,  while  the  Guards 
in  the  centre,  accompanied  by  the  crown  prince  in 
person,  moved  from  Kbniginhof  011  Lhota  and  Jericek. 
After  passing  Daubrowitz  the  crown  prince  obtained 
his  first  distant  view  of  the  battle,  but  not  until  he 
gained  the  hills  opposite  Horenowes  did  he  appreciate 
its  extent,  and  the  fact  that  the  Prussian  left  was  in 
actual  danger.  About  noon  he  directed  the  Guards 
toward  the  two  famous  trees  on  the  hilltop  above 
Horenowes,  covering  their  left  by  an  attack  of  the  6th 
corps  upon  Racitz.  Both  of  these  villages  and  the 
heights  were  carried  with  slight  loss,  their  garrisons 
consisting  only  of  weak  detachments  of  the  Austrian 
2d  corps.  The  commander  of  the  Austrian  4th  corps 
had  long  since  left  his  intrenchments  between  Chlum 
and  Nedelist  and  plunged  forward  to  engage  the 
Prussian  7th  division  in  the  wood  of  Maslowed.  This 
he  did  on  his  own  responsibility,  while  the  2d  corps,  to 
which  had  been  assigned  the  ground  between  Nedelist 
and  the  Elbe,  moved  up  on  his  right.  As  a  result, 
at  one  hour  before  noon  Benedek's  right  wing  stood 
on  the  line  Maslowed-Horenowes-Racitz,  with  its  main 
strength  massed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  first-named 
place.  It  was  only  after  suffering  great  losses,  and 
after  Benedek's  order  had  been  twice  repeated,  that 
the  insubordinate  corps  commanders  began  to  retire 
upon  their  original  positions.  Indeed,  at  the  time 
when  the  crown  prince  was  developing  his  attack 
upon  Racitz  and  Horenowes  these  weary,  demoralized 


KONIGGRATZ  AND  VIENNA.  243 

battalions  were  in  the  confusion  of  executing  this 
movement. 

The  crown  prince  saw  his  opportunity.  The  Guards 
seized  Maslowed ;  the  6th  corps  pushed  from  Racitz 
upon  Lochenitz  to  cut  the  bridge  at  that  place.  From 
Maslowed  the  leading  regiments  of  the  Guard  marched 
along  the  rear  of  the  Austrian  detachments  still  en- 
gaged in  the  Maslowed  wood,  and  headed  for  the 
conspicuous  church  tower  of  Chlum.  They  reached 
the  precincts  of  that  village  almost  unopposed  and 
stormed  it  from  the  east.  The  slender  garrison  was 
immediately  overpowered,  while  a  Prussian  battalion 
seized  the  village  of  Rosberitz  farther  down  the  hill, 
from  which  point  they  easily  commanded  the  main 
avenue  of  the  Austrian  retreat  on  Kb'niggrJitz.  At 
three  o'clock  the  1st  division  of  the  Prussian  Guards 
were  in  full  possession  of  the  heart  of  the  Austrian 
position.  All  about  them  the  battle  was  still  raging. 
Just  below  toward  Koniggratz  they  could  see  the 
huge  masses  of  the  Austrian  reserves.  A  few  rods 
to  the  east  Benedek  was  confidently  directing  what  he 
regarded  as  a  satisfactory  battle,  little  dreaming  that 
the  key  of  his  position  was  already  in  the  iron  grasp 
of  his  adversaries. 

Benedek  was  certainly  satisfied  with  the  progress 
of  events.  Strong  in  the  belief  that  he  had  the  whole 
Prussian  army  before  him,  with  his  line  nowhere 
broken,  and  with  ample  reserves,  he  felt  he  had  the 
contest  well  in  hand.  He  had  no  anxiety  for  his 
right.  It  is  true  he  was  annoyed  with  the  com- 
mander of  the  4th  corps  for  quitting  his  allotted 
position  and  for  not  promptly  obeying  his  orders  to 
return  to  it.  Apparently,  however,  he  thought  these 
instructions  were  obeyed  earlier  than  they  were. 


244      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

It  was  a  little  before  noon  that  Benedek  learned 
that  his  right  was  threatened  by  a  Prussian  corps. 
He  was  undisturbed  by  the  information  and  merely 
sent  orders  for  the  2d  corps  to  hold  its  ground.  What 
followed  can  readily  be  included  among  the  marvels 
of  military  history.  No  tidings  reached  the  Austrian 
commander  that  his  2d  corps  was  being  worsted  near 
Maslowed,  or  that  the  Prussian  Guards  had  gained 
that  place.  Indeed,  he  was  never  more  complacent 
than  when,  shortly  before  three  o'clock,  an  orderly 
came  dashing  up  to  his  side  with  the  information  that 
the  Prussians  were  in  Chlum. 

If  Feldzeugmeister  von  Benedek  had  been  informed 
that  the  Prussian  army  had  taken  to  itself  wings  and 
was  flying  away  in  the  direction  of  Vienna,  the  tidings 
would  have  been  no  more  astonishing  or  incredible. 
He  refused  to  credit  the  news,  and  followed  by  his  staff 
galloped  away  through  the  Lipa  wood  to  where  the 
church  spire  of  Chlum  was  revealed  through  the  smoke. 
The  rolling  cf  the  needle-guns  and  the  deadly  volley 
that  came  pelting  among  his  followers  at  the  entrance 
of  the  village  left  no  doubt  as  to  the  truth.  He  turned 
to  his  reserves  and  ordered  the  6th  corps  against 
Rosberitz  and  Chlum  in  a  wild  effort  to  recover  the 
day.  Determined  that  he  would  not  survive  the  dis- 
aster he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  storming 
columns.  Rosberitz  was  cleared,  but  the  attack  failed 
at  the  churchyard  and  orchards  of  Chlum.  The 
dense  masses  of  the  Austrians  only  served  as  better 
food  for  the  close  discharges  of  the  needle-guns.  The 
losses  suffered  at  this  point  were  simply  enormous. 
Whole  battalions  were  literally  annihilated,  blown 
away  in  the  hot  blasts  of  fire  and  iron.  Every 
moment  of  delay  added  to  the  hopelessness  of  the 


KONIGGRATZ  AND  VIENNA.  245 

Austrian  efforts,  for  the  whole  of  the  crown  prince's 
army  was  approaching  the  field.  Benedek  was  con- 
spicuous in  the  melee,  powder  blackened  and  furious, 
but  no  kindly  bullet  found  his  breast. 

Alas  for  Benedek!  Raised  to  the  supreme  com- 
mand on  the  wave  of  popular  approval  earned  by 
good  service  on  Italian  battlefields,  he  was  destined 
to  lose  the  opportunity  to  render  his  name  forever 
illustrious.  He  was  trained  in  the  wrong  school  and 
fought  the  wrong  foe  to  make  a  great  military  name. 
Perhaps  no  general  in  Europe  with  troops  similarly 
equipped  could  have  contended  successfully  with  the 
hosts  which  Prussia  poured  into  Bohemia.  Certain 
it  is  that  the  remodeled  Prussian  army  was  an  obsta- 
cle against  which  reputations  even  more  brilliant  and 
secure  than  Benedek's  were  destined  to  be  shivered 
to  atoms. 

At  half  past  three  the  Austrian  army  was  beaten ; 
on  the  left  the  Saxons  were  retiring,  and  the  reserves 
had  exhausted  themselves  in  their  useless  struggle  at 
Chlum.  The  2d  Austrian  corps  had  been  driven 
across  the  Elbe,  and  the  4th  corps  was  hopelessly  lost. 
The  2d  division  of  the  Prussian  Guards  stormed  the 
batteries  in  front  of  Chlum  which  had  been  holding 
the  first  army  so  long  in  check.  This  attack  revealed 
for  the  first  time  the  position  of  the  crown  prince  to 
the  king  and  his  staff.  They  could  descry  the  dark 
masses  of  the  Prussian  infantry  struggling  across  the 
fields  on  the  heights.  They  appreciated  the  situation, 
and  ordered  a  general  advance.  The  Austrian  guns 
in  position  were  hastily  abandoned,  but  the  artillerists 
saved  many  fieldpieces,  and  covered  themselves  with 
glory  before  night.  The  whole  Austrian  army,  in 
fact,  proved  its  high  discipline  by  its  conduct  in  these 
trying  circumstances.  The  retreating  infantry  never 


246       THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE. 

broke  under  the  murderous  Prussian  fire,  nor  allowed 
their  retreat  to  become  a  rout.  Again  and  again  the 
Austrian  artillerists  unlimbered,  and  checked  their 
pursuers.  The  Austrian  cavalry  also  added  to  its 
high  reputation,  charging  infantry  and  artillery  alike, 
and  shedding  its  blood  like  water  to  cover  the  retreat 
of  the  discomfited  army. 

The  battle  of  Koniggratz,  in  the  point  of  numbers 
engaged,  the  losses  sustained,  and  results  achieved, 
must  be  designated  as  one  of  the  mightiest  military 
conflicts  of  the  century.  The  Austrian  army  sustained 
a  loss  of  over  40,000  men,  174  guns,  and  11  stand- 
ards, while  the  Prussian  army  was  reduced  by  10,000 
men  killed  and  wounded.  The  Prussians  only  appre- 
ciated the  full  magnitude  of  their  success  when,  on 
the  day  following  the  battle,  General  Gablenz  passed 
through  their  lines  with  Benedek's  proposal  for  an 
armistice.  His  mission  was  wholly  unsuccessful.  In 
fact,  his  errand  stimulated  such  confidence  at  the 
royal  headquarters  as  to  cause  Bismarck  himself  some 
misgivings.  He  had  "  the  thankless  task  of  pouring 
water  into  the  foaming  wine,  and  reminding  his  peo- 
ple that  they  were  not  living  alone  in  Europe,  but 
with  three  other  neighbors." 

So  far  as  Austria  was  concerned,  there  was  little 
more  to  fear.  The  army  of  the  north  -which  Benedek 
had  addressed  with  such  flowery  assurance  a  fortnight 
before  was  a  mere  wreck  cowering  under  the  intreneli- 
ments  of  Olmiitz.  Vienna  was  ablaze  with  rage,  and 
Benedek  was  its  unhappy  object.  His  resignation 
which  followed  was  a  matter  of  necessity.  The  Arch- 
duke Albrecht  was  called  from  Italy  to  the  command 
of  the  united  Austrian  armies,  and  on  his  arrival 
bent  his  energies  to  placing  Vienna  in  a  state  of  de- 
fense. He  dispatched  imperative  orders  to  Benedek 


KONIGGRATZ  AND  VIENNA.  247 

at  Oliniitz  to  forward  his  army  by  rail  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  at  the  same  time  instructing  his  successor  in 
Venetia  to  hurry  all  his  available  troops  to  the  de- 
fense of  the  capital. 

The  three  Prussian  armies  renewed  their  advance 
on  the  5th,  the  crown  prince  moving  upon  Olmiitz, 
while  Frederick  Charles  and  Bittenfeld  marched  for 
Vienna,  —  the  former  via  Briinn ;  the  latter  by  Iglau 
and  Znaim.  The  monotony  of  the  long  marches  was 
broken  only  by  occasional  alarms  and  cavalry  skir- 
mishes. The  tide  of  advance  swept  on,  leaving  the 
crops  waving  uninjured  to  await  the  harvesting  of 
their  owners,  and  the  stolid  villagers  with  bare  larders 
but  abundance  of  Prussian  coin. 

On  the  13th  the  vanguard  of  the  first  army  entered 
Briinn  unopposed,  and  the  next  day  cut  the  railway 
line  at  Lundenburg  over  which  Benedek  had  been 
hurrying  his  troops  to  Vienna.  It  was  at  Briinn  that 
the  equipage  of  M.  Benedetti  first  appeared,  a  har- 
binger of  peace  and  of  would-be  French  aggrandize- 
ment. On  the  20th  the  Prussian  columns  gained  the 
banks  of  the  Danube,  and  the  soldiers  obtained  the 
long-coveted  view  of  the  spire  of  St.  Stephens  float- 
ing dimly  over  the  haze  of  Vienna. 

Before  the  cutting  of  the  railway  line  Benedek  had 
sent  four  of  his  broken  corps  to  the  capital.  With 
the  remainder  of  his  army  he  determined  to  move 
down  the  March  valley  to  the  same  destination.  On 
the  15th,  however,  his  right  flank  was  struck  savagely 
by  the  cavalry  of  the  crown  prince,  an  event  that  led 
him  to  abandon  his  line  of  march  and  adopt  a  more 
circuitous  route  westward  over  the  Carpathian  Moun- 
tains. On  the  21st  he  reached  Pressburg,  and  opened 
communications  with  the  archduke  at  Vienna. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Austrian  cabinet  had  come  to 


248       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

the  conclusion  that  an  armistice  could  alone  prevent 
the  humiliation  of  a  Prussian  military  pageant  on  the 
Ring-Strasse.  The  archduke  had  succeeded  in  bring- 
ing up  but  a  small  portion  of  the  army  from  Venetia, 
while  the  troops  from  Olmiitz  were  still  in  a  state  of 
partial  demoralization.  The  news  that  Benedek's 
weary  battalions  were  streaming  into  Pressburg  pro- 
duced no  change  in  the  conviction  of  the  government. 
On  the  22d  Count  Karolyi  and  General  Degenfeld 
repaired  to  the  Prussian  headquarters  at  Nikolsburg 
to  arrange  an  armistice  and  discuss  the  preliminaries 
of  a  peace. 

On  this  day  an  action  was  fought  in  the  vicinity  of 
Blumenau  between  the  7th  and  8th  Prussian  divisions 
and  four  Austrian  brigades  of  the  2d  and  10th  corps. 
The  action  was  interrupted  by  news  of  the  armistice, 
though  not  until  the  Austrian  position  had  been  seri- 
ously compromised.  Blumenau  was  a  useless  contest, 
but  it  brought  laurels  to  General  Franzecky  and  will 
remain  conspicuous  as  the  last  action  of  the  Seven 
Weeks'  war. 

The  armistice  was  to  expire  on  the  27th,  but  on  the 
26th,  after  conferences  in  which  M.  Benedetti  essayed 
to  play  a  part,  preliminaries  of  peace  were  signed. 
The  tenor  of  these  preliminaries  alone  attested  the 
extent  of  the  Austrian  reverse.  She  agreed  to  with- 
draw from  the  confederation,  to  pay  £t  heavy  war  in- 
demnity, and  to  oppose  no  objection  to  Prussia's  re- 
organization of  North  Germany.  Everything  which 
Austrian  statesmen  since  Schwarzenberg  had  been 
contending  for  was  hopelessly  lost  in  the  development 
of  Bismarck's  policy  of  "  iron  and  blood."  The  ar- 
rangement of  details  devolved  upon  the  diploma- 
tists, and  the  Prussian  army  withdrew  to  the  line  of 
the  Thaya  to  await  the  signature  of  a  definite  peace. 


CHAPTEK  XIX. 

THE  OVEETHEOW  OF  THE  GEEMAN  FEDEEAL  AEMY. 

THE  CAMPAIGN  IN  THE  WEST.  —  CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE 
HANOVERIAN  ARMY.  —  INDIFFERENCE  OF  PRINCE  CHARLES  OF 
BAVARIA.  —  VICTORY  OF  THE  HANOVERIANS  AT  LANGENSALZA. 
—  CAPITULATION  OF  THE  HANOVERIAN  ARMY.  —  INDECISION  IN 
THE  FEDERAL  COUNCILS.  —  ADVANCE  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  GEN- 
ERAL FALCKENSTEIN  UPON  FRANKFORT.  —  PRUSSIAN  OCCUPA- 
TION OF  FULDA.  —  BATTLE  OF  KISSINGEN  AND  DEFEAT  OF  THE 
BAVARIANS.  —  DEFEAT  OF  THE  STH  FEDERAL  CORPS  AT  LAU- 
FACH  AND  ASCHAFFENBURG.  PRUSSIAN  ENTRY  INTO  FRANK- 
FORT. —  JUNCTION  OF  PRINCE  ALEXANDER  WITH  PRINCE 
CHARLES.  —  GENERAL  MANTEUFFEL  SUCCEEDS  FALCKENSTEIN. 

HE  MARCHES  FROM  FRANKFORT.  INDECISION  OF  THE  FED- 
ERAL COMMANDER.  —  FIGHTING  ON  THE  TAUBER.  —  RETREAT 
OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY  UPON  WURZBURG.  —  BOMBARDMENT  OF 
WtJRZBURG  BY  THE  PRUSSIANS.  THE  ARMISTICE. 

DUEING  the  progress  of  the  campaign  in  Bohemia, 
the  Prussian  ai-mies  in  the  west  had  been  gaining 
most  decisive  successes.  In  three  days  after  the  dec- 
laration of  war  they  had  occupied  Hanover  and  Cas- 
sel,  and  held  the  Hanoverian  army  in  their  power. 
In  fact,  the  only  chance  for  the  escape  of  King 
George  and  his  devoted  troops  lay  in  the  cooperation 
of  the  Bavarian  army  then  massed  in  the  vicinity  of 
Bamberg  and  Wiirzburg.  Prince  Charles  of  Bavaria 
refusing  to  recognize'  the  gravity  of  the  crisis,  it 
devolved  upon  the  hard-pressed  Hanoverians  to  ex- 
tricate themselves  unaided  from  the  necessity  of  a 
capitulation.  King  George  was  despondent,  realizing 
the  unpreparedness  of  his  troops  and  the  utter  dilap- 


250      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

idation  of  his  commissariat.  He  opened  negotiations 
with  Berlin  in  the  hope  of  securing  a  free  passage  for 
his  army  into  Bavaria  on  the  condition  that  they 
would  not  turn  their  arms  against  Prussia  during  the 
succeeding  six  months.  The  delay  caused  by  this 
correspondence  was  fatal  to  him.  The  Hanoverian 
army  had  been  slowly  moving  in  the  direction  of 
Gotha,  and  on  the  26th  bivouacked  about  the  town 
of  Langensalza.  That  night  four  Prussian  divisions 
were  closing  in  upon  it  from  the  northwest  and  south 
On  the  morning  of  the  27th  the  Prussian  General 
Flies  advancing  from  Warza  with  12,000  men  en- 
countered the  Hanoverian  outposts  in  front  of  Lan- 
gensalza. The  conflict  that  ensued  was  the  last  which 
the  Hanoverians  were  destined  to  wage  for  their  royal 
house.  Poorly  armed,  poorly  organized,  with  every 
circumstance  dispiriting,  the  raw  battalions  of  Kino- 
George  proved  themselves  nevertheless  invincible. 
General  Flies  was  compelled  to  abandon  the  field  to 
his  foes,  and  draw  off  toward  Warza. 

The  victory,  however,  stirred  no  enthusiasm  in  the 
Hanoverian  ranks.  The  king  recognized  the  fact  that 
a  prolongation  of  the  contest  could  only  result  in 
useless  slaughter.  Forty-two  thousand  Prussians  were 
concentrating  upon  his  position,  and  there  was  no  sign 
of  help  from  the  Bavarians.  Even  the  cannon  of 
Langensalza  had  failed  to  awake  Prince  Charles  from 
his  lethargy.  On  the  29th,  finally  despairing  of  aid, 
the  king  accepted  the  Prussian  terms  and  capitulated. 
The  soldiers  laid  down  their  arms  and  were  dismissed 
to  their  homes.  The  king  became  an  exile  from  his 
people. 

The  Hanoverians  disposed  of,  there  remained  to 
confront  the  Prussians  the  Bavarian  army  and  the 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY.    251 

8th  federal  corps  which  was  still  in  process  of  mobil- 
ization. The  plan  conceived  at  Vienna  for  the  move- 
ment of  the  federal  forces  in  the  west  comprised  an 
early  junction  of  the  Bavarians  and  the  8th  corps  and 
an  invasion  of  Prussian  territory.  The  fall  of  the 
Hanoverian  army,  which  was  to  lend  its  support  to 
this  movement,  threw  all  the  military  calculations  out 
of  joint.  Prince  Charles,  after  allowing  his  opportu- 
nity to  slip,  made  a  tardy  advance  to  succor  the  Han- 
overians. At  Meiningen  he  received  tidings  of  the 
battle  of  Langeiisalza  and  the  subsequent  capitula- 
tion. Upon  this  he  began  a  hurried  retreat  to  join 
the  8th  corps,  which  at  the  same  time  commenced  its 
northward  march  from  Frankfort.  The  rapid  move- 
ments of  the  Prussians,  however,  again  frustrated  the 
federal  commander. 

General  von  Falckenstein,  who  had  been  appointed 
to  the  command  of  all  the  Prussian  forces  in  the  west, 
rapidly  concentrated  his  army  after  the  capitulation 
of  the  Hanoverians,  and  moved  upon  Frankfort  via 
Fulda.  On  July  4  he  worsted  the  Bavarian  detach- 
ment at  Wiesenthal,  inducing  the  retirement  of  the 
whole  Bavarian  army  beyond  the  Saale.  Prince 
Alexander,  commanding  the  8th  corps,  upon  learning 
of  this  commenced  his  retreat  on  Frankfort.  On  the 
6th  General  von  Falckenstein  occupied  Fulda,  and  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  seventy  miles  of  country  sepa- 
rated the  two  corps  of  the  federal  army,  he  determined 
to  overwhelm  them  in  detail.  He  did  not  overrate 
the  demoralization  in  Prince  Alexander's  ranks  when 
he  concluded  that  there  was  little  to  fear  from  the  8th 
corps  for  some  days  to  come.  On  the  8th  he  broke 
up  his  quarters  at  Fulda,  on  the  9th  he  crossed  the 
Hohe  Hhon,  and  the  next  morning  hurled  his  forces 


252      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

against  the  astonished  Bavarians  at  Hammelburg, 
Kissingen,  and  Waldaschach  on  the  Saale.  At  every 
point  the  Bavarians  were  outnumbered,  and  so  far 
separated  from  their  supports  that  no  aid  was  possible 
during  the  day.  Kissingen  became  sadly  changed  in 
a  few  hours.  Its  fashionable  devotees  were  awakened 
by  the  uproar  of  military  preparations,  and  found 
themselves  enforced  witnesses  of  a  fierce  combat. 
The  bridges  over  the  Saale  were  destroyed  and  the 
streets  barricaded ;  but  before  these  precautions  were 
completed  Goeben's  Prussian  division  was  attacking. 
The  Bavarians  fought  well,  but  under  cover  of  their 
superior  artillery  the  Prussians  crossed  the  river,  and 
carried  the  fight  into  the  streets  of  the  town.  In  the 
Kurgarten,  where  twice  a  day  fashion  held  high  car- 
nival, the  combatants  closed  with  the  bayonet.  At 
three  o'clock  the  Prussians  had  carried  the  town, 
leaving  its  finery  sadly  battle-scarred.  The  Bavarians, 
doggedly  retreating,  maintained  desultory  skirmishing 
until  dark.  The  retreat  from  Hammelburg  had  com- 
menced earlier  in  the  day,  while  at  Waldaschach  Gen- 
eral ManteufM's  division  encountered  only  feeble 
resistance. 

By  these  successes  General  Falckenstein  won  the 
line  of  the  Saale,  and  temporarily  paralyzed  the  Ba- 
varian army  for  offensive  movements.  On  the  llth 
he  turned  against  the  8th  corps,  directing  Beyer's 
division  to  Hanau,  and  Goeben's  division  against  As- 
chaffenburg  via  Laufach,  where  the  troops  of  Hesse 
Darmstadt  were  in  position.  On  the  13th  Goeben 
carried  Laufach,  and  the  next  day  encountered  the 
Austrian  brigade  of  the  8th  corps  at  Aschaffen- 
burg.  The  action  there  was  not  especially  severe. 
The  Austrian  artillery  was  well  served,  but  their  in- 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY.  253 

fantry,  composed  largely  of  Italians,  was  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  lost  2,000  prisoners  by  becoming 
jammed  in  the  streets  of  the  town.  This  fight  set- 
tled the  fate  of  Frankfort,  and  there  was  a  general 
stampede  of  federal  functionaries,  civil  and  military. 
Alarmed  at  the  defeat  of  his  advanced  brigades, 
Prince  Alexander  hastily  withdrew  from  the  city,  and 
on  the  15th  had  his  whole  army  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Main.  On  the  16th  General  Falckenstein  entered 
Frankfort,  the  public  buildings  were  placed  under 
military  guard,  and  the  Prussian  colors  hoisted  upon 
the  palace  of  Thurn  and  Taxis.  The  free  city  of 
Frankfort,  the  capital  of  the  German  confederation, 
was  to  be  from  henceforth  a  Prussian  municipality. 

From  this  time  the  federal  cause  in  the  west  was 
hopeless.  On  the  15th  Prince  Alexander  effected  a 
junction  with  the  Bavarians,  but  it  was  then  too  late 
to  reap  the  benefits  that  would  have  attended  an  ear- 
lier consummation  of  the  movement.  Both  the  fed- 
eral corps  were  dispirited  by  their  lack  of  success  as 
well  as  by  the  tidings  of  Koniggrjitz  and  the  Prussian 
advance  on  Vienna.  The  Bavarians  had  lost  confi- 
dence in  their  leaders,  and  the  heterogeneous  soldiery 
of  the  8th  corps  had  fought  without  enthusiasm  from 
the  first. 

As  for  the  Prussians,  their  condition  was  exactly 
the  reverse.  General  von  Falckenstein  was  called  to 
assume  the  military  governorship  of  Bohemia,  but  he 
was  ably  succeeded  by  General  Manteuffel.  Further- 
more, a  reserve  corps  had  been  formed  at  Leipsic,  and 
under  the  command  of  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklen- 
burg-Schwerin  was  preparing  to  invade  Bavaria  in 
the  direction  of  Hof.  The  army  of  the  Main,  as 
Manteuffel's  army  was  now  styled,  had  been  strength- 


254     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ened  also  by  the  military  contingents  of  Oldenburg, 
Hamburg,  Liibeck,  Waldeck,  Bremen,  and  Schwarz> 
burg-Sonderhausen,  aggregating  10,000  men. 

On  the  21st  Manteuffel  advanced  from  Frankfort. 
Prince  Charles  of  Bavaria  was  at  a  loss  what  course 
to  pursue.  If  he  stood  fast  against  Manteuffel  he 
left  the  road  open  for  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklen- 
burg to  march  on  Munich.  If  he  retreated  to  cover 
the  capital  he  permitted  a  union  of  the  two  Prussian 
armies.  While  he  was  thus  undecided,  on  the  24th 
Manteuffel  attacked  the  8th  corps  on  the  Tauber. 
At  Werbach  where  the  Badeners  were  in  position, 
and  at  Tauberbischofsheim  held  by  the  Wiirteinberg- 
ers,  there  was  some  sharp  fighting,  but  at  both  places 
the  Prussians  forced  a  passage  of  the  river.  Prince 
Alexander  retired  to  Gerscheim  midway  between 
Wiirzburg  and  Tauberbischofsheim.  That  night  the 
Bavarian  army  came  up  on  his  right,  prolonging  the 
line  of  battle  to  the  vicinity  of  Utingen  and  Helm- 
stadt  on  the  north. 

There  was  desultory  fighting  all  along  this  front  of 
ten  miles  on  the  day  following.  After  dark  Prince 
Alexander  began  his  retreat  upon  Wiirzburg.  Prince 
Charles,  ignorant  of  this  movement,  and  having  his 
troops  better  in  hand,  moved  against  Utingen  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th.  He  was  not  long  in  discover- 
ing that  his  left  flank  was  uncovered,  and  that  his 
communications  with  Wiirzburg  were  threatened  by 
Goeben's  victorious  troops.  A  hasty  retreat  at  once 
commenced,  and  before  night  the  whole  federal  army 
was  reunited  at  Wiirzburg.  With  the  Main  in  its 
rear  and  a  determined  foe  in  front,  the  position  of 
this  army  was  most  critical.  It  was  literally  besieged, 
while  the  troops  of  the  Prussian  reserve  corps  at 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  FEDERAL  ARMY.  255 

Baireuth  had  an  open  march  to  Munich.  The  one 
hope  of  the  federal  forces  lay  in  the  efforts  of  Herr 
von  der  Pf ordten,  the  Bavarian  ambassador,  who  had 
been  at  Nikolsburg  for  some  days  endeavoring  to 
arrange  an  honorable  peace  with  Prussia. 

Bismarck's  dealings  with  Pfordten  were  more  brief 
than  conciliatory.  Bavaria  must  yield  all  her  terri- 
tory north  of  the  Main,  and  consent  to  the  payment 
of  a  war  indemnity.  In  vain  the  Bavarian  protested 
against  these  harsh  conditions.  When  it  became 
clear  that  Vienna  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  Prussians, 
and  he  learned  that  the  great  fortress  of  Wiirzburg 
was  fast  becoming  a  rubbish  heap  under  the  bombard- 
ment of  Manteuffel's  artillery,  Pfordten  yielded  to 
the  inevitable.  News  of  the  armistice  reached  Wiirz- 
burg on  the  29th  after  a  day  of  terrific  cannonade. 
Hostilities  were  immediately  suspended,  and  before 
the  close  of  the  month  preliminaries  of  peace  had 
been  signed  between  Prussia,  Bavaria,  and  all  those 
states  whose  contingents  made  up  the  8th  federal 
corps. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  ITALIAN   CAMPAIGN   OF  1866. 

ITALIAN  AFFAIRS  AFTER  THE  DEATH  OF  CAVOUR.  —  GARIBALDI 
AGAIN.  —  THE  BATTLE  AT  ASPROMONTE.  —  FALL  OF  THE  RA- 
TAZZI  MINISTRY.  —  FRANCE  AND  THE  ROMAN  QUESTION. — 
DROUYN  DE  LHUYS  ON  THE  SITUATION.  —  TRANSFER  OF  THE 
NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT  TO  FLORENCE.  —  JOY  OF  THE  FLOREN- 
TINES. —  DECLARATION  OF  WAR  UPON  AUSTRIA.  —  CONDITION 
OF  THE  OPPOSING  ARMIES.  —  THE  GERMAN  PLAN  FOR  THE 
ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  AND  ITS  REJECTION  AT  FLORENCE.  —  THE 
ITALIAN  ARMY  CROSSES  THE  MINCIO.  —  THE  PLANS  OF  THE  OP- 
POSING COMMANDERS  RESULT  IN  A  COLLISION.  —  THE  THEATRE 
OF  ACTION,  -r-  OPENING  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  CUSTOZZA  ON  THE 
ITALIAN  RIGHT.  — FIGHTING  AT  OLIOSI  AND  ROUT  OF  THE 
ITALIAN  LEFT  WING.  —  BOLD  AND  SUCCESSFUL  MOVE  OF  THE 
ITALIAN  GENERAL  PIANELLI  TO  CHECK  THE  AUSTRIAN  PURSUIT. 
—  PROGRESS  OF  THE  BATTLE  IN  THE  CENTRE.  —  LA  MARMO- 
RA'S INCAPACITY.  —  STATE  OF  THE  BATTLE  AT  Two  O'CLOCK.  — 
CONCENTRIC  ATTACK  OF  THE  ARCHDUKE  UPON  CUSTOZZA  AND 
RETREAT  OF  THE  ITALIANS.  —  THE  ITALIAN  ARMY  RECROSSES 
THE  MINCIO.  —  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  LA  MARMORA  FOR  THE  DE- 
FEAT. —  THE  ARCHDUKE  ALBRECHT  SUMMONED  TO  VIENNA.  — 
ADVANCE  OF  THE  ITALIAN  ARMY  UNDER  CIALDINI.  —  DEFEAT 
OF  THE  ITALIAN  FLEET  AT  LISSA.  —  DEGRADATION  OF  ADMIRAL 
PERSANO.  —  GOOD  FAITH  OF  THE  ITALIAN  GOVERNMENT  IN  1866. 

ON  the  evening  when  Prince  Frederick  Charles 
was  concentrating  his  troops  at  Reichenberg,  prepara- 
tory to  their  first  contest  with  the  Kaiserliks,  the  last 
echoes  of  a  stern  battle  were  reverberating  among  the 
hills  of  the  Lago  di  Garda,  and  an  Italian  army  was 
retreating  from  a  disastrous  field. 

The  course  of  events  in  Italy  since  Cavour's  death 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866.        257  t 

had  been  marked  by  bitter  parliamentary  strifes,  by 
the  fall  of  ministries,  and  by  inglorious  insurrections, 
until  the  battle-cry  of  "  Venetia "  united  the  nation 
anew.  The  ministry  of  Baron  Bicasoli,  who  succeeded 
Cavour,  fell  in  a  few  months  for  alleged  lukewarm- 
ness  on  the  Roman  question.  Signer  Ratazzi  would 
have  left  an  enviable  record  as  prime  minister  except 
for  this  same  Roman  question.  After  a  few  months 
of  prosperity,  however,  during  which  the  diplomatic  re- 
lations of  Italy  steadily  improved,  and  numerous  inter- 
nal improvements  were  instituted,  he  was  confronted  by 
a  Garibaldian  revolution  with  its  battle-cry  of  "  Rome 
or  death."  This  was  in  July,  1862.  Garibaldi  made 
his  appearance  in  Sicily,  and  summoned  his  old  com- 
rades about  him  for  the  march  upon  the  eternal  city. 
Perhaps  Cavour  would  have  found  a  way  of  turning 
even  this  crowning  folly  of  Garibaldi  to  some  good 
account,  but  Ratazzi  saw  but  one  course  of  action  in 
the  crisis.  He  immediately  placed  the  Two  Sicilies 
in  a  state  of  siege,  and  dispatched  General  La  Mar- 
mora to  restore  order.  On  the  29th  of  August  Gari- 
baldi was  confronted  by  the  royal  troops  at  Aspro- 
monte.  There  was  but  little  fighting,  but  an  unlucky 
bullet  inflicted  a  wound  upon  Garibaldi's  ankle  that 
was  attended  with  the  most  serious  political  conse- 
quences. The  republican  faction  heading  all  disaffec- 
tions  started  a  fierce  agitation  against  the  Ratazzi 
ministry.  Garibaldi  was  held  up  as  a  patriot  and 
martyr.  The  prime  minister  was  decried  as  an  im- 
perialist and  a  traitor.  The  ministry  resigned,  and 
in  the  fall  of  1862  was  succeeded  by  that  of  Signer 
Farini.  Ill  health  brought  his  administration  to  an 
end  in  a  few  months.  Signer  Minghetti  followed, 
and  infused  new  vigor  into  the  government.  Brig- 


258      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

andage  in  the  southern  provinces  was  mercilessly 
hunted  down,  new  railways  were  opened,  and  the 
whole  financial  system  was  reformed. 

At  length  (1864)  the  incessant  importunity  of  the 
Italian  government  with  reference  to  Rome  began  to 
bear  fruit  at  Paris.  The  emperor  wanted  Austria 
driven  from  Italy,  but  so  long  as  he  held  Rome  he 
could  hardly  lay  stress  upon  this  point.  At  length 
he  agreed  to  withdraw  his  troops  on  the  promise  of 
the  Italian  government  to  protect  the  Papal  See ;  a 
promise  accompanied  by  the  transfer  of  the  royal 
capital  from  Turin  to  Florence  as  a  pledge  of  good 
faith.  "  Of  course  this  will  all  end  in  your  going  to 
Rome,"  was  the  whispered  remark  of  M.  Drouyn  de 
Lhuys  to  the  Italian  minister  at  Paris,  "  but  it  is 
important  that  between  this  event  and  that  of  the 
evacuation  such  an  interval  may  elapse,  and  such  a 
series  of  incidents  occur,  as  to  do  away  with  the  pos- 
sibility of  establishing  any  connection  between  them  : 
France  must  not  be  held  responsible." 

The  Italian  government  accepted  the  conditions, 
and  yet  so  bitter  was  the  feeling  engendered  through- 
out Piedmont,  and  especially  in  Turin,  upon  its  an- 
nouncement that  the  Minghetti  ministry  resigned. 
The  king  summoned  General  La  Marmora  to  form 
a  new  cabinet,  and  he  proved  the  right  man  for  the 
crisis.  He  supported  the  odious  arrangement  in  a 
curt  and  military  fashion.  "  The  king's  signature  is 
there  —  and  that  is  enough,"  he  declared  in  the  Cham- 
ber. The  arrangement  was  finally  indorsed  and  by  a 
large  majority.  Turin  became  simply  the  chief  city  of 
Piedmont,  the  ancient  seat  of  the  Sardinian  kings. 
Florence  became  the  capital  of  united  Italy.  If  Turin 
was  grieved  and  angry,  Florence  welcomed  the  king 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866.        259 

with  open  arms.  In  November,  1865,  the  parliament 
convened  in  the  great  hall  of  the  Palazzo  Vecchio, 
from  the  walls  of  which  the  strong  features  of  the 
Medici  looked  down  through  the  dimness  of  the  cen- 
turies. Florence  rang  her  bells  anew,  not  in  warn- 
ing but  in  joy.  The  banner  of  the  republic  or  the 
arms  of  the  Medici  had  never  been  so  glad  a  sight  to 
Florence  as  the  tricolor  with  the  emblem  of  Savoy 
that  now  floated  from  the  battlements  of  the  Palazzo 
Pitti. 

Having  so  far  settled  the  Roman  question  as  to 
have  gained  a  promise  of  the  withdrawal  of  the 
French  troops,  Victor  Emmanuel  and  his  ministry 
turned  their  attention  to  Venice.  The  hostility  be- 
tween Austria  and  Prussia  proved  their  opportunity. 
The  king  through  the  French  emperor  sought  to 
induce  Austria  to  yield  Venetia  as  the  price  of  Italian 
neutrality  in  the  approaching  contest,  but  Austria 
was  too  confident  at  this  time  to  heed  such  a  pro- 
posal. In  the  mean  time  General  Govone  concluded 
the  Italo-Prussian  alliance  with  Bismarck  at  Berlin. 
From  this  time  Italy  steadily  prepared  for  war. 

The  Italian  declaration  of  war  was  issued  on  the 
20th  of  June.  The  king  left  Florence  to  take  the 
command  of  the  army,  General  La  Marmora  acting 
as  chief  of  staff.  The  army  consisted  at  this  time  of 
four  strong  corps,  the  1st  under  General  Durando  at 
Cavriana,  the  2d  under  Cucchiari  at  Castellucchio, 
the  3d  under  Delia  Rocca  at  Gazzoldo,  and  the  4th 
under  Cialdini  in  the  vicinity  of  Ferrara,  a  total 
strength  of  nearly  160,000  men.  The  Archduke  Al- 
brecht,  who  commanded  the  Kaiser's  forces  in  Vene- 
tia, could  muster  about  Verona  scarcely  more  than 
one  third  as  many  bayonets  as  his  foe.  He  had  the 


260       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

5th  corps  under  General  Rodich,  the  7th  under  Field 
Marshal  di  Madonna  del  Monte,  the  9th  under  Gen- 
eral Hartung,  and  a  reserve  infantry  division  com- 
manded by  General  Rupprecht.  Each  of  these  corps 
comprised  three  infantry  brigades  of  an  average 
strength  of  5,000  men. 

It  seems  that  a  plan  of  campaign  was  forwarded 
from  Berlin  for  the  consideration  of  the  royal  staff. 
It  provided  for  the  masking  of  the  Quadrilateral  and 
the  embarkation  of  the  main  Italian  army  for  some 
point  near  Trieste  from  which  it  could  conveniently 
march  upon  Vienna.  In  other  words,  the  Prussian 
idea  was  for  the  Italians  to  fight  a  defensive  battle 
on  the  Mincio  and  the  Po,  while  they  threatened 
Vienna  from  Styria.  In  consideration  of  the  great 
numerical  superiority  of  the  Italians,  this  plan  was 
feasible  from  a  military  point  of  view,  but  it  did  not 
find  favor  with  La  Marmora.  His  preference  and 
the  sentiment  of  Italy  was  for  a  march  on  Venice 
rather  than  on  Vienna. 

The  plan  adopted  at  the  Italian  headquarters  at 
Goito  was  to  occupy  the  Quadrilateral  in  force,  to 
isolate  the  fortresses,  and  push  back  the  Austrian 
field  army.  On  the  23d,  in  pursuance  of  orders 
issued  from  headquarters  on  the  day  previous,  the 
Italian  armies  began  their  advance.  The  1st  corps 
passed  the  Mincio  at  Monzambano,  Borghetto,  and 
Molino  di  Volta,  Pianelli's  division  being  retained  on 
the  right  bank  to  watch  the  garrison  of  Peschiera. 
The  entire  3d  corps  crossed  at  Goito  and  bivouacked 
between  Massimbona  and  Pozzolo.  The  2d  corps  was 
badly  distributed.  Three  of  its  brigades  were  directed 
upon  Mantua,  another  brigade  detailed  to  watch  Bor- 
goforte,  while  two  divisions  remained  at  Castellucchio 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866.        261 

with  orders  to  cross  the  Mincio  on  the  24th  as  a  sup- 
port to  the  1st  and  3d  corps. 

General  La  Marmora  took  it  for  granted  that  the 
archduke  would  not  accept  a  battle  west  of  the  Adige. 
On  the  23d  he  issued  his  orders  to  the  commanders 
of  the  1st  and  3d  corps  to  occupy  the  heights  of  Sona 
and  Sommacampagna.  No  one  seems  to  have  an- 
ticipated that  it  might  be  necessary  to  fight  for  these 
positions.  Consequently  at  daybreak  on  the  24th  the 
men  commenced  their  march  with  empty  stomachs,  in 
heavy  marching  order,  and  without  even  the  protec- 
tion of  patrols. 

The  Archduke  Albrecht  kept  himself  well  informed 
as  to  the  whereabouts  of  his  enemy  and  used  his 
cavalry  to  good  advantage.  The  passage  of  the  3d 
Italian  corps  at  Goito  and  the  position  of  Durando's 
forces  led  him  to  infer  that  the  Italian  armies  were 
aiming  at  concentration  in  the  vicinity  of  Albaredo 
on  the  Adige.  With  this  impression  in  mind  he  gave 
orders  on  the  23d  to  occupy  the  heights  of  Somma- 
campagna. His  plan  was  excellently  conceived.  His 
forces  took  position  on  a  line  from  Sandra  through 
Sona  to  Sommacampagna,  and  pivoting  on  the  latter 
place  executed  a  wheel  to  the  left,  establishing  a  new 
line  from  Castelnuovo  to  Sommacampagna  facing 
southwest.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  on  the  morning 
of  June  24,  when  La  Marmora's  hungry  and  heavily- 
laden  troops  were  marching  loosely  to  occupy  the 
coveted  positions,  the  Austrians  were  also  advancing 
excellently  prepared  for  combat. 

The  theatre  of  action  was  a  memorable  one  in  Aus- 
trian and  Italian  military  history.  For  the  Italians 
it  was  teeming  with  gloomy  and  bitter  memories. 
Here  in  Villafranca,  resounding  this  morning  with 


262      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

the  rumble  of  artillery  and  the  blare  of  the  bugles  of 
Prince  Humbert's  division,  the  hateful  convention 
of  1859  was  signed  by  Napoleon  and  the  Kaiser. 
Hardly  a  league  distant,  drowsily  sleeping  among 
those  hilltops  above  the  hot  valley  of  the  Tione  is 
the  village  of  Custozza  where  the  Sardinians  were 
defeated  by  Radetsky  in  1849.  A  few  miles  away 
toward  the  west,  invisible  it  is  true,  is  the  shot- 
scarred  tower  of  Solferino  and  the  grave-sprinkled 
slope  before  San  Martino.  It  was  indeed  a  sad  coun- 
try for  the  Italians,  and  destined  to  become  more  so. 

About  seven  o'clock  Prince  Humbert's  division, 
advancing  from  Villafranca  upon  Ganfardine  and 
Dossobuono,  fell  in  with  the  Austrian  outposts.  Upon 
this  General  Brignone,  whose  division  had  crossed 
the  Tione  and  was  approaching  Staffalo,  promptly 
seized  the  heights  of  Custozza  and  the  Monte  Croce, 
whose  summits  command  the  road  from  Custozza  to 
Sommacampagna,  This  movement  was  executed  none 
too  soon,  for  when  the  first  troops  gained  the  Monte 
Croce  the  Austrians  could  be  descried  on  the  heights 
of  the  Berettara  across  the  valley  to  the  north.  Bri- 
gnone was  soon  warmly  engaged,  the  Lombard  grena- 
dier brigade  on  the  heights  of  Custozza,  the  Pied- 
montese  grenadiers  on  the  Monte  Croce. 

About  the  same  time  the  Italian  left  wing  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Tione  had  begun  the  action. 
General  Cerale's  division,  after  having  lost  its  way  at 
Monzambano  and  marched  nearly  to  Valeggio  in  the 
efforts  to  find  Castelnuovo,  came  up  with  the  Austrian 
division  of  reserve  infantry  near  Oliosi  about  six  in 
the  morning.  The  Pisa  brigade  drove  the  Austrians 
from  Mongrabia  and  from  their  strong  positions  on 
the  Monte  Cricol.  The  other  brigade  of  the  division, 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866.        263 

however,  was  thrown  into  disorder  by  a  flank  attack 
of  Piret's  brigade  of  the  5th  corps,  which  had  arrived 
to  General  Rupprecht's  succor.  General  Cerale  was 
wounded  in  the  melee,  and  the  Pisa  brigade  had  no 
alternative  but  to  retire.  The  young  soldiers,  so  full 
of  elan  in  the  advance,  became  panicky  when  the 
bugles  sounded  the  retreat.  The  reserve  of  the  1st 
corps  arrived  at  Monte  Vento  about  half  past  ten  and 
covered  the  retreat  of  the  discomfited  battalions. 

General  Sirtori  with  his  division  had  likewise  been 
warmly  engaged  with  the  Austrian  5th  corps  on  the 
Pernisa  plateau  and  between  that  point  and  Santa 
Lucia.  About  two  o'clock,  however,  despairing  of 
supports,  he  abandoned  the  latter  place  and  began 
his  retreat  upon  Valeggio.  This  movement  also  ne- 
cessitated the  withdrawal  of  the  reserve  from  Monte 
Vento,  the  right  flank  of  the  position  being  exposed, 
and  no  hope  remaining  of  rallying  Cerale's  division. 

In  the  mean  while,  unknown  to  his  colleagues,  Gen- 
eral Pianelli  had  crossed  the  Mincio  and  adminis- 
tered a  severe  repulse  to  the  extreme  Austrian  right. 
He  retired  to  Monte  Sabbione  with  several  hundred 
prisoners,  and  had  his  presence  there  been  known 
earlier  the  retreat  of  Sirtori  and  the  reserve  artillery 
would  hardly  have  been  necessary. 

The  dissipation  of  the  Italian  left  wing  compro- 
mised the  central  positions  about  Custozza.  The  fight 
in  that  vicinity  had  been  stubbornly  maintained 
throughout  the  morning,  the  Archduke  Albrecht  em- 
ploying the  7th  and  9th  corps  in  repeated  efforts  to 
gain  the  heights.  The  Lombard  grenadiers  were 
driven  from  Custozza  in  disorder  and  Prince  Amedeo 
wounded.  The  Piedmontese  made  good  the  Monte 
Croce  against  all  assaults,  but  were  relieved  about 


264       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ten  o'clock  by  Cugia's  division.  Brignone's  division 
had  been  subjected  to  such  losses  as  to  be  considered 
out  of  the  fight.  Govone's  division  covered  Cugia's 
left,  and  after  some  hard  fighting  recaptured  Cus- 
tozza.  Before  this  La  Marmora  had  left  his  centre, 
and  was  riding  away  to  Valeggio  to  hunt  up  his 
missing  divisions.  The  Italian  commander  had  no 
staff  with  him  on  this  critical  day,  and  in  his  efforts 
to  be  at  every  point  and  keep  track  of  the  battle  was 
never  to  be  found  when  wanted  and  always  laboring 
under  erroneous  impressions.  At  noon  La  Marmora 
at  Valeggio  believed  the  army  to  be  lost,  but  in  point 
of  fact  at  two  o'clock  Pianelli,  Sirtori,  Cugia,  and 
Govone  were  still  unshaken,  while  Bixio  and  Hum- 
bert had  not  been  fairly  engaged  and  were  being  held 
in  inaction  by  the  movements  of  a  few  audacious  cav- 
alrymen. But  at  3.30  another  face  was  put  upon 
matters.  Sirtori  was  then  in  retreat,  and  Pianelli 
moving  toward  the  Mincio.  The  Archduke  Albrecht, 
with  his  right  wing  free,  inaugurated  a  strong  concen- 
tric movement  against  the  heart  of  the  Italian  posi- 
tion. One  brigade  of  the  5th  corps,  advancing  from 
Santa  Lucia,  threatened  Govone's  flank  and  rendered 
the  heights  of  Custozza  untenable.  In  vain  the  Ital- 
ian general  pleaded  for  reinforcements.  The  divi- 
sions of  Bixio  and  Humbert  continued  idle,  though  a 
movement  by  them  upon  Sommacampagna  would  have 
paralyzed  the  Austrian  attack.  Govone  retired  slowly, 
relinquishing  Custozza  about  six  o'clock,  while  Cugia, 
finding  himself  abandoned  by  his  colleague,  also  be- 
gan to  retread.  When  at  last  the  archduke  found 
himself  master  of  the  heights  of  Custozza,  the  strength 
of  his  troops  was  spent.  The  intense  heat  of  the 
cloudless  day  had  been  almost  insufferable.  No  pur- 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866.        265 

suit  was  attempted,  and  the  soldiers  of  Bixio  and 
Humbert  had  scarcely  an  opportunity  to  foul  their 
gun-barrels  in  covering  the  retreat  upon  Villaf ranca. 
The  retrograde  movement  did  not  cease  at  that  point, 
and  through  the  darkness  of  the  sultry  night  the 
broken  battalions  of  the  Italian  army  plodded  heav- 
ily over  the  roads  to  Goito  and  Valeggio.  Even  the 
bridge  at  the  latter  place  was  destroyed,  a  move  that 
for  the  first  time  led  the  archduke  to  appreciate  the 
magnitude  of  his  success.  This  unwarrantable  act 
proclaimed  that  the  Italian  commander,  far  from 
meditating  a  renewal  of  the  march  upon  Venice,  had 
entirely  abandoned  the  Quadrilateral,  and  deemed 
the  unbroken  current  of  the  Mincio  necessary  to  the 
safety  of  his  rear-guard. 

Most  military  critics  agree  that  La  Marmora's  neg- 
ligence in  not  keeping  his  staff  near  him  was  the 
principal  cause  of  the  defeat  of  Custozza.  It  was 
Cerale's  fugitives  streaming  through  Valeggio  that 
frightened  the  Italian  general  into  the  idea  that  all 
was  lost,  and  that  Bixio  and  Humbert  must  be  held 
intact  to  cover  the  rout.  If  he  had  been  in  commu- 
nication with  his  whole  line,  and  spent  more  time  on 
the  Tione  and  less  on  the  Mincio,  Sirtori  need  not 
have  abandoned  Santa  Lucia,  and  Custozza  would 
have  been  impregnable. 

The  Archduke  Albrecht  showed  himself  a  capable 
soldier,  and  handled  his  troops  wisely,  if  not  bril- 
liantly. He  becanie  the  idol  of  the  army,  and  a  fort- 
night after  the  battle  was  summoned  to  Vienna  to 
succeed  the  hapless  Benedek.  The  5th  and  9th  corps 
were  also  called  to  the  defense  of  the  capital,  leaving 
a  force  of  barely  25,000  men  for  the  defense  of  the 
Quadrilateral. 


266       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

The  battle  of  Custozza  cost  La  Marmora  his  com- 
mand, which  was  conferred  upon  Cialdini.  On  the 
7th  of  July,  the  confidence  of  the  Italian  army  hav- 
in°-  been  somewhat  restored,  he  commenced  an  ad- 

o 

vance,  pushing  his  vanguard  across  the  Po  that  even- 
ing. The  Austrian  general  did  not  attempt  to  oppose 
him.  On  the  14th  the  Italian  vanguard  occupied 
Padua ;  on  the  15th  Vicenza.  On  the  18th  the  divi- 
sion of  General  Nunziante  drove  the  Austrian  garrison 
from  Borgoforte.  On  the  22d,  when  a  truce  was  con- 
cluded, Cialdini's  left  was  on  the  Isonzo  and  his  right 
within  view  of  Venice. 

But  the  improved  military  status  was  offset  by  an- 
other humiliation.  On  July  20  the  Italian  fleet  of 
Admiral  Persano  was  worsted  by  an  inferior  squadron 
off  Lissa.  Three  Italian  iron-clads,  the  Affondatore, 
Re  d'  Italia,  and  Palestro  were  sunk.  Lissa  was  Cus- 
tozza repeated  at  sea.  While  Persano  had  the  advan- 
tage in  ships,  tonnage,  and  weight  of  metal,  the  Italian 
seamen  were  always  fighting  at  a  disadvantage  against 
odds.  A  feeling  of  pity  for  Persano  is  irresistible, 
for  he  had  served  his  country  well  in  past  years.  He 
was  brought  before  the  senate,  of  which  he  was  a 
member,  for  trial,  charged  with  cowardice,  disobe- 
dience, incapacity,  and  negligence.  The  upper  Ital- 
ian house  had  not  attained  the  spirit  that  animated 
the  Roman  Senate  when  they  received  the  consul  who 
had  commanded  the  legions  at  Cannse.  Persano  was 
acquitted  of  cowardice  on  a  close  vote,  but  found 
guilty  of  all  other  charges  and  deprived  of  command 
and  rank. 

The  events  of  1866  have  always  been  humiliating 
memories  to  Italians.  They  gained  Venetia,  but  not 
by  the  force  of  their  own  arms.  Though  the  military 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1866.        267 

pride  of  Italy  was  wounded,  she  certainly  has  high 
claims  to  satisfaction.  The  policy  of  the  royal  gov- 
ernment throughout  the  year  1866  was  conspicuously 
honorable.  The  king  since  1859  had  always  insisted 
upon  his  determination  to  carry  Italian  freedom  to  the 
Adriatic.  His  position  was  thoroughly  understood  at 
Vienna,  and  his  practical  avowal  that  the  cession  of 
Venetia  was  the  only  inducement  which  would  keep 
him  neutral  in  a  German  war  was  no  surprise  to  the 
Austrian  statesmen.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty 
with  Prussia  the  king,  though  tried,  proved  himself 
above  temptation.  In  the  spring  Austria,  thoroughly 
alarmed,  agreed  to  his  proposition  made  in  the  winter. 
But  she  met  with  a  rebuff,  for  Victor  Emmanuel 
was  then  bound,  not  only  to  Venetia,  but  to  Prussia 
as  well.  After  the  battle  of  Koniggratz,  with  his 
army  still  demoralized  by  Custozza,  he  again  put  aside 
Venetia  and  the  blessings  of  peace  until  his  duty 
toward  Prussia  was  thoroughly  fulfilled.  Cialdini's 
advance  into  Venetia  was  ordered  after  the  Austrian 
cession  of  that  province  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French. 
The  Italian  army  was  poorly  organized,  poorly 
equipped,  and  badly  directed,  but  its  prowess  was 
unquestionable.  If  it  did  not  win  a  battle,  it  detained 
75,000  good  Austrian  soldiers,  who  might  have  turned 
the  scale  on  the  Iser  or  at  Koniggratz. 

Italy  need  not  blush  for  Custozza  or  Lissa,  but  she 
may  take  pride  in  the  whole-souled  commendation  of 
her  powerful  ally.  On  December  20,  1866,  Prince 
Bismarck  made  the  following  declaration  in  the  Prus- 
sian Chambers:  "We  had  powerful  support  in  the 
incorruptible  fidelity  of  Italy  —  fidelity  which  I  can- 
not too  highly  commend,  whose  value  I  cannot  too 
highly  appreciate.  The  Italian  government  resisted 


268     THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE. 

firmly  the  temptation  to  violate  the  alliance  on  ac- 
count of  Austria's  gift  (the  cession  of  Venetia),  who 
was  our  mutual  foe  ;  from  this  fact  we  may  draw 
strong  hopes  that  in  the  future  the  most  cordial  rela- 
tions will  unite  Germany  and  Italy." 


CHAPTEK  XXL 

EESULTS   OF  THE   SEVEN  WEEKS*   WAR. 

THE  TREATY  OF  PRAGUE.  —  THE  FOUR  GREAT  RESULTS  OF  THE 
SEVEN  WEEKS'  WAR.  —  THE  FEDERAL  REICHSTAG.  —  BISMARCK 
AND  BENEDETTI.  —  BISMARCK  AND  SOUTH  GERMANY.  —  THE  NEW 
ERA  IN  AUSTRIA.  —  THE  TRANSFER  OF  VENETIA.  —  VICTOR  EM- 
MANUEL IN  VENICE.  —  CRITICAL  CONDITION  OF  EUROPE  IN  1867. 

PRUSSIA  concluded  peace  with  all  the  South  Ger- 
man states  except  Darmstadt  before  the  close  of 
August.  On  August  23  the  treaty  of  Prague  was 
concluded  with  Austria,  and  on  October  3  the  treaty 
of  Vienna  was  signed  between  Austria  and  Italy. 

The  treaty  of  Prague  was  a  substantial  ratification 
of  the  Nikolsburg  preliminaries.  South  Germany 
procured  peace  at  the  expense  of  heavy  indemnities, 
and  in  the  case  of  Hesse  Darmstadt  and  Bavaria  the 
cession  of  territory  north  of  the  Main.  The  treaty  of 
Vienna  ratified  the  union  of  Venetia  with  the  Italian 
kingdom. 

The  results  of  the  Seven  Weeks'  war  may  be 
summed  up  under  four  heads  :  first,  the  exaltation  of 
Prussia  and  the  formation  of  the  North  German  con- 
federation under  her  leadership  ;  second,  the  disap- 
pearance of  Austria  as  a  German  power  ;  third,  the 
realization  of  Italian  freedom  from  the  Alps  to  the 
Adriatic;  and  fourth,  the  shattering  of  Napoleon's 
air-castles.  England  and  Russia  were  not  seriously 
influenced.  The  London  government  experienced 


270       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

some  misgiving  over  what  it  regarded  as  the  downfall 
of  continental  conservatism,  while  St.  Petersburg  was 
still  inclined  to  regard  with  complacency  any  humilia- 
tion of  Austria. 

Bismarck  returned  to  Berlin  with  his  policy  vin- 
dicated and  his  popularity  assured.  In  1849  he  had 
publicly  declared  that  the  most  prominent  charac- 
teristic of  Prussian  nationality  was  its  warlike  ele- 
ment. It  remained  for  the  first  battles  in  Bohemia 
to  demonstrate  the  truth  of  his  words.  The  news 
of  victory  worked  a  transformation  throughout  the 
nation,  and  the  very  men  whose  names  had  been 
prominent  on  peace  petitions  joined  lustily  in  the 
popular  shout  of  "  to  Vienna."  The  soldiers  who 
left  their  occupations  with  reluctance,  and  entered 
the  ranks  without  enthusiasm,  took  kindly  to  the 
bloody  work  on  the  heights  above  Sadowa,  and  even 
grumbled  over  the  early  cessation  of  hostilities.  It 
was  remarked  by  foreigners  that  there  was  a  tinge  of 
ferocity  in  the  joy  which  animated  Berlin  when  the 
regiments  from  the  Danube  began  to  throng  the  Lin- 
den, suggesting  that  it  was  induced  more  by  victorious 
war  than  the  satisfaction  of  renewed  peace. 

Bismarck  upon  returning  to  the  Diet  found  a  spirit 
of  congratulation  and  adulation,  where  two  months  be- 
fore he  had  encountered  only  hostility  and  invective. 
The  houses  almost  unanimously  acquiesced  in  the 
proposed  incorporation  of  Hanover  and  Hesse  Cas- 
sel  and  Nassau  into  the  Prussian  kingdom,  and  the 
amalgamation  of  all  the  German  states  north  of  the 
Main  into  a  commercial  and  military  confederation. 
In  June,  1866,  Prussia  had  an  area  of  127,350  square 
miles  and  a  population  of  19,000,000.  Before  the 
close  of  that  year  she  had  extended  her  sway  over 


RESULTS  OF  THE  SEVEN  WEEKS'   WAR.     271 

160,000  miles  and  23,000,000  souls.  Every  state 
north  of  the  Main  was  either  incorporated  in  the 
Prussian  monarchy  or  joined  with  it  in  the  iron  bands 
of  the  North  German  confederation.  The  fate  of 
Saxony  hung  for  a  time  in  the  balance,  and  but  for 
the  efforts  of  Austria  backed  by  France  its  ancient 
house  would  have  shared  the  fate  of  that  of  Hanover. 
The  settlement  reached  was  complex  and  satisfactory 
only  to  Prussia.  The  Saxon  throne  remained  intact 
on  the  following  conditions :  That  Saxony  entered  the 
confederation,  that  the  military  and  postal  affairs 
passed  under  the  control  of  Prussia,  that  the  fortress 
of  Kb'nigstein  should  receive  a  Prussian  garrison,  and 
Dresden  a  garrison  half  Prussian,  half  Saxon,  under 
a  Prussian  commandant.  The  salt  tax  was  abolished 
and  a  war  indemnity  exacted  of  10,000,000  thalers. 

But  matters  in  the  federal  Reichstag  did  not  run 
smoothly.  Bismarck,  having  mollified  his  old  ene- 
mies, found  new  ones  in  the  delegations  from  Hano- 
ver, Hesse,  and  Saxony.  He  had  no  mercy  upon  these 
unhappy  patriots  with  their  complaints  and  protesta- 
tions. "  They  who  dealt  us  a  stab  in  the  side  in  the 
hour  of  our  danger,"  he  stormed,  "have  no  right 
afterwards  to  become  sentimental  and  complain  of 
hard  usage."  When  in  July,  1867,  Bismarck  was 
proclaimed  chancellor  of  the  confederation,  he  could 
look  back  upon  a  great  work  accomplished.  The  an- 
nexed states  were  still  turbulent,  but  for  all  that  they 
recognized  that  the  confederation  was  a  safeguard 
against  foreign  menace.  All  the  military  forces  were 
in  process  of  reorganization  on  the  Prussian  plan,  and 
the  closer  union  of  commercial  interests  was  bearing 
good  fruit. 

Bismarck  was  preparing  even  at  this  time  for  a 


272     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

danger  that  the  German  people  and  the  world  at  large 
did  not  suspect ;  he  alone  could  see  it  looming  darkly 
in  the  west  and  casting  its  shadow  over  the  Rhine- 
land.  M.  Benedetti  moved  conspicuously  in  diplo- 
matic circles  at  Berlin ;  he  was  frequently  in  confer- 
ence with  the  chancellor ;  he  passed  restlessly  back  and 
forth  between  Paris  and  Berlin.  Even  the  diplomatic 
world  did  not  know  what  this  portended,  nor  that 
the  French  ambassador  in  his  efforts  to  "  indemnify 
France  "  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  wily  chan- 
cellor a  weapon  that  was  destined  to  make  Germany 
a  military  unit  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Alps.  South 
Germany  hated  Prussia  and  the  northern  confedera- 
tion, princes  as  well  as  people.  When,  however, 
Bismarck  placed  before  them  the  paper  which  Bene- 
detti had  confided  to  him,  they,  too,  caught  a  glimpse 
of  the  tempest  gathering  in  the  west.  In  fact,  before 
the  close  of  August,  1866,  while  the  graves  at  Kis- 
sengen  and  Laufach  were  still  fresh,  the  armies  of 
South  Germany  as  well  as  those  of  the  confederation 
were  at  the  disposal  of  the  king  of  Prussia  in  case  of 
war.  Six  months  passed  before  this  was  developed, 
but  in  the  cabinet  at  Berlin,  and  in  certain  circles  in 
Munich,  Darmstadt,  and  Stuttgart,  they  knew  that 
French  diplomacy  had  miscarried,  and  that  the  would- 
be  trickster  had  been  tricked. 

Austria,  though  humiliated  in  the  field,  turned  her 
losses  to  excellent  account.  Driven  from  the  Ger- 
man brotherhood  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  it  is 
questionable  if  she  gained  less  by  her  reverse  than 
did  her  conqueror  by  the  victory.  Austria  since 
1815  had  been  endeavoring  to  "  run  "  Europe,  so  to 
speak,  or  at  least  a  large  portion  of  it.  Menacing 


RESULTS  OF  THE  SEVEN  WEEKS'  WAR.    273 

Russia  on  the  eastern  Danube,  ruling  Italy  from 
Venice  and  Milan,  snubbing  Prussia  at  Frankfort, 
and  grappling  with  Denmark  in  Schleswig,  she  had 
been  creating  foes  upon  all  hands  and  frittering  away 
her  strength.  The  warning  of  1859  passed  unheeded, 
and  it  remained  for  the  disaster  of  Koniggratz  to 
teach  the  Kaiser  the  lesson  he  had  persistently  re- 
fused to  learn  by  milder  methods.  His  reputed  mili- 
tary power  was  proved  a  mere  bubble.  His  soldiers 
fought  stubbornly  but  without  enthusiasm.  It  was 
plain  that  greater  content  must  be  achieved  at  home 
before  conquests  either  of  a  moral  or  military  nature 
could  be  achieved  abroad.  With  Hungary  hostile  or 
indifferent,  it  was  impossible  to  make  the  will  of 
Vienna  a  powerful  factor  in  the  politics  of  Europe. 

The  battle  of  Koniggratz  closed  an  epoch  of  Aus- 
trian history  and  inaugurated  a  new  era.  The  Kaiser 
extended  the  olive  branch  to  his  Magyar  subjects,  and 
gracefully  conceded  the  national  parliament  for  which 
they  had  been  clamoring  since  1848.  The  result 
demonstrated  the  wisdom  of  the  act.  The  warm- 
hearted Hungarians  expressed  their  satisfaction  by 
electing  the  emperor  and  empress  king  and  queen  of 
Hungary,  and  establishing  the  hereditary  succession 
in  the  House  of  Hapsburg.  Austria  had  at  last  en- 
tered upon  the  path  that  was  destined  to  secure  for 
her  the  strength  and  cohesion  she  had  always  lacked. 
If  the  power  of  the  Kaiser  was  felt  no  longer  on  the 
Rhine  it  became  doubly  potent  on  the  Danube.  If 
his  soldiery  had  held  their  last  parades  at  Frankfort 
and  Mayence,  there  was  more  than  a  compensating 
satisfaction  in  the  newly  gained  assurance  that  their 
presence  was  no  longer  necessary  in  the  loyal  streets 
of  Buda-Pest.  At  Vienna  they  could  not  fail  to 


274     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

remark  how  contentedly  the  empire  developed  without 
the  responsibility  of  Europe  upon  its  shoulders.  The 
enthusiasm  that  attended  the  coronation  ceremonies 
at  Buda-Pest  in  July,  1867,  formed  a  most  happy 
contrast  to  many  of  the  then  recent  political  events  in 
the  Hungarian  capital.  With  a  parliament  at  Buda- 
Pest  and  another  at  Vienna  the  internal  machinery 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy  worked  smoothly 
enough,  while  in  the  Delegations  l  the  Kaiser  found 
no  more  loyal  subjects  than  the  men  who  had  been 
nurtured  in  bitter  hatred  of  Austria,  and  who  had 
followed  the  standard  of  Kossuth. 

The  transfer  of  Venetia  was  a  move  beneficial  alike 
to  the  Venetians  and  the  contracting  powers.  Aus- 
tria lost  a  discontented  province  that  had  brought  her 
nothing  but  trouble  and  expense.  Italy  gained  an 
intensely  patriotic  people,  who  only  required  political 
content  to  make  them  prosperous.  When  in  October 
the  question  of  their  fate  was  placed  in  their  own 
hands  to  be  decided  by  ballot,  the  Venetians  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote  declared  for  annexation  to  the 
kingdom  of  Italy. 

So  the  Austrian  garrison  sailed  from  the  Lagune, 
and  the  broad  folds  of  the  tricolor  displaced  the 
black  and  yellow  banner  on  the  arsenal.  It  remained 
for  the  7th  of  November  to  furnish  the  culmination 
of  this  most  dramatic  period  in  the  history  of  north- 
ern Italy.  On  that  day  Victor  Emmanuel  passed, 
amidst  the  plaudits  of  his  newly  gained  subjects, 
across  the  crowded  piazza  and  up  the  dim  nave  to 
the  altar  of  San  Marco.  The  work  of  Italian  libera- 

1  The  Delegations  is  the  national  parliament  which  sits  at  Vienna, 
representing  Austria  and  Hungary  alike,  its  members  being  chosen 
by  the  houses  in  session  at  Vienna  and  Pest. 


RESULTS   OF  THE  SEVEN  WEEKS'  WAR.     275 

tion  inaugurated  by  the  mysterious  interview  at 
Plombieres  was  thus  dramatically  consummated  on 
the  shores  of  the  Adriatic  within  the  walls  of  the 
cathedral  of  Venice. 

It  was  a  conspicuous  fact  that  none  of  the  powers 
participating  in  the  war  of  1866  laid  down  their 
arms  upon  the  conclusion  of  peace.  A  spirit  of  un- 
rest pervaded  diplomatic  circles.  In  Italy  the  king 
was  in  constant  correspondence  with  the  French  gov- 
ernment respecting  Rome,  while  at  the  same  time  he 
suppressed  the  feverish  enthusiasm  of  "  Young  Italy." 
The  Austrian  chancellor,  Baron  Beust,  while  apply- 
ing himself  indefatigably  to  the  restoration  of  the 
resources  of  the  empire,  kept  an  ever  watchful  eye 
upon  Prussia,  and  smiled  encouragingly  upon  France 
as  a  possible  avenger  of  Koniggriitz.  And  the  chan- 
cellor of  the  north  German  confederation,  while  main- 
taining his  military  strength,  was  looking  for  an  ally 
against  France.  He  chatted  pleasantly  with  the 
French  ambassador  at  Berlin  and  hinted  at  great  pos- 
sibilities, but  in  the  mean  time  he  was  using  soft 
words  on  the  Danube,  and  talking  business  on  the 
Neva. 

France  was  the  centre  in  1867  around  which  Europe 
was  revolving.  She  held  the  key  to  the  Roman  ques- 
tion and  Italy  was  her  suitor  ;  she  possessed  an  un- 
beaten army  and  Austria  was  her  flatterer  ;  but  she 
sought  a  slice  of  Rhineland  and  Prussia  was  her  foe. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  DECLINE   OF  THE   FRENCH   EMPIRE. 

NAPOLEON'S  DREAM  is  SHATTERED.  —  THE  CRISIS  OF  HIS  REIGN. 
—  DROUYN  DE  LHUYS'  CONCEPTION  OF  THE  CRISIS.  —  INDECI- 
SION OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  CONDITION  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY 
IN  1860.  —  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  UNABLE  TO  MEET  THE 
MILITARY  SITUATION.  —  BENEDETTI  AT  NIKOLSBURG.  —  BENE- 
DETTI  IN  BERLIN.  —  EFFORTS  OF  THE  PAKIS  GOVERNMENT  TO 
INDEMNIFY  ITSELF  THROUGH  DIPLOMATIC  CHANNELS.  —  REFUSAL 
OF  THE  FRENCH  PROPOSITIONS  BY  BISMARCK.  —  POLICY  OF 
DROUYN  DE  LHUYS  AND  HIS  REMOVAL  FROM  OFFICE.  —  BIS- 
MARCK ESTABLISHES  AN  ALLIANCE  WITH  THE  SOUTH  GERMAN 

STATES.  —  SECOND  ATTACK  OF  M.  BENEDETTI.  —  CONFIDENCE 
IN  PARIS  OVER  THE  SUCCESS  OF  HIS  MISSION.  —  BENEDETTI'S 
DISCOMFITURE  AND  RETURN  TO  PARIS.  —  DESPERATION  OF  THE 
FRENCH  GOVERNMENT.  —  THE  CONTEMPLATED  PURCHASE  OF 
LUXEMBURG  FRUSTRATED  BY  BISMARCK.  —  PRUSSIA  CONSENTS 

TO  REMOVE  HER  GARRISON  FROM   LUXEMBURG. SUMMARY  OF 

THE  FRENCH*  DIPLOMACY  FOR  1866-67.  —  THE  DECLINE  OF  THE 
EMPIRE.  —  PARIS  IN  1867. 

THE  Emperor  of  the  French  had  counted  upon  a 
Prussian  defeat.  Indeed,  dreading  lest  Austria's  vic- 
tory might  be  too  sweeping,  he  had  gone  so  far  as  to 
offer  the  services  of  the  French  army  to  the  Berlin 
government  on  the  basis  of  a  territorial  remunera- 
tion in  Bavaria,  Hesse,  and  Rhenish  Prussia.  This 
suggestion,  however,  meeting  with  no  favor  at  Berlin, 
he  guaranteed  Austria  his  neutrality,  and  determined 
to  wait  a  later  opportunity  to  arouse  Prussia's  grati- 
tude, and  gain  his  long-coveted  acquisitions  in  the 
Rhineland. 


DECLINE   OF  THE  FRENCH  EMPIRE.     277 

The  emperor  regarded  a  long  campaign  as  a  neces- 
sity of  the  situation,  and  the  astonishing  news  of 
Koniggriitz  was  wholly  unexpected.  Austria  was 
beaten  to  her  knees,  and  he  had  no  understanding 
with  Prussia.  The  crisis  of  his  reign  was  suddenly 
forced  upon  him  ;  and  if  in  his  first  bewilderment  he 
failed  to  realize  this,  his  foreign  minister  was  fully 
alive  to  it.  In  fact,  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  insisted 
that  the  necessities  of  the  situation  demanded  a 
French  army  on  the  German  frontier  to  enforce  the 
emperor's  demand  that  no  remodeling  of  Central 
Europe  should  take  place  without  his  sanction.  M. 
Benedetti,  ambassador  at  Vienna,  also  warmly  urged 
this  course.  "  Let  the  emperor  make  a  simple  mili- 
tary demonstration,"  he  wrote,  "  and  he  will  be  aston- 
ished at  the  facility  with  which  he  will  become  arbiter 
and  master  of  the  situation  without  striking  a  blow." 
On  July  5  at  a  cabinet  council  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys 
warmly  urged  his  project,  and  was  seconded  by  Mar- 
shal Randon,  minister  for  war.  When  the  council 
broke  up,  it  was  understood  that  the  emperor  would 
on  the  following  day  promulgate  his  manifesto  con- 
voking the  Chambers,  but  during  the  evening  he  was 
importuned  by  M.  de  Lavalette  and  other  leaders  of 
the  Prussophile  party.  Broken  by  disease,  his  power 
of  decision  impaired,  the  unhappy  emperor  was  led  to 
change  his  mind,  and  choose  the  course  that  was  to  lead 
his  dynasty  to  ruin. 

The  army  was  in  a  wretched  state,  and  it  has  even 
been  asserted  that  it  would  have  been  a  physical  im- 
possibility for  the  war  office  to  have  carried  out  the 
scheme  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  at  that  time.  It 
seems  hardly  reasonable,  however,  to  believe  that  the 
French  military  establishment  had  sunk  so  low  as  this 


278     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

would  imply.  It  is  more  probable  that  the  emperor 
had  misgivings  lest  the  "  simple  military  demonstra- 
tion "  might  result  in  hard  blows.  In  this  case  his 
recent  losses  in  Mexico  and  the  tried  excellence  of  the 
Prussian  weapons  must  have  exerted  an  influence 
upon  his  mind.  Again,  in  case  of  war,  where  were 
his  generals  capable  of  coping  with  such  masters  in 
the  science  as  the  Prussians  had  proved  themselves  ? 
What  could  be  expected  from  such  a  trio  as  Niel, 
MacMahon,  and  Canrobert,  who  were  always  at  each 
other's  throats  ?  It  was  a  bad  quandary,  and  unques- 
tionably the  decision  of  the  emperor  made  it  worse. 

We  cannot  refrain  from  speculating  at  this  time 
upon  what  the  result  would  have  been,  had  Marshal 
Randon  been  ordered  to  move  two  corps  d'armee  to 
the  Prussian  frontier  during  those  critical  July  days. 
We  can  hardly  doubt  that  the  disaster  which  over- 
whelmed the  empire  would  have  been  at  least  delayed. 
We  know,  too,  that  the  possibility  of  French  inter- 
ference was  a  danger  which  Bismarck  had  foreseen, 
dreaded,  and  against  which  he  had  been  unable  to 
make  any  adequate  provision.  We  have  it  from  his 
own  lips  in  reference  to  this  crisis,  "  If  France  had 
then  had  only  a  few  available  troops,  a  small  body  of 
French  soldiers  would  have  sufficed  to  make  quite  a 
respectable  army  by  joining  the  numerous  corps  of 
South  Germany,  which  on  their  part  would  furnish 
excellent  materials,  and  whose  organization  alone  was 
defective.  Such  an  army  would  have  first  placed  us 
in  the  prime  necessity  of  covering  Berlin  and  of 
abandoning  all  our  successes  in  Austria."  1 

1  "  I  was  much  interested  by  the  opinion  expressed  by  his  majesty 
(King  William,  of  Prussia)  that  the  war  of  1S66  was  the  ruin  of 
France,  '  because  Napoleon  should  have  attacked  us  in  the  rear  !  '  He 
•went  on  to  say  that  in  1SG6  he  never  would  believe  in  the  neutrality 


DECLINE   OF  THE  FRENCH  EMPIRE.     279 

The  French  emperor,  when  he  abandoned  military 
coercion  as  a  means  of  restraining  Prussia  from  ex- 
orbitant territorial  demands,  adopted  an  extraordinary 
substitute.  He  determined  to  appeal  to  her  sense  of 
honor  and  of  gratitude,  which  should  certainly  have 
been  awakened  by  his  friendly  course  since  1864. 
The  gratitude  of  Prussia  with  Bismarck  Schbnhausen 
to  dispense  it !  It  was  in  pursuance  of  this  meek  and 
gentle  policy  that  M.  Benedetti  sought  Bismarck  at 
Nikolsburg.  The  conversations  there  developed  to 
Bismarck  the  object  of  the  French  desires,  and  that 
the  emperor  was  in  reality  inclined  to  allow  Prussia 
free  scope  in  disposing  of  Austrian  territory,  provided 
he  was  allowed  certain  privileges  in  the  Rhineland  as 
"  indemnification  "  for  her  increased  area. 

Bismarck's  reception  of  Benedetti's  schemes  seems 
to  have  been  distinctly  non-committal,  but  he  said 
enough  to  leave  hope  still  bright  in  the  bosom  of  the 
French  ambassador.  He  enlarged  upon  his  desire  for 
a  good  understanding  between  France  and  Prussia, 
and  pointed  out  the  fact  that  were  their  interests 
similar  their  position  was  such  they  could  unitedly 
bid  defiance  to  all  Europe.  There  is  a  touch  of  the 
pathetic  in  the  eagerness  with  which  M.  Benedetti 
seized  these  crumbs  from  the  rich  man's  table,  and  in 
the  manner  in  which  he  displayed  them  upon  the  im- 
perial board  at  the  Tuileries.  Benedetti  was  not  only 
hopeful,  but  sanguine.  The  emperor  began  to  turn 
his  energies  in  real  earnest  to  effect  that  good  under- 
standing which  Bismarck  had  so  pleasantly  referred 
to  at  Nikolsburg. 

of  France,  and  that  only  after  a  long  struggle  did  he  consent  to  re- 
move his  forces  from  the  Rhine  provinces.  He  had  always  been 
grateful  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon  for  his  neutrality  on  that  occa- 
sion." —  Beust,  vol.  ii.  p.  280. 


280       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Bismarck  returned  to  Berlin,  where  he  was  followed 
by  Benedetti  armed  with  a  form  of  treaty  to  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  Prussian  government  for  approval.  The 
gist  of  this  project  was  the  restoration  to  France  "  of 
the  territories  which  were  within  the  French  frontiers 
of  1814,"  including  all  districts  of  Bavaria  and  Hesse 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  Benedetti  heartily 
approved  of  these  demands.  "  Convinced,"  he  said, 
"  that  the  imperial  government  has  kept  within  the 
bounds  of  equity  by  thus  limiting  itself  to  demanding 
the  guarantees  rendered  necessary  by  Prussia's  terri- 
torial aggrandizement,  I  shall  not  be  easily  induced 
to  put  up  with  alterations  of  any  moment.  ...  I 
shall  steadfastly  point  out  that  Prussia  would  ignore 
the  dictates  of  justice  and  prudence,  beside  proving 
her  ingratitude,  were  she  to  refuse  us  the  guarantee 
which  the  enlargement  of  her  frontiers  compels  us  to 
demand." 

On  August  5  a  draft  of  this  secret  treaty  came 
under  Bismarck's  eye.  On  the  day  following  he  sum- 
moned the  French  ambassador,  and  met  him  with  an 
unqualified  refusal.  In  vain  Benedetti  expostulated, 
wheedled,  and  threatened.  As  a  last  resort,  finding 
himself  refused  on  all  points,  he  hinted  that  the  just 
rage  of  his  sovereign  might  lead  him  to  "  let  slip  the 
dogs  of  war."  "  Very  well,"  was  the  curt  rejoinder, 
"then  we  will  have  war;  but"  —  and  one  can  im- 
agine a  keen  irony  in  the  chancellor's  tones  —  "  let  his 
majesty  well  observe  that  such  a  war  could  become  in 
certain  eventualities  a  war  with  a  revolution,  and 
that  in  presence  of  revolutionary  dangers  the  German 
dynasty  would  prove  to  be  much  more  firmly  estab- 
lished than  that  of  Napoleon."  In  short,  the  project 
which  Benedetti  had  approved  as  just,  and  wrhich  he 


DECLINE   OF  THE  FRENCH  EMPIRE.     281 

had  determined  to  insist  upon  without  modification, 
had  been  squarely  refused.  Prussia  had  shown  no 
compunction  whatever  about  "proving  her  ingrat- 
itude." Furthermore,  M.  Benedetti  had  been  dis- 
missed by  the  "  iron  count "  with  an  assurance  that 
Prussia  had  even  outgrown  the  traditional  fear  of  the 
French  army. 

The  idea  of  war  which  Benedetti  had  hinted  at  as 
a  last  resort  seems  not  to  have  been  seriously  enter- 
tained at  Paris.  The  causes  that  prevented  military 
measures  in  July  were  quite  as  potent  in  August ; 
France  was  no  better  prepared  and  Prussia  had  both 
hands  free  again.  In  this  humiliating  perplexity  a 
scapegoat  was  found  in  the  person  of  the  foreign 
minister.  Judging  his  views  in  the  light  of  subse- 
quent events,  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  seems  to  have 
comprehended  the  political  situation  at  this  time  far 
better  than  the  majority  of  his  contemporaries.  He 
was  firmly  opposed  to  the  party  represented  by  M. 
Benedetti,  though  the  exigencies  of  the  times  served 
to  swell  its  ranks.  He  laughed  at  the  idea  that  what 
the  government  had  shown  itself  too  nerveless  to 
grasp  was  to  be  placed  at  its  disposal  by  a  govern- 
ment whose  army  was  already  in  the  field  flushed 
with  victory  and  capable  of  sustaining  a  long  cam- 
paign. An  alliance  with  Prussia  was  to  M.  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys  an  absurdity.  Prussia  and  France  were 
natural  enemies.  To  disguise  that  fact  was  to  make 
a  cat's-paw  of  France. 

M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys  was  bestirring  himself  ear- 
nestly to  lighten  the  burdens  imposed  by  Prussia  on 
the  conquered  states  when  Benedetti  returned  from 
Berlin  after  his  discomfiture.  The  emperor  was  still 
firm  in  the  conviction  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained 


282     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

by  war.  Can  anything  be  imagined  more  humiliating 
than  the  French  position  at  this  time  ?  A  proposal 
approved  by  the  emperor  himself  had  been  submitted 
to  the  Prussian  government,  and  rejected  even  in  the 
teeth  of  threats  of  military  enforcement.  What  was 
the  course  of  the  French  government  to  recover  their 
shattered  prestige  ?  They  disavowed  the  scheme  that 
had  aroused  the  admiration  of  Benedetti  himself  as 
an  act  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  who  had  extorted  the 
sanction  of  the  emperor  while  he  was  ill.  M.  Drouyn 
de  Lhuys  passed  from  office,  and  the  Prussophile 
party  seized  the  helm.  The  Berlin  government  thor- 
oughly appreciated  the  political  situation,  however, 
and  were  not  to  be  misled  by  apologies  and  official 
decapitation.  France  had  tasted  the  cup  of  humilia- 
tion, she  had  proclaimed  her  weakness  and  military 
unpreparedness  to  the  power  which  of  all  others  she 
should  have  held  in  ignorance  of  it. 

Prussia  in  the  mean  time  kept  quietly  at  work 
demonstrating  the  enormity  of  her  ingratitude.  Dur- 
ing August  Bismarck  had  made  Germany  a  military 
unit.  He  merely  displayed  the  French  project,  that 
freak  of  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  as  the  new  regime  at 
the  foreign  office  chose  to  regard  it,  with  its  damning 
clauses  concerning  the  cession  of  Bavarian  and  Hes- 
sian territories,  and  the  South  German  confederation 
was  quickly  brought  to  terms.  Between  the  17th 
and  23d  of  August  informal  military  treaties  were 
concluded  against  France  between  Prussia  and  the 
states  lately  in  arms  against  her.  Bismarck  hastily 
threw  off  these  important  duties  in  season  to  welcome 
Benedetti  to  Berlin  once  more. 

That  the  government  of  the  emperor  should  have 
approached  Prussia  again  on  the  question  of  indemni- 


DECLINE   OF  THE  FRENCH  EMPIRE.     283 

fication  seems  almost  incredible,  and  yet  it  was  an- 
other project  of  this  nature  that  Benedetti  presented 
to  Bismarck  during  the  last  week  of  August.  There 
is  nothing  in  the  diplomatic  history  of  the  period  to 
show  the  grounds  on  which  the  French  ambassador 
based  his  assurance  of  success  in  this  second  effort. 
Certainly  it  was  no  less  objectionable  than  the  first  in 
its  tenor.  The  Rhenish  frontier  was  avoided,  it  is 
true,  but  Luxemburg  and  Belgium  formed  a  substi- 
tute. A  strong  military  alliance  between  the  two 
governments  was  also  provided  for.  Great  stress  was 
laid  by  the  emperor's  government  upon  the  necessity 
of  maintaining  the  absolute  secrecy  of  these  negotia- 
tions. The  tone  of  feeling  at  the  foreign  office  on 
the  Quai  d'Orsay  seems  really  to  have  approached 
confidence.  Day  after  day,  too,  the  reports  from 
Benedetti  were  encouraging.  He  returned  the  draft 
of  the  treaty  for  inspection,  and  the  emperor  sug- 
gested certain  alterations.  Upon  receiving  the  draft 
again  Benedetti  confidently  placed  it  in  the  hands  of 
Bismarck.  The  Tuileries  waited  expectant,  but  they 
were  not  to  be  long  held  in  suspense. 

General  Manteuffel  suddenly  turned  up  in  Berlin, 
and  after  a  few  hours'  conference  with  the  chancellor 
left  for  St.  Petersburg.  Benedetti's  alarm  was  natu- 
ral, and  the  information  carried  a  chill  to  the  heart  of 
the  French  emperor.  "  I  asked  the  president  of  the 
council,"  wrote  Benedetti,  "  if  this  general  officer  had 
been  informed  of  our  overture  ;  he  answered  that  he 
had  had  no  occasion  to  make  him  a  party  to  it,  but 
that  he  could  not  guarantee  to  me  that  the  king  had 
not  told  him  the  substance." 

Bismarck's  reception  of  this  treaty  was  far  differ- 
ent from  that  with  which  he  met  the  first.  There  was 


284     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

no  refusal  whatever ;  he  merely  demurred,  meditated, 
and  then  apparently  forgot  it,  for  he  left  Berlin  and 
shut  himself  up  for  weeks  from  the  worry  of  political 
life,  without  even  taking  the  trouble  to  return  the 
document  in  question. 

Poor  Benedetti !  It  was  his  hard  fate,  not  only  to 
be  the  prominent  actor  in  these  inglorious  proceed- 
ings,  but  to  break  the  doleful  news  of  failure  to  the 
sanguine  officials  of  the  Quai  d'Orsay.  "  They  have 
elsewhere  obtained  assurances  which  dispense  with  our 
aid,"  he  wrote  shortly  after  Manteuffel's  arrival  at 
St.  Petersburg.  "  If  they  decline  our  alliance,  it  is 
because  they  are  already  provided  or  on  the  eve  of 
being."  Prussia  needed  the  alliance  of  a  great  power, 
and  she  arranged  it  on  the  Neva. 

After  these  repeated  rebuffs,  culminating  in  a  Russo- 
Prussian  alliance,  it  would  surely  seem  that  the 
French  emperor  would  have  desisted  from  his  fruit- 
less attempts  to  obtain  "  indemnification "  at  the 
hands  of  his  heartless  and  athletic  neighbor.  The 
dregs  in  the  cup  of  shame,  however,  yet  remained  to 
be  swallowed.  Trusting  apparently  to  some  vague  re- 
marks made  by  Bismarck  in  1866  respecting  the 
existing  relations  between  Luxemburg  and  the  north 
German  confederation,  Napoleon  opened  negotiations 
with  the  king  of  the  Netherlands  direct  for  the  pur- 
chase of  the  duchy.  That  is,  notwithstanding  his 
former  lack  of  success  the  emperor  was  persuaded 
that,  could  the  matter  be  peacefully  arranged  with 
Holland  on  a  financial  basis,  Bismarck  would  not  take 
the  trouble  to  interfere. 

Everything  progressed  smoothly  for  a  time  ;  the 
king  of  the  Netherlands  was  willing  and  it  only  re- 
mained to  consult  Prussia.  On  March  21,  1867,  M. 


DECLINE   OF  THE  FRENCH  EMPIRE.     285 

de  Moustier,  then  foreign  minister,  expressed  himself 
as  follows  in  relation  to  the  Luxemburg  purchase : 
"  We  believe  that  the  grand  duke  possesses  the  un- 
restricted right  to  dispose  of  Luxemburg  with  the 
consent  of  its  inhabitants,  and  that  we  have  as  indis- 
putable a  right  to  acquire  that  country  under  similar 
conditions.  But  we,  as  well  as  the  king  of  the  Neth- 
erlands, entertain  the  sincere  wish  to  maintain  good 
relations  with  the  court  at  Berlin  ;  and  it  is  impos- 
sible not  to  take  into  account  the  presence  of  a  Prus- 
sian garrison,  although  no  longer  justified  by  a  legal 
right.  .  .  .  We  have  no  objection  to  the  cabinet  of 
Berlin  being  made  acquainted  with  these  negotia- 
tions, but  we  wish  that  the  information  may  reach  it 
through  ourselves." 

In  this  latter  wish  the  French  government  was  dis- 
appointed. The  information  leaked  out  prematurely 
through  the  Dutch  envoy  at  Berlin.  The  details 
received  an  uncomfortable  publicity,  and  all  Germany 
was  stirred  with  rage.  Then  the  emperor's  diplomatic 
fabric  came  crashing  down  again.  Bismarck  seized 
the  opportunity  of  making  himself  popular  with  the 
masses,  and  again  placed  himself  squarely  in  the  path 
of  French  aggrandizement.  M.  de  Moustier  hastened 
to  inform  the  Chambers  that  the  negotiations  respect- 
ing Luxemburg  had  not  assumed  an  official  character, 
and  were  in  reality  merely  an  exchange  of  ideas. 

There  was  no  dignity  in  the  final  forlorn  demand 
of  France  that  if  she  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  con- 
summate her  bargain,  Prussia  must  at  least  consent 
to  remove  her  garrison  from  Luxemburg.  It  was  a 
demand  little  better  than  trivial,  but  Bismarck  re- 
fused to  accede  to  it.  It  was  a  matter,  however,  that 
involved  the  powers  and  was  referred  to  a  conference. 


286     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Finally  Prussia  agreed  to  withdraw  the  garrison,  and 
raze  the  fortress,  on  the  condition  that  the  powers 
guaranteed  the  neutrality  of  the  duchy. 

At  last  the  Tuileries  had  scored  a  success.  The 
French  government  between  May,  1866,  and  May, 
1867,  had  demanded  of  Prussia  a  military  alliance, 
the  frontiers  of  1814  including  Mayence,  and  free- 
dom of  action  concerning  Belgium  and  Luxemburg. 
Refused  on  all  these  points,  they  had  the  mortifica- 
tion of  facilitating  the  Russo-Prussian  alliance.  Fi- 
nally with  the  desperation  of  despair  they  had  in- 
sisted upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  Prussian  garrison 
from  Luxemburg,  and  this  amid  the  laughter  of 
diplomatic  Berlin  had  been  allowed  them.  This  was 
their  "  indemnification "  for  the  benefits  accruing  to 
Prussia  from  the  campaign  of  Koniggratz. 

That  other  attempts  were  made  by  the  French 
government  during  the  spring  of  1867  to  bring  about 
a  Franco-Prussian  alliance  there  can  be  no  question, 
but  before  this  the  hopelessness  of  the  situation  was 
apparent  even  to  the  infatuated  statesmen  of  the 
second  empire.  One  by  one  the  deluded  diplomatists 
found  themselves  forced  to  adopt  views  held  by 
Drouyn  de  Lhuys  months  before.  For  a  government 
dependent  upon  its  prestige,  the  empire  had  been 
subjected  to  an  appalling  list  of  slights  and  insults. 
It  had  abased  itself  in  so  far  that,  had  the  full  truth 
been  made  public,  a  victorious  war  would  have  been 
a  necessity  to  its  maintenance.  It  was  with  this 
eventuality  fully  in  mind  that  the  emperor  confided 
to  Marshal  Niel  the  reorganization  and  rearming  of 
the  army  which  had  proved  itself  so  inadequate  to 
meet  the  crisis  of  the  summer  of  1866. 

So  far  as  external  appearances  were   concerned, 


DECLINE   OF  THE  FRENCH  EMPIRE.     287 

however,  it  must  be  admitted  that  in  1867  the  French 
empire  was  at  the  zenith  of  its  splendor.  The  count- 
less thousands  who  visited  Paris  in  the  spring  and 
summer  of  that  year  could  hardly  fail  to  be  impressed 
by  the  air  of  elegance  and  conscious  power  that 
seemed  to  pervade  the  city.  The  monarch  who  had 
made  his  name  illustrious  by  his  victories  over  the 
proudest  military  states  in  Europe  had  gathered 
within  his  capital  the  products  of  the  globe,  and  in- 
vited his  faithful  subjects  and  the  world  at  large  to 
inspect  them.  The  splendor  of  the  exhibition  was 
worthy  of  the  city,  at  last  incontestably  the  most 
splendid  in  the  world.  The  marks  of  Napoleonic 
taste  and  prodigality  were  everywhere  apparent. 
Streets  crooked  and  dark  had  mysteriously  disap- 
peared, and  been  supplanted  by  broad  avenues 
straight  as  the  Roman  roads,  and  lined  with  noble 
edifices  in  every  stage  of  completion.  The  magic 
initial  N  with  its  laurel  wreath  again  appeared  upon 
all  sides  in  stone  and  metal,  and  to  the  group  of 
thoroughfares  known  by  the  stirring  titles  of  Fried- 
land,  Eylau,  and  Wagram  had  been  added  those  of 
Sebastopol,  Solferino,  and  Magenta.  St.  Cloud  had 
never  been  more  gay  even  in  the  days  of  Marie  An- 
toinette, and  at  Fontainebleau,  never  since  the  time 
of  Louis  le  Grand  had  such  gorgeous  companies  fol- 
lowed the  stag  through  the  mazes  of  the  forest.  In 
a  word,  Paris  had  become  the  resort  of  all  lovers  of 
the  splendid  and  beautiful.  Everything  was  gayety 
and  frivolity,  from  the  atmosphere  and  conversation 
of  the  Tuileries  or  St.  Cloud  to  the  atmosphere  and 
conversation  of  the  cafe  tables.  Indeed,  the  manners 
and  customs  of  the  cafe  and  boulevard  only  reflected 
the  standard  of  the  court,  whose  fair  and  trivial  mis- 


288      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tress  had  become  the  emulation  of  feminine  society  in 
Paris  and  the  toast  of  every  mess-room.  The  merely 
casual  observer  was  in  ignorance  of  the  secrets  of  the 
foreign  office,  and  could  not  recognize  in  the  pomp 
and  luxury  about  him  the  signs  of  debility  and  decay. 
Gorgeous  the  empire  certainly  was,  but  its  virility 
was  waning.  The  intrigues  and  dissipations  of  the 
court  did  not  beget  loyalty,  the  bitter  feuds  and  jeal- 
ous wrangling  of  officers  did  not  promote  military 
discipline  or  sagacity.  The  pampered  garrison  of 
Paris  did  not  truly  represent  the  army,  any  more 
than  the  reports  of  ministers  truly  represented  the 
state  of  their  departments.  Everything  was  corrupt, 
shifting,  unreliable,  and  false. 

Among  the  visitors  to  Paris  in  1867  was  Count 
Bismarck,  and  as  he  strolled  through  the  exhibition 
halls  and  along  the  Champs  Elysee,  where  fashionable 
Paris  amused  itself  after  the  questionable  methods  of 
the  day,  he  was  asking  himself  how  it  would  have 
been  had  the  Luxemburg  quarrel  been  fought  out  ? 
Would  he  have  been  in  Paris  or  the  French  in  Ber- 
lin ?  He  moved  about  comparatively  unobserved,  for 
royalty  itself  was  at  this  time  enjoying  the  hospitality 
of  the  Tuileries,  but  in  less  than  four  years  his  name 
was  to  be  on  the  lips  of  every  Parisian,  and  the  igno- 
rant were  to  see  in  the  glow  of  the  Aurora  Borealis 
the  sign  of  his  bloody  hand. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

LAST  DAYS   OF  THE   SECOND   EMPIRE. 

CONDITION  OF  EUROPE  IN  1867.  — THE  POWERS  AT  PEACE.  —  UN- 
SETTLED STATE  OF  SPAIN.  —  GARIBALDI  IN  THE  FIELD  AGAIN.  — 
THE  BATTLE  OF  MENTANA.  —  BITTER  FEELING  ENGENDERED  BY 
IT  IN  ITALY  TOWARD  FRANCE.  —  POWER  OF  THE  EMPRESS  IN  THE 
FRENCH  COUNCILS.  —  HER  AMBITION.  —  EFFORTS  OF  THE  EM- 
PEROR TO  STEADY  HIS  THRONE.  THE  REORGANIZATION  OF  THE 

ARMY.  —  WARLIKE  SENTIMENT  IN  PARIS.  —  THE  HOHENZOLLERN 
INCIDENT.  —  THE  RAGE  OF  FRANCE.  —  EXCITEMENT  IN  THE  CORPS 
LE'GISLATIF.  —  M.  BENEDETTI  SEEKS  THE  PRUSSIAN  KING  AT 
EMS.  —  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  BECOMES  UNREASONABLE.  — 
INSULTING  DEMAND  UPON  THE  KING  OF  PRUSSIA.  —  BISMARCK'S 
CIRCULAR  IN  REFERENCE  TO  IT.  —  OLLIVIER'S  BELLICOSE  SPEECH 
IN  THE  CORPS  LEGISLATIF.  —  ENTHUSIASM  IN  PARIS.  —  THE  EM- 
PEROR'S MISGIVINGS.  — His  HOPES  AND  FEARS.  —  THE  SHATTER- 
ING OF  HIS  HOPES.  —  BARON  BEUST'S  LETTER.  —  THE  ISOLATION 
OF  THE  FRENCH  GOVERNMENT  IN  EUROPE.  —  THE  EMPEROR'S 
PROCLAMATION  AND  DEPARTURE  FOR  METZ.  —  WRETCHED  CON- 
DITION OF  AFFAIRS  THERE.  —  IMPATIENCE  OF  PARIS  —  THE 
"  AFFAIRE  "  OF  SAARBRUCK. 

AT  the  opening  of  the  year  1867  the  great  con- 
tinental peoples  were  turning  their  attention  to  the 
husbanding  of  their  resources  and  developing  the 
arts  of  peace.  Though  imposing  military  forces  were 
maintained,  the  political  atmosphere  seemed  purified 
by  the  seven  weeks'  tempest  of  blood  and  iron,  and 
at  no  time  since  1850  had  the  public  mind  been  so 
free  from  forebodings  of  the  future.  Russia  seemed 
absorbed  in  the  awkward  effort  to  accustom  herself 
to  the  new  regime  inaugurated  by  the  emancipation 


290     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

of  the  serfs,  while  Austria-Hungary  was  likewise  en- 
deavoring to  turn  to  the  best  account  her  newly 
gained  blessings  of  constitutional  liberty.  As  for 
France,  the  great  exhibition  at  Paris  seemed  to  indi- 
cate that  the  emperor  was  inclined  to  convert  the 
sword  into  the  plowshare,  and  abandon  the  paths 
of  military  glory  for  those  of  domestic  improvement. 
In  Spain  and  Italy  alone  were  there  any  indications 
of  political  unrest.  So  far  as  Spain  was  concerned, 
however,  her  struggles  and  contentions  had  long  since 
failed  to  arouse  the  apprehension  of  Europe.  Insur- 
rections, banishments,  executions,  and  assassinations 
were  regarded  as  inseparable  features  of  the  politi- 
cal life  of  a  people  once  among  the  most  cultivated, 
patriotic,  and  chivalrous  the  world  has  ever  known. 
Indeed,  when  in  the  early  summer  of  1868  Prim  and 
Serrano  returned  from  their  enforced  exile  and  set 
up  the  standard  of  revolt  on  Spanish  soil,  no  serious 
alarm  was  felt  north  of  the  Pyrenees.  The  army 
enthusiastically  espousing  the  cause  of  the  distin- 
guished rebels,  the  days  of  the  debauched  and  priest- 
ridden  court  were  numbered.  Isabella  fled  to  France, 
and  Serrano  seized  the  reins  of  government.  "With 
the  dethronement  of  the  queen  the  direful  question 
of  the  succession  was  again  laid  open,  but  still  with 
Serrano  as  regent  and  the  army  in  the  hands  of  so 
just  and  capable  a  soldier  as  Prim,  quiet  in  Spain 
seemed  far  better  assured  than  at  any  time  for  years. 
Indeed,  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  in  1869  that 
Madrid  was  to  furnish  the  spark  which  was  to  set 
Europe  in  warlike  flame  again. 

The  time-worn  dispute  betwixt  church  and  state  was 
still  agitating  Italy  in  1867.  A  long  step  was  taken 
towards  its  settlement  when  on  the  4th  of  Decem- 


LAST  DAYS   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     291 

her,  1866,  the  French  emperor  withdrew  his  troops 
from  Rome.  Scarcely  had  this  long  delayed  move- 
ment been  consummated,  when  "  Young  Italy  "  again 
forced  itself  into  serious  prominence.  Garibaldi 
once  more  started  the  Roman  battle-cry,  and  had  set 
a  respectable  revolution  afoot  before  he  was  seized 
and  conveyed  to  Caprera.  In  vain  the  king  en- 
deavored to  allay  the  popular  excitement.  The  papal 
government,  alarmed,  appealed  to  Paris  for  protec- 
tion. Despite  the  assurances  of  Victor  Emmanuel 
that  his  government  was  fully  equal  to  the  emergency, 
and  against  his  protests  as  well,  the  French  emperor 
dispatched  a  military  expedition  to  Civita  Vecchia. 
This  proved  too  much  for  Garibaldi's  self-control. 
Once  again  he  broke  from  Caprera  and  joined  the 
ranks  of  the  insurgents.  Before  this,  one  attack  on 
Rome  had  been  repulsed  by  the  papal  guard.  Gari- 
baldi hurried  from  the  sea-coast  at  the  head  of  a 
motley  but  determined  band,  and  at  Monterotundo 
routed  a  detachment  of  the  pontifical  mercenaries. 
Encouraged  by  this  he  pushed  rapidly  on  toward 
Rome,  and  at  Mentana  encountered  a  detachment  of 
the  newly  arrived  French  troops  under  General  de 
Failly.  These  troops  represented  the  reorganized 
army  of  Marshal  Niel,  and  were  armed  with  the  new 
breech-loading  rifle  known  as  the  chassepot.  There 
was  no  fighting  ;  the  unhappy  Italians  were  literally 
mowed  down  by  the  steady  fusillades.  "  The  chasse- 
pot rifle  has  done  wonders,"  was  De  Failly's  enthu- 
siastic comment  in  his  report  of  the  battle.  The 
demonstration  of  the  effectiveness  of  the  new  weapon, 
however,  scarcely  compensated  for  other  results  of 
Mentana.  On  November  6  the  Marquis  Pepoli,  who 
had  succeeded  Minghetti  as  head  of  the  government, 


292     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

wrote  to  the  emperor  at  Paris :  "  The  late  events  have 
suffocated  every  remembrance  of  gratitude  in  the 
heart  of  Italy.  It  is  no  longer  in  the  power  of  the 
government  to  maintain  the  alliance  with  France. 
The  chassepot  gun  at  Mentana  has  given  it  a  mortal 
blow."  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  this  skirmish 
which  General  de  Failly  regarded  merely  as  a  happy 
test  of  firearms  was  the  means  of  depriving  the 
French  emperor  of  the  only  allies  possible  to  him  in 
Europe.  The  personal  regard  in  which  Victor  Em- 
manuel held  the  emperor  continued  until  death,  but 
the  slaughter  of  Mentana  forever  estranged  the  na- 
tion, whose  gratitude  had  been  awakened  by  Magenta 
and  Solferino,  and  had  even  survived  the  disappoint- 
ment of  Villafranca.  The  emperor  definitely  sealed 
his  fate  in  Italy  when  he  refused  to  again  withdraw 
his  garrison  from  Rome. 

Most  assuredly  a  change  had  been  wrought  in  the 
Italian  policy  of  France.  The  influence  of  the  em- 
press had  begun  to  make  itself  felt  in  the  schemes  of 
the  foreign  office.  In  her  the  Catholic  Church  had  a 
powerful  champion,  and  every  word  from  the  Vatican 
came  to  be  all  potent  at  the  Tuileries.  In  Cavour's 
time  the  emperor  had  not  hesitated  to  incur  the  wrath 
of  Rome ;  in  1868-69  his  policy  came  to  represent  in- 
difference to  the  interests  of  his  old  ally  at  Florence. 
The  empress  aspired  to  see  France  the  acknowledged 
protector  of  the  Romish  Church.  The  emperor,  with 
a  deadly  disease  sapping  his  strength  and  weakening 
his  nerve,  resigned  himself  to  the  guidance  of  the 
empress,  the  church,  and  the  army.  The  empress 
and  the  church  urged  that  Protestant  Prussia  must 
be  humbled,  and  the  army  clamored  that  it  might  be 
allowed  to  execute  the  task. 


LAST  DAYS   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     293 

The  emperor  dreaded  this  struggle  with  Prussia, 
which  was  represented  to  him  as  a  necessity  of  the 
situation.  The  elections  of  1869  certainly  seemed  to 
indicate  that  his  prestige  at  home  had  sunk  so  low 
that  he  must  choose  between  a  foreign  war  and  a  do- 
mestic revolution.  In  the  election  of  1852  the  city 
of  Paris  had  sustained  his  government  by  a  majority 
of  46,000 ;  the  country  had  sustained  it  by  over 
7,000,000.  In  1869  Paris  rolled  up  an  adverse  ma- 
jority of  150,000,  while  the  government  majority  in 
the  country  at  large  had  fallen  to  755,000.  It  was 
plain  there  must  be  more  glory  earned  in  some  quar- 
ter with  which  to  prop  the  failing  strength  of  the 
dynasty.  With  this  necessity  in  view  in  1868  the 
emperor  had  made  advances  for  a  triple  alliance  be- 
tween France,  Austria,  and  Italy  against  Prussia. 
Matters  progressed  so  far  that  a  draft  treaty  stipulat- 
ing a  general  plan  for  a  German  campaign  passed 
between  the  governments.  Then  the  fruits  of  Men- 
tana  made  themselves  manifest.  The  Florence  gov- 
ernment made  the  evacuation  of  Rome  the  condition 
of  its  acceptance  of  the  French  project.  The  em- 
peror was  compelled  to  make  choice  between  the 
friendship  of  Italy  and  the  friendship  of  Rome.  The 
clerical  party  with  the  empress  at  its  head  gained  the 
day.  Italy  refused  to  consider  the  alliance  in  conse- 
quence, and  Austria,  whose  cooperation  depended 
upon  Italy,  was  also  lost  to  the  scheme.  The  empire 
and  the  Roman  Church  stood  alone  in  Europe. 

The  reorganization  of  the  army  progressed  slowly, 
but  the  enthusiasm  of  the  empress  and  the  swagger 
of  generals  failed  to  arouse  the  confidence  of  the  em- 
peror for  the  future.  The  minister  of  war  pronounced 
everything  satisfactory,  and  it  was  the  opinion  of  that 


294     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

officer  which  the  emperor  proclaimed  to  the  Chambers 
on  the  18th  of  January,  1869 :  "  The  military  law 
and  the  supplies  voted  by  your  patriotism  have 
strengthened  the  confidence  of  the  country,  which  is 
now  proudly  conscious  that  it  is  in  a  position  to  en- 
counter whatever  may  betide.  .  .  .  Our  perfect  arma- 
ments (chassepots  and  mitrailleuses),  our  replete  ar- 
senals and  magazines,  our  trained  reserves,  our  mobile 
National  Guard,  our  reconstructed  fleet,  and  our  pow- 
erful fortresses  impart  an  imperative  necessary  devel- 
opment of  our  might.  The  permanent  object  of  my 
endeavors  is  attained;  our  military  resources  will 
henceforth  be  adequate  to  their  mission  in  the  world." 
This  declaration,  the  truth  of  which  on  many  funda- 
mental points  the  emperor  was  inclined  to  doubt,  was 
generally  accepted  in  France  and  elsewhere  as  a  just 
presentation  of  the  military  condition  of  the  country. 
It  also  marked  an  epoch,  for  from  this  time  all  the 
influential  factions  at  court  were  agreed  as  to  the 
advisability  of  seizing  the  first  provocation  for  a  quar- 
rel with  Prussia.  The  emperor,  balancing  his  dread 
of  revolution  against  his  dread  of  war,,  was  borne 
along  on  the  current  of  brag  and  bluster.  The  talk 
in  military  circles  became  bellicose  and  swaggering ; 
the  tone  of  the  foreign  office,  especially  toward  Prus- 
sia, became  supercilious  and  irritable. 

It  was  in  this  frame  of  mind  that  the  summer  of 
1870  found  the  sanguine  and  adventurous  schemers 
of  the  French  court.  But  the  diplomatic  sky  seemed 
unpropitious  for  their  schemes,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
unflecked  by  a  menacing  cloud.  It  was  remarked  at 
the  foreign  office  in  London  that  for  years  there  had 
never  been  "so  great  a  lull  in  foreign  affairs." 
Wearied  diplomatists  began  to  throng  the  watering- 


LAST  DAYS   OF   THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     295 

places  of  Austria  and  South  Germany.  The  king  of 
Prussia  left  Berlin,  for  the  retirement  of  Ems ;  the 
French  court  exchanged  the  Tuileries  for  the  more 
rural  magnificence  of  St.  Cloud.  The  great  tide  of 
summer  travel  swept  through  Paris  and  up  the  Rhine 
to  Switzerland.  Official  life  was  at  a  standstill ;  noth- 
ing more  sinister  was  developed  than  a  universal  tend- 
ency toward  rest  and  recreation. 

It  was  on  July  3  that  the  news  was  telegraphed 
from  Madrid  to  the  European  courts  that  the  crown 
of  Spain  had  been  tendered  to  Prince  Leopold,  of 
Hohenzollern,  a  kinsman  to  the  king  of  Prussia.  So 
far  as  France  was  concerned,  the  news  was  not  un- 
expected. The  fact  had  been  recognized  that  Serrano's 
regency  could  not  last  forever,  and  the  French  ambas- 
sador at  Madrid  had  fully  acquainted  his  government 
with  the  prospects.  To  the  French  people,  however, 
the  news  came  like  a  thunderbolt  from  a  clear  sky. 
In  the  nomination  of  a  Prussian  prince  for  royal  hon- 
ors in  Spain  they  could  see  the  hand  of  Bismarck  at 
his  favorite  task  of  Prussian  aggrandizement.  There 
was  a  furious  outburst  of  public  disapproval.  All 
parties  became  a  unit  in  the  Chambers  in  urging  the 
government  to  resist  what  was  regarded  as  a  Prussian 
scheme.  The  French  government  suddenly  found  it- 
self forced  by  popular  opinion  to  adopt  an  attitude  for 
which  for  months  they  had  been  seeking  a  justification. 
The  Due  de  Gramont  declared  in  the  Corps  Legis- 
latif  that  the  action  of  the  Madrid  government  had 
"imperiled  the  interests  and  honor  of  France,"  at 
the  same  time  informing  the  Prussian  ambassador  at 
Paris  that  the  government  expected  Prussia  to  insist 
upon  the  withdrawal  of  Prince  Leopold  as  a  candidate 
to  the  Spanish  throne,  and  that  a  failure  to  do  so 


296      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

would  be  regarded  as  a  casus  belli.  The  press  repre- 
sented accurately  the  public  excitement.  The  "  Moni- 
teur  "  proclaimed  that  the  time  had  come  to  put  an  end 
to  Prussia's  pretensions  to  acquire  preponderance  in 
Europe.  The  "  Pays "  declared  that  Prussia  had 
reached  the  Caudine  forks,  and  that  her  humiliation 
was  at  hand.  The  "  Temps  "  shrieked  that  the  mon- 
archy of  Charles  V.  was  being  revived.  The  "  Lib- 
erte  "  claimed  that  Prussia  must  be  driven  across  the 
Rhine  with  the  butt-end  of  French  muskets. 

The  grievance  of  the  French  nation  lay  simply  in 
the  fact  that  a  prince  related  to  the  House  of  Prussia 
was  to  be  elevated  to  the  Spanish  throne.  The  remedy 
for  this  seemed  simple  enough ;  indeed,  the  Due  de 
Gramont  stated  to  the  English  ambassador  as  early 
as  July  8  that  the  voluntary  withdrawal  of  the  prince 
of  Hohenzollern  would  be  a  "most  fortunate  solu- 
tion" of  the  trouble.  This  was  by  no  means,  how- 
ever, what  was  desired  by  the  powers  at  court.  On 
the  9th  M.  Benedetti,  the  French  ambassador  at  Ber- 
lin, received  instructions  from  Paris  to  repair  to  Ems, 
and  demand  of  the  king  of  Prussia  that  he  should 
insist  upon  the  withdrawal  of  his  kinsman  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  Spanish  throne.  The  attitude  of  the 
king  was  dignified  and  just.  He  informed  the  am- 
bassador that  Prussia  could  have  no  interest  in  the 
matter  whatsoever,  and  that  if  the  French  govern- 
ment objected  to  the  choice  of  the  Spanish  authorities 
they  could  settle  the  matter  to  better  advantage  at 
Madrid  than  at  Berlin.  On  the  12th,  the  day  follow- 
ing this  interview,  the  news  was  telegraphed  to  Paris 
and  Ems  that  Prince  Leopold  had  revoked  his  accept- 
ance of  the  Spanish  crown.  "  The  fortunate  solu- 
tion "  that  Gramont  had  suggested  had  been  brought 


LAST  DAYS   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     297 

about.  It  was  believed  that  the  last  menace  to  peace 
had  been  cleared  away,  and  an  inexpressible  feeling 
of  relief  animated  every  European  capital.  Up  to 
this  point  the  French  government  had  been  justified 
in  its  course  by  the  state  of  public  feeling.  On  the 
13th,  however,  they  committed  themselves  to  a  delib- 
erate effort  to  plunge  the  nation  into  war.  On  that 
day  instructions  were  telegraphed  to  M.  Benedetti  to 
demand  of  the  king  of  Prussia  a  pledge  that  he  would 
at  no  time  in  the  future  allow  the  name  of  any  mem- 
ber of  the  Hohenzollern  family  to  be  used  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Spanish  throne.  Inasmuch  as  the  king 
had  already  stated  that  he  regarded  the  matter  as  one 
altogether  outside  the  province  of  the  Prussian  gov- 
ernment, there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  reception 
this  demand  would  meet.  The  action  of  the  French 
government  was  as  deliberate  as  it  was  unjustifiable 
and  unnecessary. 

In  the  Kurgarten  at  Ems  a  marble  tablet  marks 
the  spot  where,  on  the  13th  of  July,  1870,  M.  Bene- 
detti encountered  the  king  of  Prussia  and  presented 
the  latest  demand  of  his  government.  The  tidings 
of  the  day's  proceedings  reached  Count  Bismarck  in 
Berlin  the  same  evening  as  he  was  dining  with  Gen- 
erals Moltke  and  Roon.  In  their  presence  the  chan- 
cellor prepared  the  following  statement,  which  was 
transmitted  to  the  Prussian  ambassadors  at  foreign 
courts,  and  appeared  in  the  Berlin  papers  on  the 
morning  of  the  14th. 

"  Telegram  from  Ems,  July  13,  1870 :  When  the 
intelligence  of  the  hereditary  prince  of  Hohenzollern's 
renunciation  was  communicated  by  the  Spanish  to  the 
French  government,  the  French  ambassador  demanded 
of  his  majesty  the  king,  at  Ems,  that  the  latter  should 


298     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

authorize  him  to  telegraph  to  Paris  that  his  majesty 
would  pledge  himself  for  all  time  to  come  never  again 
to  give  his  consent,  should  the  Hohenzollerns  revert 
to  their  candidature.  Upon  this  his  majesty  refused 
to  receive  the  French  ambassador  again,  and  sent 
the  aide-de-camp  in  attendance  to  tell  him  that  his 
majesty  had  nothing  further  to  communicate  to  the 
ambassador." 

That  this  document  was  issued  by  Bismarck  with 
the  purpose  of  inflaming  French  wrath  may  reason- 
ably be  doubted,  but  that  he  was  well  aware  of  the 
consequences  which  would  attend  its  publicity  there 
can  be  no  question.  It  was  the  truth  expressed  in 
bold  language,  and  not  in  the  circumspect  and  care- 
fully-chosen sentences  that  a  timid  diplomacy  would 
have  dictated.  It  is  certain  that  M.  Benedetti  did 
not  regard  the  king's  action  as  in  any  way  disrespect- 
ful, and  it  was  not  until  the  receipt  of  Bismarck's 
version  that  the  Paris  government  decided  upon  forci- 
ble measures.  On  July  15  the  Due  de  Gramont  de- 
clared to  the  English  ambassador  that  "  the  Prussian 
government  had  deliberately  insulted  France  by  de- 
claring to  the  public  that  the  king  had  affronted  the 
French  ambassador."  On  that  day  amid  tremendous 
excitement  M.  Ollivier  addressed  the  Corps  Legis- 
latif  in  a  manner  that  left  no  doubt  of  the  intentions 
of  the  government.  Amid  a  tempest  of  applause  the 
minister  declared  that  the  government  accepted  the 
responsibility  of  the  crisis  with  "  a  light  heart."  There 
was  an  attempt  at  debate,  but  the  credit  asked  for  by 
the  government  for  military  purposes  was  enthusiasti- 
cally granted  by  a  majority  of  four  fifths.  That  night 
vast  crowds  filled  the  boulevards  and  swarmed  in  the 
brilliantly  lighted  Champs  Elysees,  singing  the  Mar- 


LAST  DAYS   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     299 

seillaise,  and  raising  the  cries  of  "  A  Berlin  "  and 
"  Vive  la  Guerre."  So  far  as  it  was  possible  to  judge, 
the  course  adopted  by  the  French  government  met 
with  the  unqualified  approval  of  Paris. 

On  this  same  day,  when  Paris  was  running  mad 
with  turbulent  patriotism,  the  emperor  remained  at 
St.  Cloud,  heavy-hearted  and  dreading  the  issue  of 
events  into  which  his  government  was  so  confidently 
plunging.  He  had  yielded  his  consent  to  the  war 
party  almost  upon  compulsion.1  He  certainly  had  no 
cause  to  complain  of  lukewarmness  and  disloyalty  in 
the  temper  of  the  capital,  and  except  for  the  reason 
that  he  had  learned  to  distrust  his  servants  he  might 
have  looked  into  the  future  with  some  assurance. 
Marshal  Leboeuf  had  declared  that  the  army  was 
"  thrice  ready  for  war  to  the  last  button  on  the  last  sol- 
dier's gaiter."  He  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  em- 
peror a  document  affirming  his  ability  to  place  400,000 
men  on  the  eastern  frontier  in  fifteen  days  from  an 
order  for  mobilization.  This  certainly  was  an  excel- 
lent showing.  The  emperor  did  not  underestimate 
the  strength  of  the  North  German  confederation,  but 
he  counted  upon  atoning  for  his  numerical  deficiencies 
by  his  early  preparation,  which  would  enable  him  to 
overthrow  the  enemy  while  their  corps  were  in  pro- 
cess of  formation.  He  also  anticipated  the  powerful 

"Before  the  final  resolve  to  declare  war  the  emperor,  empress, 
and  ministers  went  to  St.  Cloud.  After  some  discussion,  Gramont 
told  me  that  the  empress,  a  high-spirited  and  impressionable  woman, 
made  a  strong  and  excited  address,  declaring  that  '  war  was  inevitable 
if  the  honor  of  France  was  to  be  sustained.'  She  was  immediately 
followed  by  Marshal  Leboeuf,  who,  in  the  most  violent  tone,  threw 
down  his  portfolio,  and  swore  that  if  war  was  not  declared,  he  would 
give  it  up  and  renounce  his  military  rank.  The  emperor  gave  way, 
and  Gramont  went  straight  to  the  Chamber  to  announce  the  fatal 
news."  — Malmesbury,  p.  605. 


300     THE  RECONSTRUCTION'  OF  EUROPE. 

cooperation  of  the  fleet  with  its  division  of  marine 
-infantry,  and  looked  for  great  results  from  the  new 
equipment  of  chassepots  and  mitrailleuses.  Up  to 
the  time,  too,  of  M.  Ollivier's  bellicose  speech  in  the 
Corps  Legislatif  the  emperor  had  not  counted  upon 
the  South  German  states  as  foes,  and  was  even  in- 
clined to  the  belief  that  a  victory  for  the  French  arms 
would  bring  them  into  the  field  as  allies.  So  far  as 
Austria  and  Italy  were  concerned,  he  had  not  on 
July  15  abandoned  hope  of  their  cooperation  in  arms. 
Taking  everything  into  consideration,  then,  the  out- 
look for  France  from  the  emperor's  standpoint  was 
by  no  means  cheerless.  With  400,000  men  standing 
ready  to  cross  the  Rhine,  with  a  fleet  threatening  the 
German  ports  on  the  North  Sea,  with  Austria,  Italy, 
and  South  Germany  neutral  and  perhaps  friendly,  his 
ultimate  success  seemed  assured.  From  this  time, 
however,  every  day  developed  the  falseness  of  the 
basis  on  which  the  emperor  had  been  calculating. 
On  the  19th  the  king  of  Bavaria  set  the  example  for 
South  Germany  by  placing  his  army  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  king  of  Prussia.  It  was  not  North  Ger- 
many, then,  but  Germany  united  with  which  France 
was  to  contend.  On  the  20th  Baron  Beust  strangled 
the  hope  of  Austrian  cooperation  in  this  dispatch  to 
the  Austrian  ambassador  at  Paris  :  "  You  will  repeat 
to  the  emperor  and  his  ministers  that  —  true  to  the 
engagements  defined  in  letters  that  passed  between 
both  sovereigns  last  year  —  we  regard  France's  cause 
as  our  own,  and  shall,  within  the  limits  of  possibility, 
contribute  to  the  success  of  her  arms.  These  limits 
are  prescribed  by  foreign  considerations  and  our  own 
domestic  conditions.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that 
Russia  adheres  to  her  connection  with  Prussia,  so 


LAST  DAYS   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     301 

that  the  intervention  of  Kussian  forces,  under  certain 
eventualities,  may  be  regarded,  not  only  as  probable, 
but  as  certain.  Our  participation  in  the  struggle 
would  be  immediately  followed  by  that  of  Russia, 
who  threatens  us  on  the  Pruth  and  Lower  Danube,  as 
well  as  in  Galicia.  .  .  .  Under  these  circumstances 
the  word  neutrality  —  which  we  do  not  pronounce 
without  regret  —  is  an  imperative  necessity,  as  far  as 
we  are  concerned."  This  was  bitter  news  to  the  Paris 
statesmen.  Not  only  united  Germany,  but  Russia 
was  pitted  against  them.  "  Russia  has  done  us  great 
harm,"  groaned  the  Due  de  Gramont,  as  he  began  to 
comprehend  the  hopeless  isolation  of  France.  Only 
one  possible  ally  remained,  and  that  was  Italy,  but 
the  price  of  her  cooperation  was  still  unchanged,  the 
evacuation  of  Rome.  The  French  government  could 
not  yield  at  this  crisis  without  betraying  weakness. 
So  a  curt  message  settled  the  affair :  "  We  can  do 
nothing  whatsoever  with  respect  to  Rome.  If  Italy 
does  not  choose  to  march,  she  can  stay  at  home." 

Thus  one  by  one  the  air  castles  of  the  French  em- 
peror melted  into  mist.  The  neutral  powers  had 
developed  into  enemies ;  his  friends  had  become  neu- 
tral. It  was  upon  its  own  strength  alone  that  the 
empire  must  rely  for  its  success.  Paris  was  enthusias- 
tic, but  clamored  for  the  march  on  Berlin  to  begin. 
Something  was  evidently  wrong  in  the  military  situa- 
tion on  the  frontier.  The  emperor  issued  his  proc- 
lamation to  the  people,  and  on  the  28th,  accompanied 
by  the  prince  imperial,  stepped  aboard  the  train  at 
St.  Cloud  that  was  to  carry  him  to  the  front.  The 
same  night  he  entered  Metz,  and  found  it  gay  with 
uniforms  and  uproarious  with  warlike  enthusiasm. 
Twenty-four  hours  at  the  front,  however,  convinced 


302      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

him  that  he  had  been  cruelly  deceived.  In  every 
hotel,  cafe,  and  mess-room  irreparable  disasters  to  the 
Prussians  were  freely  predicted,  and  yet  no  intelligent 
opinion  as  to  their  whereabouts  or  plans  was  forth- 
coming. Jealousy  was  rampant  among  the  corps  com- 
manders. Discipline  was  lax,  and  generals  inspected 
their  commands  in  cushioned  barouches,  accompanied 
by  wives,  families,  and  mistresses.  The  regiments 
were  far  below  their  war  strength  ;  indeed,  of  the 
400,000  bayonets  which  Marshal  Leboeuf  had  pro- 
mised only  220,000  were  with  the  colors  on  August  1. 
The  state  of  the  commissariat  was  little  better  than 
chaos ;  chassepots,  and  ammunition  were  scarce ;  the 
troops  were  littered  with  useless  baggage  and  in  no 
condition  for  rapid  marching.1 

In  the  mean  time  Paris  was  clamoring  for  a  victory. 
Miserably  conscious  of  the  state  of  his  army,  and 
aware  that  every  hour  was  swelling  the  German  hosts, 
the  unhappy  emperor  set  himself  stolidly  to  await 
whatever  the  future  might  bring.  His  judgment 
urged  a  consolidation  of  his  corps,  and  a  retirement 
upon  a  strong  line  of  defense.  The  temper  of  Paris 
would  not  permit  such  a  move.  To  advance  was  im- 
possible ;  to  stand  fast  was  to  court  destruction  from 
the  German  armies ;  to  retreat  meant  the  unloosing 
of  the  "red  revolution"  in  his  capital.  There  is 
something  at  once  pathetic  and  ludicrous  in  the  affair 
of  Saarbriick  on  the  2d  of  August.  It  was  the  last 
feeble  effort  of  Napoleon  III.  to  arouse  the  enthusiasm 

1  General  Michel's  dispatch  of  July  21  to  the  war  office  at  Paris, 
quoted  in  Hooper's  Campaign  of  Sedan,  is  indicative  of  the  confu- 
sion pervading  the  French  army.  "  Have  arrived  at  Belfort.  Can't 
find  my  brigade  ;  can't  find  the  general  of  division.  What  shall  I 
do  ?  Don't  know  where  my  regiments  are." 


LAST  DAYS   OF  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE.     303 

of  Paris  for  his  dynasty.  In  Saarbriick  village  lay 
a  German  infantry  battalion  and  a  squadron  of  cav- 
alry. On  the  heights  above  a  division  of  Marshal 
Frossard's  corps  was  encamped.  The  emperor  came 
down  by  train  from  Metz  with  the  prince  imperial, 
and  gazed  upon  the  evolutions  which  he  had  ordered. 
The  infantry  deployed,  wheeled,  and  skirmished. 
Brilliant  troops  of  cuirassiers  cantered  along  the 
road;  the  mitrailleuses  whirred  and  rattled.  The 
sun  glanced  and  glinted  upon  a  scene  that  would  have 
adorned  the  peaceful  acres  of  the  Champ  de  Mars. 
The  Prussian  battalion  retired ;  the  French  divisions 
entered  Saarbriick.  The  emperor  had  done  what  he 
could  to  satisfy  Paris  and  steady  his  throne.  That 
evening  the  news  was  posted  up  in  sight  of  the  shout- 
ing devotees  of  the  boulevards,  that  the  campaign  had 
opened,  a  battle  had  been  fought,  the  French  were 
victorious,  and  Prince  Louis  had  received  "  his  bap- 
tism of  fire." 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

WORTH   AND   FORBACH. 

DELIVERY  OF  THE  FRENCH  DECLARATION  OF  WAR  AT  BERLIN.  — 
PERFECT  PREPARATION  OF  PRUSSIA  FOR  WAK.  —  MOBILIZATION 
AND  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  PRUSSIAN  ARMY.  —  COMPOSITION 
OF  THE  THIBD  ARMY.  —  POSITION  OF  THE  CONTENDING  FORCES 
ON  AUGUST  3.  —  FIGHT  AT  WEISSENBURG  AND  DEFEAT  OF 
THE  FRENCH.  —  MACMAHON  PREPARES  TO  RECEIVE  AN  ATTACK 
ON  THE  SAUER.  —  His  CONFIDENCE  ON  THE  STH  OF  AUGUST.  — 
OPENING  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  WORTH.  —  MACMAHON  is  OUT- 
FLANKED. —  HEROISM  OF  THE  FRENCH  CAVALRY.  —  DESTRUC- 
TION OF  MACMAHON'S  ARMY.  —  HARD  FIGHTING  ON  THE  SAAR. 

—  CRITICAL    SITUATION    OF    THE     GERMAN    FORCE    ENGAGED 
THERE.  —  FINAL  RETREAT  OF   THE  FRENCH.  —  CONSTERNATION 
AT  METZ  OVER   THE   RESULT  OF   THE   DAY'S  FlGHTIXG.  —  DE- 
SPAIR OF  THE  EMPEROR.  —  HE  TURNS  TO  BAZAINE  AS  A  SAVIOUR. 

—  BAZAINE   ASSUMES   THE   COMMAND   UNDER   PROTEST.  —  HE 

APPRECIATES   ITS   FULL    IMPORT.  —  HE    IS    EMBARRASSED    BY    THE 

EMPEROR.  —  THE  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  AT  THE  GERMAN 
HEADQUARTERS.  —  MOLTKE'S  PLAN.  —  THE  MARCH  THROUGH 
LORRAINE. 

IT  was  on  the  19th  of  July  that  Le  Sourd  formally 
delivered  the  French  declaration  of  war  at  Berlin. 
On  the  same  day  King  William  of  Prussia  addressed 
the  North  German  Reichstag  in  words  that  received 
the  hearty  indorsement  of  both  houses.  The  army 
was  in  process  of  mobilization,  and  by  the  20th  the 
South  German  princes  had  placed  their  armies  at 
the  disposal  of  the  king  of  Prussia.  For  the  first 
time  Europe  began  to  comprehend  the  fullness  of  Bis- 
marck's diplomatic  skill.  He  had  used  the  machina- 
tions of  his  enemies  for  their  confounding.  He  had 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  305 

used  the  Napoleonic  proposition  of  1866  concerning  the 
Rhenish  frontier  to  bring  South  Germany  into  line. 
Later,  too,  he  caused  the  publication  of  Napoleon's 
proposals  concerning  Luxemburg  and  Belgium.  The 
result  of  this  was  to  shatter  the  emperor's  influence  in 
every  continental  capital,  while  it  completely  estranged 
England,  which  had  been  inclined  on  the  whole  to 
support  the  French  views  in  the  Hohenzollern  quarrel. 
Austria  and  Denmark  were  hostile,  but  Bismarck  by 
his  Polish  policy,  supported  by  Manteuffel's  visit,  had 
made  of  Russia  a  friend  sufficiently  strong  to  guar- 
antee their  neutrality.  Bismarck  had  made  Germany 
a  military  unit,  and  it  remained  for  the  declaration  of 
war  to  consummate  the  work  by  effecting  a  union  of 
hearts,  interests,  and  power.  No  sooner  had  the  bel- 
licose speeches  of  July  15  in  the  French  Chambers 
been  made  public,  than  the  entire  people,  "  from  the 
shores  of  the  sea  to  the  foot  of  the  Alps,"  sprang  en- 
thusiastically to  arms.  The  reserves  rushed  to  join 
the  colors,  and  the  stout  Landwehrmen  swarmed  to 
the  depots.  Every  city,  village,  and  town  was  ablaze 
with  enthusiasm,  and  every  train  that  rolled  toward 
the  threatened  frontier  was  densely  packed  with  sol- 
diers. Munich,  Dresden,  and  Stuttgart  vied  with 
Berlin  in  th'e  fervor  of  their  patriotism,  and  sent  their 
sons  forth  to  fight  in  the  cause  of  the  German  father- 
land. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact,  however,  that  the  mo- 
bilization of  the  German  armies  progressed  with  even 
greater  rapidity  and  precision  than  that  which  four 
years  before  had  astonished  Europe,  the  suddenness 
with  which  the  emperor's  government  had  unmasked 
its  policy  and  drawn  the  sword  left  the  frontier  for 
ten  days  but  scantily  defended.  Indeed,  in  Germany 


306     THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  EUROPE. 

the  affair  of  Saarbriick  was  not  appreciated  in  all  its 
absurdity  till  some  weeks  later,  inasmuch  as  it  was 
recognized  that  had  Frossard  pushed  his  advantage 
he  would  have  hardly  met  with  serious  resistance  west 
of  the  Khine.  By  the  middle  of  the  first  week  in 
August,  however,  the  danger  for  Germany  and  the 
opportunity  of  France  had  passed  away.  The  Ger- 
man armies  had  entered  in  huge  force  that  tract  of 
country  lying  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Lower  Mo- 
selle, and  their  pickets  were  close  to  the  French  fron- 
tier. The  command  was  nominally  vested  in  the  king 
of  Prussia,  though  Von  Moltke  as  the  chief  of  staff 
planned  and  directed  everything.  As  in  the  Austrian 
campaign  the  huge  host  was  divided  into  three  armies. 
The  first  army  of  General  Steiumetz  crossed  the 
Rhine  about  Bingen,  and  followed  the  Moselle  toward 
Thionville.  It  comprised  the  7th,  8th,  and  10th  corps 
of  the  North  German  confederation,  the  latter  corps 
representing  the  Hanoverian  army.  The  second  army 
under  the  command  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles  of 
Prussia  comprised  the  Prussian  Guard  corps,  and 
the  1st,  2d,  3d,  4th,  9th,  and  Saxon  12th  corps  of  the 
North  German  confederation.  This  army  passed  the 
Rhine  at  Mayence,  and  moving  on  the  left  of  the  first 
army  was  directed  upon  Kaiserslautern/  The  third 
army  consisted  of  the  5th,  6th,  and  llth  corps  of  the 
North  German  confederation,  the  two  corps  of  Ba- 
varia, and  the  divisions  of  Baden  and  Wiirtemberg. 
This  was  by  far  the  most  interesting  of  the  three 
armies,  for  united  Germany  was  embodied  in  its 
ranks.  The  popular  crown  prince  of  Prussia  was  in 
command,  an  appointment  that  proved  at  once  the 
wisdom  and  the  conciliatory  spirit  of  the  German 
headquarters.  This  army  concentrated  in  the  angle 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  307 

formed  by  the  Rhine  and  the  Lauter.  The  diplomats 
at  Munich  and  Stuttgart  loved  Prussia  no  better  than 
in  1866,  but  at  the  front  old  feuds  were  forgotten. 
The  Prussian  soldiers  in  bivouac  broke  into  cheers  as 
the  straight-stepping  Bavarians  passed  them  on  their 
march.  A  glimpse  of  the  Prussian  prince  threw  the 
camps  of  Baden  and  Wiirtemberg  into  tumultuous 
enthusiasm.  The  colors  of  North  and  South  Ger- 
many floated  in  unmistakable  amity  over  the  sea  of 
bayonets  that  rolled  along  the  eastern  base  of  the  Vos- 
ges  during  those  early  August  days. 

So  far  as  the  French  army  was  concerned,  no  ma- 
terial change  in  its  position  was  effected  during  the 
days  when  Germany  was  in  a  measure  defenseless. 
On  August  3  the  various  corps  were  in  the  same  posi- 
tions they  had  occupied  for  a  fortnight.  The  1st  corps 
of  Marshal  MacMahon  was  massed  between  Hagenau 
and  Strasburg.  The  2d  corps  of  General  Frossard, 
instead  of  improving  the  advantage  of  the  2d,  still 
clung  to  the  heights  above  Saarbruck.  Marshal 
Bazaine  with  the  3d  corps  was  at  St.  Avoid,  the  4th 
corps  of  Ladmirault  in  the  vicinity  of  Thionville, 
the  5th  corps  of  General  de  Failly  at  Saargemiind. 
These  were  all  the  troops  the  emperor  had  instantly 
available  on  August  3.  The  Imperial  Guard  was  just 
arriving  at  Metz,  and  the  6th  corps  of  Canrobert  was 
on  the  road  from  Chalons  to  Nancy.  The  7th  corps 
was  detained  far  away  at  Belfort  to  cover  that  weak 
point  in  the  frontier.  Altogether  the  French  army 
in  line  between  Metz  and  Strasburg  mustered  some- 
thing less  than  175,000  men,  nor  was  full  advantage 
taken  of  this  strength.  The  corps  about  Metz  were 
loosely  posted,  while  MacMahon  was  hopelessly  iso- 
lated. With  thin  ranks,  but  vain  in  their  own  con- 


308      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ceit,  the  French  commanders  indolently  awaited  the 
future. 

The  German  hosts  congregated  in  the  angle  be- 
tween the  Rhine  and  the  Moselle  on  August  3  aggre- 
gated more  than  400,000  men.  The  outposts  of  the 
first  army  were  on  the  Saar,  the  vanguard  of  the 
second  army  had  passed  Kaiserslautern,  while  the 
crown  prince  was  approaching  the  Lauter. 

In  the  mean  time  the  French  general  Douay  with  a 
division  of  MacMahon's  corps  had  gone  into  camp  on 
the  Lauter,  occupying  the  old  fortress  of  Weissen- 
burg  and  the  heights  to  the  south.  On  the  morning 
of  the  4th,  when  the  French  troops  were  preparing 
their  coffee,  the  Bavarian  forces  suddenly  appeared 
on  the  heights  of  Schweigen.  At  the  same  time  their 
artillery  opened  a  terrific  fire  upon  the  camps  and 
the  town  of  Weissenburg  itself.  Douay,  upon  find- 
ing himself  so  suddenly  forced  into  the  presence 
of  grim-visaged  war,  demeaned  himself  like  a  stout 
soldier.  The  Bavarians  from  the  north,  assisted  by  a 
part  of  the  5th  corps  on  the  east,  stormed  Weissen- 
burg, and  captured  the  garrison  after  a  sanguinary 
fight  in  the  streets,  while  the  mass  of  the  5th  corps 
and  a  division  of  the  llth  corps  from  the  south  closed 
in  on  the  Geisberg  and  the  farm  of  Schafsberg,  where 
the  main  strength  of  the  French  was  concentrated. 
The  chateau  of  Geisberg  on  its  commanding  hill-top 
was  stubbornly  defended,  and  only  capitulated  when 
the  contest  in  other  quarters  was  hopelessly  lost. 
Douay  was  killed  by  a  shell,  and  the  survivors  of  his 
division  went  streaming  away  into  the  Vosges. 

The  news  of  this  disastrous  affair  reached  Mac- 
Mahon  at  Metz,  where  it  caused  great  consternation. 
A  council  of  war  was  immediately  held,  as  a  result 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  309 

of  which  MacMahon  left  that  night  to  join  his  corps, 
while  the  emperor  ordered  General  De  Failly  with  the 
5th  corps  to  his  support.  MacMahon,  appreciating 
the  necessity  of  an  early  atonement  for  the  disaster 
of  Weissenburg  hastened  to  oppose  the  advance  of 
the  crown  prince  with  all  his  forces.  On  the  5th  he 
was  reinforced  by  Dumesnil's  division  of  the  7th 
corps  and  Bonnemain's  cuirassier  brigade  of  the  6th 
corps.  These  with  his  four  divisions  made  a  total 
strength  of  nearly  50,000  men,  with  which  he  seized 
the  heights  that  skirt  the  Sauer  between  Neewiller 
and  Morsbronn.  His  centre  occupied  Froschweiler 
and  Elsasshausen  with  its  advance  posts  in  Worth. 
His  left  crested  the  heights  from  Froschweiler  north- 
westerly to  Neewiller.  His  right  occupied  the  Nieder- 
wald  south  of  Froschweiler  with  its  extremity  rest- 
ing upon  the  Lansberg  that  overlooks  the  village  of 
Morsbronn.  MacMahon  had  the  divisions  of  Ducrot, 
Raoult,  and  Lartigue  on  this  line,  while  he  held 
Pellets  division,  which  had  been  shattered  at  Weis- 
senburg, in  the  rear  of  Froschweiler  as  a  reserve. 
Dumesnil's  division  was  stationed  in  the  vicinity  of 
Eberbach  as  a  support  to  Lartigue  in  the  Nieder- 
wald.  The  position  was  well  chosen  for  purposes  of 
defense,  while  it  covered  the  road  to  Strasburg  and 
afforded  good  lines  of  retreat.  That  MacMahon's 
army  was  too  small  to  make  the  most  of  the  position 
there  can  be  no  question,  though  with  the  exception 
of  the  division  which  had  fought  at  Weissenburg 
the  "  morale "  of  his  troops  was  excellent.  They 
comprised  several  of  those  superb  Algerian  regiments 
that  had  made  a  world-wide  reputation  on  Cri- 
mean and  Italian  battlefields.  The  artillery  was  also 
strengthened  by  several  batteries  of  the  much  vaunted 


310     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

mitrailleuses.  Naturally,  too,  the  marshal  looked  for 
support  from  De  Failly.  Indeed,  when  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  5th  he  received  notice  from  the  emperor 
that  the  5th  corps  was  to  act  under  his  orders,  he  ex- 
claimed in  his  joy,  "  Messieurs  les  Prussiens,  I  have 
you."  He  was  not  aware  at  that  time  of  the  demoral- 
ized and  broken  condition  of  De  Failly's  corps  con- 
sequent upon  a  multiplicity  of  conflicting  orders  from 
Metz. 

The  crown  prince  of  Prussia  passed  the  Lauter 
in  force  on  the  5th,  and  that  evening  the  5th  corps 
bivouacked  along  the  road  between  Dieffenbach  and 
Worth,  while  the  2d  Bavarian  corps  halted  at  Lan- 
gensulzbach.  At  dawn  on  the  6th  the  5th  corps 
began  to  skirmish  in  front  of  Worth,  while  the  Bava- 
rians advancing  from  their  bivouacs  drew  the  French 
fire  in  front  of  Neewiller.  The  crown  prince  had  not 
intended  to  attack  MacMahon  that  day,  and  upon 
hearing  of  the  engagement  ordered  it  to  be  broken 
off  immediately.  While  the  Bavarians  who  had  ac- 
tually gained  a  foothold  on  the  heights  of  Neewiller 
began  reluctantly  to  retire,  General  von  Kirchback, 
commanding  the  5th  corps,  found  himself  too  deeply 
involved  to  allow  of  such  a  movement.  As  a  result 
he  dispatched  messengers  to  his  Bavarian  neighbor  as 
well  as  to  the  commander  of  the  llth  corps  which 
was  just  arriving  on  the  field,  to  help  him  continue 
the  contest. 

The  crown  prince,  upon  learning  how  far  the  action 
had  progressed,  ordered  the  1st  Bavarian  corps  and 
the  Wiirtembergers  to  hasten  their  march  to  the 
front  where  he  himself  arrived  at  one  P.  M.,  shortly 
after  the  llth  corps  had  gone  into  action  on  the  left 
of  the  5th,  against  the  French  in  the  Niederwald. 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  311 

The  German  batteries  occupied  the  heights  northwest 
of  Gunstett  with  120  cannon  and  rained  a  perfect 
tempest  of  shells  upon  the  opposing  hills  from  Frosch- 
weiler  to  the  Lansberg.  About  twelve  o'clock  the 
Prussians  crossed  the  Sauer  and  carried  Worth. 
Against  the  heights  of  Froschweiler,  however,  they 
could  make  no  impression,  the  French  fighting  su- 
perbly at  this  point  despite  the  terrific  artillery  fire 
to  which  they  were  subjected.  The  crown  prince,  see- 
ing the  terrible  slaughter  inflicted  upon  his  centre 
and  despairing  of  success  at  that  point,  determined  to 
use  his  superior  strength  by  outflanking  the  French 
position.  While  the  1st  Bavarian  corps  was  pushed 
forward  between  the  5th  corps  and  the  2d  Bavarians 
against  the  French  left  centre,  the  llth  corps  began 
to  exert  a  pressure  against  the  French  right  too 
strong  to  be  resisted.  The  Niederwald  was  soon 
rendered  untenable,  and  the  German  columns  pushing 
forward  between  Eberbach  and  Morsbronn  threat- 
ened to  envelop  the  French  flank.  MacMahon  in  the 
desperation  of  the  crisis  hurled  Michel's  cavalry  bri- 
gade against  the  advancing  Prussians.  The  cuiras- 
siers and  lancers  rode  well  to  their  death,  and  heaped 
the  fields  about  Morsbronn  with  their  slain.  Their 
sacrifice  enabled  Lartigue's  and  Dumesnil's  divisions 
to  extricate  themselves  from  their  precarious  position 
and  rally  on  Elsasshausen.  At  1.30  the  line  of  battle 
of  the  Prussian  llth  corps  extended  from  Eberbach 
to  the  foot  of  the  hill  of  Elsasshausen,  while  the  ex- 
treme French  right  was  flying  in  disorder  toward 
Hagenau.  The  resources  of  the  French  marshal  were 
nearly  exhausted.  He  had  fought  a  good  battle  and 
was  yielding  to  overwhelming  numbers.  He  sent 
appeal  after  appeal  to  De  Failly  for  aid,  but  his  glass 


312     THE   RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

swept  the  country  in  vain  for  a  glimpse  of  his  ap- 
proaching regiments.  At  two  o'clock  the  French 
abandoned  Elsasshausen  to  the  flames  and  to  the 
Prussians.  Realizing  that  his  salvation  depended 
upon  the  recapture  of  this  village,  MacMahon  threw 
his  last  infantry  reserve  against  it,  and  a  few  mo- 
ments later  ordered  Bonnemain's  cuirassier  brigade 
to  charge.  The  wreck  of  this  fine  corps  soon  strewed 
the  hopfields  between  Elsasshausen  and  the  Nieder- 
wald  ;  the  infantry  recoiled  from  the  hornet's  nest  of 
Elsasshausen ;  Ducrot's  division  on  the  heights  of 
Neewiller  was  crumbling  to  pieces ;  worse  than  all, 
assailed  on  three  sides,  Froschweiler  was  yielding.  It 
was  not  until  four  o'clock  that  MacMahon  ordered 
the  retreat,  but  before  this  a  genuine  rout  had  set  in. 
All  along  the  heights,  however,  the  carnage  still  con- 
tinued. The  sun  shone  crimson  through  smoke  clouds 
upon  the  blazing  village,  within  which  fragments  of 
regiments  that  had  never  learned  to  fly  still  fought 
madly  on,  upon  broken  batteries  whose  hot  cannon 
still  thundered  the  French  defiance,  and  upon  the 
sea  of  glistening  helmets  that  crested  the  Prussian 
advance.  It  was  nearly  dusk,  the  roads  leading  to 
Saverne  and  Niederbronn  were  crowded  with  the 
wreck  of  MacMahon's  corps,  when  De  Failly's  first 
regiments  arrived.  They  came  rushing  into  Nieder- 
bronn incredulous  over  the  rumors  that  had  reached 
them,  fierce  and  angry  at  the  mere  supposition  of  a 
French  reverse.  They  had  come  to  support  Mac- 
Mahon ;  they  were  scarcely  able  to  cover  his  retreat. 
At  all  events,  shortly  after  dark  the  Bavarians 
stormed  into  Niederbronn,  wrested  the  railway  station 
from  their  grasp,  and  drove  them  back.  So  the  bat- 
tle of  Worth  ended.  The  crown  prince  had  little 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  313 

cavalry  available  and  the  French  rout  streamed  on 
unmolested. 

At  the  same  time  that  Marshal  McMahon  was 
being  driven  from  his  carefully  chosen  positions  the 
corps  of  General  Frossard  was  recoiling  shattered 
and  demoralized  from  the  disastrous  battle  of  For- 
bach.  On  the  Saar  as  well  as  on  the  Sauer  the  Ger- 
mans had  struck  a  savage  blow.  The  conflict  at 
Forbach,  like  that  of  Worth,  was  unpremeditated, 
and  the  result  of  insubordination  on  the  part  of 
Frossard,  and  the  extraordinary  daring  of  the  Prus- 
sian General  Kamecke.  Frossard,  who  had  been  en- 
camped on  the  Spicheren  heights  since  his  skirmish 
on  the  2d,  was  under  orders  from  the  emperor  to 
retire  upon  St.  Avoid.  Although  twenty-four  hours 
had  passed  since  the  receipt  of  these  orders,  the  morn- 
ing of  the  6th  found  his  rearguard  just  breaking 
camp  on  the  heights,  while  the  mass  of  his  corps  was 
only  approaching  Forbach.  He  might  have  made 
good  progress  during  the  day  had  not  a  Prussian 
force  suddenly  appeared  in  Saarbriick.  The  slender- 
ness  of  this  force  tempted  him  to  resume  the  offen- 
sive. He  recalled  his  troops  and  occupied  his  old  posi- 
tions on  the  Spieherenberg.  General  Kamecke,  who 
had  but  one  division  of  the  German  7th  corps,  was  in 
no  sense  overawed  at  being  confronted  by  a  superior 
force  in  an  almost  unassailable  position.  He  was  not 
even  content  to  stand  on  the  defensive,  but  trusting 
to  the  cannon  thunder  to  bring  him  supports,  he 
hurled  his  infantry  against  the  Spieherenberg.  These 
gallant  troops  shed  their  blood  like  water  on  the  steep 
fire-swept  slopes,  but  to  no  purpose.  At  noon  Kar 
mecke's  position  was  grave ;  at  two  o'clock  it  was  des- 
perate ;  at  three  the  battle  was  saved  by  the  arrival 


314       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

of  General  Goeben  with  Barnekow's  division  of  the 
8th  corps.  A  portion  of  the  5th  division  of  the  3d 
corps  also  arrived  and  Goeben,  who  had  assumed 
command,  renewed  the  offensive  with  energy.  The 
French  continued  to  dispute  the  possession  of  the 
Spicherenberg  until  dark,  when  in  a  broken  and 
panic-struck  condition  they  began  their  retreat. 

In  the  mean  time  Gliimer's  division  of  the  7th 
corps,  having  crossed  the  Saar  six  miles  west  of  Saar- 
briick,  marched  southward  upon  hearing  of  the  events 
transpiring  at  that  place.  In  the  evening  they  ap- 
proached Forbach,  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
huge  quantities  of  stores  were  collected  here  the 
French  garrison  evacuated  and  retreated  upon  Metz. 

The  victory  of  Saarbriick  or  Forbach  was  due  to 
the  superb  steadiness  of  Kamecke's  Westphalian  in- 
fantry, to  the  splendid  marching  of  the  supporting 
divisions,  to  the  overweening  confidence  of  General 
Frossard,  and  to  the  confusion  of  orders  that  left  him 
unsupported.  Three  divisions  of  Bazaine's  corps 
were  within  half  a  dozen  miles  of  the  Spicherenberg, 
but  none  of  the  leaders  cared  to  move  on  their  own 
responsibility.  Bazaine's  early  proffer  of  assistance 
was  rejected  by  Frossard,  and  after  that  the  various 
divisions  spent  their  time  in  marching  and  counter- 
marching in  the  vain  efforts  to  execute  the  erratic 
orders  of  an  incompetent  commander-in-chief . 

The  6th  of  August  witnessed  the  crippling  of  the 
French  army  of  invasion.  Worth  annihilated  the 
right  wing,  Forbach  shattered  the  centre.  De  Failly, 
finding  himself  in  danger  of  being  cut  off  at  Bitsche, 
started  on  a  wild  chase  after  MacMahon.  Not  a  field 
battalion  was  left  to  confront  the  Prussians  between 
Metz  and  Strasburg. 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  315 

At  Metz  the  news  was  received  first  with  incredulity 
and  then  with  consternation.  The  cries  of  "  A  Ber- 
lin "  suddenly  ceased  and  noncombatants  began  prepa- 
rations for  a  hasty  flight.  The  temper  of  the  imperial 
staff  from  a  confident  flippancy  became  despondent  in 
the  extreme.  The  army  was  beaten,  France  was  beaten, 
the  German  empire  was  an  accomplished  fact,  —  these 
sentiments  were  frequently  expressed  at  headquarters 
during  Sunday  the  7th  of  August.  The  sense  of  dis- 
couragement pervaded  all  classes  from  the  emperor 
down  to  the  ranks.  At  the  opening  of  the  second 
week  in  August  the  emperor  had  under  his  command 
the  2d,  3d,  4th,  and  6th  corps,  with  the  Guard,  a 
total  of  125,000  men,  but  of  these,  Frossard's  corps 
was  too  much  demoralized  to  be  immediately  avail- 
able. With  this  force  the  emperor  had  to  contend 
against  two  armies  aggregating  300,000  men,  flushed 
with  success.  It  required  a  soldier  of  rare  genius 
and  energy  to  maintain  the  contest  against  such  odds, 
and  unhappily  the  emperor  even  in  his  prime  was 
never  a  military  leader  of  the  first  order.  In  these 
days,  moreover,  of  bodily  pain  and  mental  weariness, 
he  lost  all  heart  and  turned  from  Leboeuf  and  the 
carpet  soldiers  of  the  Tuileries,  to  men  of  sounder 
judgment  and  less  selfish  impulses.  From  the  crowd 
of  brilliant  hangers-on  and  would-be  advisers  he  se- 
lected two  men  to  aid  him  in  the  crisis ;  the  first  was 
General  Changarnier,  the  other  Marshal  Bazaine. 
In  1851  the  emperor  had  committed  the  former  to 
prison  because  he  was  hostile  to  his  interests  and  too 
popular  with  the  army.  Forgetting  the  past,  Chan- 
garnier left  his  retirement  and  placed  his  sword  at 
the  disposal  of  the  emperor.  The  political  prisoner  of 
1851  became  the  trusted  imperial  adviser  in  1870. 


316     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

As  for  Bazaine,  he  had  come  by  his  honors  honestly, 
and  fought  his  way  upward  through  the  grades  at  the 
cannon's  mouth.  The  emperor  looked  upon  Bazaine, 
and  Changarnier  concurred  in  his  judgment,  as  the 
man  who  might  pull  him  through  his  difficulties. 
These  days  at  the  French  headquarters  succeeding 
the  early  August  battles  are  memorable  in  modern 
European  history,  and  we  have  their  details  from  the 
pens  of  the  principal  actors.  The  first  move  of  the 
emperor  after  the  6th  of  August  was  the  appoint- 
ment of  Bazaine  to  the  command  of  the  2d,  3d,  and 
4th  corps,  with  orders  to  bring  them  back  under  the 
guns  of  Metz.  In  the  mean  time  the  emperor  was 
contemplating  his  resignation.  The  army  and  the 
nation  had  lost  confidence  in  him,  he  never  had  much 
confidence  in  himself,  and  Paris  was  uncomfortably 
peremptory  in  its  demands  for  a  new  commander. 
On  the  12th  Lebo3uf  fell  from  his  position  as  chief 
of  staff,  and  on  the  day  following  the  emperor  for- 
mally resigned  the  command  of  the  army  of  the  Rhine 
in  favor  of  Bazaine.  These  events  were  well  received 
by  the  army,  and  Paris  was  satisfied.  The  influ- 
ences that  were  exerted  to  effect  these  changes  have 
long  been  in  dispute.  The  emperor  claimed  that  the 
interests  of  France  determined  his  course ;  in  reality 
it  was  determined  for  him  by  the  ministry.  There  is 
a  strong  chain  of  evidence  to  indicate  that  the  Paris 
statesmen  foresaw  the  magnitude  of  the  coming  disas- 
ters, and  the  necessity  of  finding  a  scapegoat  who 
should  take  the  responsibility  from  the  imperial  shoul- 
ders. As  far  as  the  emperor  is  concerned,  he  doubt- 
less yielded  to  what  he  regarded  as  a  public  as  well  as 
a  ministerial  demand.  He  called  upon  Bazaine  not 
to  save  the  empire  by  a  personal  sacrifice  of  all  that 


WORTH  AND  FORBACH.  317 

a  soldier  holds  dear,  but  by  his  military  genius  and 
force  of  arms. 

Bazaine,  however,  appreciated  fully  what  his  ap- 
pointment meant.  Canrobert  and  MacMahon  were 
his  seniors,  but  they  never  thought  of  contesting  the 
dangerous  honor  of  the  supreme  command.  Bazaine 
tried  to  evade  the  appointment,  but  the  emperor  en- 
treated. Then  in  a  manly,  soldierly  fashion  the  mar- 
shal succumbed,  and  shouldered  the  duty  which  he 
recognized  was  almost  certain  to  bring  upon  him  the 
rage  and  contempt  of  his  countrymen.  The  army, 
we  know,  was  ill-disciplined,  dispirited,  and  terribly 
outnumbered,  but  this  was  not  the  worst  feature  of  Ba- 
zaine's  dilemma.  He  was  destined  to  be  hampered  by 
the  emperor  just  long  enough  to  complete  the  misery 
of  the  military  situation.  Bazaine  had  a  plan,  a  rare 
thing  among  the  French  marshals  of  those  degenerate 
days,  and  upon  it  he  had  laid  some  stress.  He  wished 
to  move  the  whole  army  to  a  position  on  the  Nied,  to 
accept  a  battle  there,  and  if  victorious,  to  fall  away 
southward,  effect  a  junction  with  MacMahon,  and  take 
up  a  new  position  in  front  of  Nancy.  This  scheme 
was  perhaps  the  only  feasible  one  of  the  French  cam- 
paign, and  it  was  the  last  upon  which  the  emperor 
exercised  an  influence.  He  opposed  it.  Unquestion- 
ably Bazaine  might  have  insisted,  but  he  yielded  as 
commander-in-chief  as  he  had  been  wont  to  yield 
when  a  general  of  division.  As  a  result  the  army 
began  to  execute  the  move  substituted  by  the  em- 
peror, and  commenced  the  retreat  to  Verdun.  The 
orders  for  retreating  fell  like  a  deathblow  upon  the 
already  disheartened  soldiers  of  the  army  of  the 
Rhine. 

In  the  mean  time  all  the  machinery  of  the  German 


818       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

headquarters  was  moving  with  perfect  precision.  In 
every  direction  the  lieutenants  of  Von  Moltke  were 
vigorously  pushing  his  carefully  elaborated  plans. 
Every  one  was  at  work,  and  working  for  some  def- 
inite end.  No  one  had  prophesied  or  anticipated  an 
easy  victory,  and  yet  there  was  no  undue  elation  over 
recent  events.  All  the  armies  had  been  engaged,  the 
first  and  second  touching  shoulders  in  front  of  the 
Spicherenberg.  If  some  grumbled  over  the  risks 
taken  by  Kamecke,  the  splendid  marching  of  the  sup- 
porting divisions  seemed  to  indicate  that  a  Prussian 
officer  could  afford  to  take  some  risks.  There  was 
certainly  something  more  than  commendable  in  the 
swift  rush  of  the  Brandenburgers  and  Rhinelanders 
toward  the  "  kannonendonner "  on  the  day  of  For- 
bach.  Regiments  that  in  the  morning  were  a  score 
of  miles  from  Saarbriick  had  turned  off  the  dusty 
leagues  under  the  exhilarating  influence  of  the  dis- 
tant artillery,  and  been  found  at  sunset  in  the  fight- 
ing line  on  the  crest  of  the  Spicherenberg. 

Moltke  had  a  plan  far-reaching  in  its  aims,  for  it 
meant  the  bagging  of  the  French  army  of  invasion 
with  Metz  and  the  emperor  included.  He  divined 
the  emperor's  purpose  of  retreating  on  Verdun.  The 
crown  prince  directed  his  march  upon  Nancy,  but  the 
army  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles  moved  on  Pont  a 
Mousson  on  the  Moselle,  while  Steinmetz  covered  his 
right,  and  threatened  Metz  from  the  east  and  north- 
east. If  Bazaine  moved  up  the  Moselle  against  Fred- 
erick Charles,  he  laid  open  his  flank  to  Steinmetz. 
If  he  turned  against  Steinmetz,  or  took  the  roads  to 
Verdun,  his  flank  was  exposed  to  Frederick  Charles. 
If  he  remained  quiescent,  he  rendered  it  possible  for 
Frederick  Charles  to  pass  the  Moselle  in  force,  push 


W6RTH  AND  FORBACH.  319 

his  columns  northward  from  Pont  a  Mousson,  and  cut 
the  roads  to  Verdun. 

The  villagers  of  Lorraine  still  tell  with  wonder,  if 
with  sadness,  of  that  mighty  flood  of  German  inva- 
sion that  engulfed  them  during  the  summer  days  of 
1870 ;  of  the  never-ceasing  tide  of  the  soldiers  of 
the  Fatherland  that  poured  out  of  the  Rhineland,  — 
cavalry  clattering  and  jingling  through  the  village 
street,  dust-covered  infantrymen  timing  their  march 
to  martial  chorus  or  tap  of  drum,  and  artillery  rum- 
bling and  jolting  over  the  rough  ways. 

From  dawn  until  dusk  and  even  after  darkness  fell 
and  weary  regiments  bivouacked  by  the  roadsides, 
still  the  steady  muffled  tramp  continued  as  fresher 
troops  pursued  their  march.  Days  and  weeks  passed, 
and  still  Germany  poured  forth  her  sons,  and  still 
they  streamed  westward  into  the  heart  of  France. 
"  It  is  not  an  army,"  groaned  the  Lorrainers,  "  but  a 
nation  that  has  come  among  us."  At  last  the  helmets 
became  scarce,  and  the  shakos  appeared  crowning  fore- 
heads that  were  wrinkled  and  hair  that  was  streaked 
with  gray.  It  was  the  Landwehr  going  to  the  front 
to  teach  the  "  youngsters  "  how  to  fight.  They  came 
on  by  tens  of  thousands,  the  memories  of  other  days 
clustering  about  their  standards,  the  memory  of  wife 
and  children  clustering  about  their  hearts,  strong, 
sturdy,  arousing  the  echoes  of  the  Lotharingian  woods 
and  hills  with  the  full-voiced  chorus,  — 

"  Dear  Fatherland  no  danger  thine, 
Finn  stand  thy  sons  to  guard  the  Rhine." 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE   AUGUST   BATTLES   BEFORE   METZ. 

THE  FRENCH  RETKEAT  UPON  VERDUN  BEGINS.  —  BATTLE  OP 
BORNY.  —  BAZAINE'S  NIGHT  VISIT  TO  THE  EMPEROR.  —  FLIGHT 
OF  THE  EMPEROR  TO  GRAVELOTTE.  —  BAZAINE  VISITS  HIM 
THERE.  —  FAREWELL  BETWEEN  BAZAINE  AND  THE  EMPEROR 
ON  THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  LATTER  FOR  VERDUN.  —  POSITION 
OF  THE  ARMIES  ON  AUGUST  16.  —  GENERAL  VON  ALVENSLEBEN 
OPENS  THE  BATTLE  OF  VIONVILLE.  —  CHARACTER  OF  THE  BAT- 
TLE AND  ITS  RESULTS.  —  BAZAINE  TAKES  UP  A  NEW  POSITION. 

—  MOLTKE'S  PLAN  FOR  AUGUST  18.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  GRAVE- 
LOTTE. —  REPULSE  OF   STEINMETZ.  —  INCAPACITY   OF   BAZAINE. 

—  SECOND   REPULSE   OF   STEINMETZ.  —  CANROBERT     OVERPOW- 
ERED. —  CAPTURE  OF  ST.  PRIVAT  AND  TURNING  OF  THE  FRENCH 
RIGHT.  —  CLOSE  OF  THE  BATTLE.  —  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  BATTLE 
UPON  THE  MILITARY   SITUATION.  —  FORMATION   OF   THE  ARMY 
OF  THE  MEUSE.  —  THE  SIEGE  OF  METZ  BEGINS. 

IT  was  dawn  on  the  14th  of  August  when  the 
French  army  of  the  Rhine  commenced  its  passage  of 
the  Moselle  and  inaugurated  the  retreat  upon  Ver- 
dun. The  immediate  result  was  chaos,  the  blockading 
of  roads  with  cumbersome  baggage  and  artillery  trains 
that  caused  at  once  confusion  and  delay.  To  make 
matters  worse,  about  four  P.  M.  the  3d  corps  and  a  por- 
tion of  the  4th  corps,  which  still  retained  their  positions 
between  Columbey  and  Nouilly  on  the  east  of  Metz, 
were  furiously  attacked  by  the  first  German  army 
under  Steinmetz.  The  effect  of  the  cannon  thunder 
in  their  rear  was  most  demoralizing  upon  the  French 
army.  The  retreat  came  to  a  standstill ;  the  Guard  was 
moved  to  Borny  to  support  the  troops  in  action,  while 


THE  AUGUST  BATTLES  •  BEFORE  METZ.     321 

the  army  began  to  recross  the  Moselle.  The  French 
fought  well,  outnumbering  their  assailants ;  and  when 
the  action  ceased  at  dark  they  claimed  the  victory. 
The  German  purpose,  however,  had  been  fully  accom- 
plished. They  had  held  three  entire  corps  d'armee 
on  the  east  of  Metz,  checked  Bazaine's  movement  in 
retreat,  and  enabled  the  columns  of  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  to  make  good  progress  westward. 

Bazaine,  who  from  the  first  had  deprecated  the  re- 
treat, recognized  distinctly  after  this  action  its  prob- 
able issue.  From  the  battlefield  about  Borny  he 
made  his  way  at  midnight  across  the  Moselle  through 
the  streets  of  Metz  crowded  with  weary,  grumbling 
soldiery,  threading  his  way  among  the  wreck  and  dis- 
order that  strewed  the  roads  beyond  the  town,  until 
he  reached  the  emperor's  quarters  at  the  Chateau  de 
Longueville.  There  he  eased  his  mind  of  his  fore- 
bodings, and  disclosed  his  dread  of  being  outflanked. 
The  miserable  emperor  merely  entreated  caution  and 
the  avoidance  of  any  fresh  defeat.  Bazaine  rode 
away  through  the  military  confusion  to  his  quarters, 
while  shortly  before  dawn  the  emperor  was  apprised  of 
the  proximity  of  the  Germans  by  the  shells  that  came 
crashing  into  the  chateau  garden.  The  army 'of  the 
Rhine  had  sunk  so  low  in  efficiency  that  it  was  in- 
competent to  protect  its  sovereign  from  this  audacious 
field  battery  that  unlimbered  on  the  farther  bank  of 
the  Moselle.  So  the  emperor  commenced  the  day, 
the  day  of  the  great  Napoleonic  festival,  by  a  hurried 
flight.  Accompanied  by  Prince  Louis  and  a  small 
escort  he  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  Gravelotte. 
At  the  inn  of  this  village  he  received  Bazaine  in  the 
afternoon,  while  along  the  road  in  front  the  sullen, 
dispirited  regiments  passed  in  retreat  without  raising 
a  cheer  at  the  sight  of  their  unhappy  monarch. 


322      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Bazaine  and  the  emperor  met  but  once  more,  and 
that  on  the  following  morning,  the  16th.  The  mar- 
shal being  summoned  by  an  aide  found  the  emperor 
seated  in  his  carriage,  suffering  depicted  on  his  usu- 
ally imperturbable  face.  His  words  betrayed  his 
utter  hopelessness.  "  I  have  decided  to  leave  for 
Verdun  and  Chalons.  Make  the  best  of  your  way  to 
Verdun.  The  gendarmes  have  abandoned  Briey  to 
the  Prussians."  The  marshal  found  the  gigantic  task 
upon  his  shoulders  of  consummating  with  a  disorgan- 
ized and  crestfallen  army  a  movement  which  from  the 
first  he  had  regarded  as  suicidal.  Almost  before  the 
dust  raised  by  the  imperial  escort  had  faded  from  sight, 
the  roar  of  cannon  that  was  borne  to  his  ears  on  the 
south  wind  told  him  that  another  battle  was  afoot. 

The  action  fought  on  this  day  was  the  most  san- 
guinary of  the  entire  war.  It  was  commenced  by  the 
army  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles  to  intercept  Ba- 
zaine's  retreat  on  Verdun,  and  maintained  by  it 
throughout  the  day  against  vastly  superior  forces. 
The  position  of  the  two  armies  at  daybreak  on  the 
16th  was  substantially  as  follows :  the  French  were 
preparing  to  retreat  upon  Verdun,  the  2d,  6th,  and 
Guard  corps  by  the  southern  road  via  Mars  la  Tour, 
the  3d  and  4th  corps  moving  over  the  northern  route 
via  Etain.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mass  of  the  German 
second  army  was  still  distant  from  the  Moselle,  only 
the  3d  and  10th  corps  being  close  up  to  its  banks. 
The  19th  infantry  division  of  the  10th  corps  and  the 
5th  division  of  the  3d  corps  had  even  crossed  the  river, 
the  former  being  in  the  vicinity  of  Thiaucourt,  and  the 
other  between  Onville  and  Gorze.  The  5th  cavalry 
division  was  near  Mars  la  Tour,  while  the  Guard  dra- 
goon brigade  was  with  the  19th  division  at  Thiaucourt. 


THE  AUGUST  BATTLES  BEFORE  METZ.     323 

General  von  Alvensleben  commanding  the  3d  Ger- 
man corps  pushed  the  6th  infantry  division  across  the 
Moselle  at  daybreak,  and  marched  by  Gorze  upon 
Vionville.  It  was  Redern's  cavalry,  supported  by 
this  division,  that  first  surprised  the  French.  Fros- 
sard's  corps  was  encamped  about  Vionville  and  Fla- 
vigny,  and  the  effect  of  the  sudden  attack  was  to 
bring  up  the  6th  corps  on  his  right  and  establish  a 
line  of  battle  from  Flavigny  to  Bruville.  In  other 
words,  the  French  corps,  which  had  been  facing  west- 
ward, executed  a  partial  wheel  to  the  left  and  faced 
southwest.  Bazaine  seems  to  have  had  no  conception 
of  the  slenderness  of  the  forces  opposing  him,  and  to 
have  exercised  undue  caution.  The  small  force  of 
German  infantry  on  the  ground  rendered  it  necessary 
to  use  the  cavalry  immoderately,  and  a  series  of  bril- 
liant but  murderous  charges  resulted.  The  position 
of  the  German  forces  was  critical  throughout  the  day ; 
and  even  at  five  o'clock  when  the  entire  3d  and  10th 
corps  had  come  up,  they  were  confronted  by  no  less 
than  five  French  corps.  Indeed,  the  battle  of  Vion- 
ville was  a  marvel  of  military  audacity.  General  von 
Alvensleben,  realizing  the  great  importance  of  holding 
Bazaine  in  Metz,  risked  everything  for  its  accomplish- 
ment, hurling  battalions  against  brigades,  and  driving 
his  depleted  cavalry  squadrons  again  and  again 
against  the  blazing  lines  of  French  cannon.  The 
strong  men  of  Brandenburg  and  Hanover  proved 
equal  to  the  emergency.  The  Hanoverians  arrived 
late  on  the  field,  but  they  did  grand  service.  The 
strapping  fair-haired  men  who  under  their  king  drove 
the  Prussians  at  Langensalza  fought  no  less  stoutly 
in  the  cause  of  the  Fatherland  when  they  faced  the 
French  lines  at  Vionville. 


324       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

The  battle  of  Vionville  settled  the  fate  of  Bazaine's 
army.  The  marshal  was  outmanoauvred,  and  at  the 
close  of  the  action,  while  he  claimed  the  victory,  could 
not  disguise  the  fact  that  the  command  of  the  south- 
ern route  to  Verdun  had  passed  into  the  control  of 
his  foe.  From  this  time  date  the  first  charges  against 
the  marshal,  which  in  the  end  were  to  bring  about  his 
ruin  and  disgrace.  It  is  asserted  that  had  he  shown 
any  energy  on  the  15th,  fought  with  more  spirit  on 
the  16th,  or  improved  his  opportunities  on  the  17th, 
he  might  have  shaken  himself  free  from  the  steel 
talons  which  the  German  headquarters  was  closing 
upon  him.  Bazaine's  excuses  are  based  upon  the  de- 
moralization of  his  army  and  the  insubordination  of 
his  corps  commanders.  These  facts  rendered  him  un- 
willing to  attempt  another  move  on  Verdun.  On  the 
17th  he  led  his  army  back  to  an  impregnable  position 
under  the  guns  of  Metz.  He  occupied  with  all  his 
forces  the  high  plateau  west  of  the  Moselle,  his  left 
resting  on  St.  Ruffine,  his  right  on  Roncourt.  In  the 
choice  of  this  position  the  marshal  displayed  excel- 
lent judgment,  and  his  engineers  rendered  its  natural 
strength  even  more  formidable.  At  no  point  save 
perhaps  on  the  extreme  right  could  the  enemy  attack 
except  at  a  great  disadvantage  and  exposed  to  a  ter- 
rific artillery  fire.  The  marshal  had  in  his  first  line 
the  2d,  3d,  4th,  and  6th  corps,  while  he  retained  the 
Guards  as  a  reserve  in  the  rear  of  his  left  wing. 

On  the  same  day  that  Bazaine  was  taking  up  these 
positions  the  German  headquarters  in  a  high  state  of 
satisfaction  was  making  preparations  for  a  final  blow. 
Long  before  dawn  on  the  18th  all  the  corps  of  the 
German  second  army  were  marching  rapidly  north- 
ward in  the  rear  of  the  first  army  that  was  confront- 


THE  AUGUST  BATTLES  BEFORE  METZ.     325 

ing  the  French  left  in  front  of  St.  Ruffine.  Von 
Moltke  was  ignorant  of  Bazaine's  intentions  and 
whether  it  would  devolve  upon  him  to  receive  or 
deliver  an  attack.  The  movements  of  the  German 
corps  had  been  ordered  with  a  view  to  meeting  either 
eventuality.  At  ten  o'clock  the  king  of  Prussia  was 
on  the  ground,  and  Von  Moltke  had  become  con- 
vinced that  the  French  were  standing  on  the  defen- 
sive. The  entire  first  army  under  Steinmetz  was 
detailed  to  act  against  the  almost  impregnable  French 
left  southward  from  the  farms  of  Moscow  and  St. 
Hubert.  The  6th  and  9th  corps  went  in  about  Ve"rne- 
ville  against  the  positions  among  the  farms  of  Mon- 
tigny-la-Grange,  La  Folie,  and  Leipsig.  The  Saxons 
followed  by  the  Guards  continued  their  march  along 
the  rear  of  this  line  to  find  the  French  right,  and 
turn  it. 

The  artillery  of  the  9th  corps  opened  the  action 
about  eleven  o'clock,  and  for  three  hours  it  raged 
furiously  all  along  the  extended  line  from  Amanvil- 
lers  to  the  extreme  French  left.  The  6th  and  9th 
corps  were  cautiously  handled,  and  made  no  progress 
in  their  front,  while  Steinmetz,  after  wresting  St. 
Hubert  from  the  French,  failed  at  the  Point  du  Jour, 
and  was  thrown  back  with  frightful  slaughter. 

Moltke's  plan  was  to  hold  the  French  centre  and 
left  while  the  turning  movement  of  the  Guards  and 
Saxons  was  being  developed.  Bazaine's  conduct  on 
this  day  strongly  suggested  that  of  Benedek  at  Konig- 
gratz.  He  posted  himself  in  the  fortress  of  Plappe- 
ville  where  he  commanded  an  excellent  view  of  Fros- 
sard  on  the  left,  of  Leboeuf  and  Ladmirault  in  the 
centre,  while  Canrobert  on  the  right  was  out  of  sight 
and  in  poor  communication.  Bazaine  gave  no  uneasy 


326       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

thought  to  his  right,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it 
was  naturally  the  weakest  point  in  his  line.  The  fury 
of  Steinmetz's  attacks  upon  Frossard  and  Leboeuf 
held  all  his  attention  exactly  as  Moltke  intended  they 
should  do,  although  it  was  clear  that  the  positions 
held  by  these  generals  were  little  less  than  impreg- 
nable. 

At  five  o'clock  no  change  had  been  effected  in  the 
state  of  the  battle,  the  French  line  being  everywhere 
intact.  The  lull  that  prevailed  at  this  time  was  rudely 
broken  by  another  furious  assault  of  the  first  army. 
Steinmetz,  who  had  been  chafing  at  his  temporary  in- 
action, stimulated  by  the  debouching  of  the  2d  corps 
from  the  Bois  des  Ognons  for  his  support,  ordered 
another  rush  against  the  French  positions  beyond 
the  Mance.  The  attacking  columns  were  withered 
by  a  fiery  blast  that  nothing  human  could  endure. 
The  French  sallying  from  their  trenches  in  great 
force,  an  incipient  panic  ensued.  The  opportune 
arrival  of  supports  alone  prevented  a  rout;  and  when 
darkness  fell,  the  weary  soldiers  of  the  first  army 
were  standing  fiercely  on  the  defensive  under  a  crush- 
ing fire  of  chassepots  and  mitrailleuses. 

In  the  mean  time  the  stubborn  battle  had  been 
decided  on  the  extreme  left.  Canrobert  backed  by 
the  strong  high  village  of  St.  Privat  held  his  position 
without  difficulty  during  the  day  against  the  attacks 
of  several  weak  detachments  of  the  Saxon  and  Prus- 
sian Guard  corps.  At  sundown,  however,  another 
face  was  put  upon  matters  in  that  vicinity.  The  12th 
corps  had  completed  its  turning  movement,  and  was 
fighting  its  way  southward  through  Roncourt  toward 
St.  Privat,  which  had  been  already  set  on  fire  by  the 
German  artillery.  The  Prussian  Guards  moving  up 


THE  AUGUST  BATTLES  BEFORE  METZ.     327 

from  the  vicinity  of  Ste.  Marie-aux-Chenes  also  de- 
ployed for  the  attack  upon  St.  Privat.  Canrobert 
was  left  unsupported  at  this  crisis.  Bourbaki  was  in 
the  vicinity  with  a  few  thousand  grenadiers  of  the 
French  Guard,  but  the  battle  was  raging  fiercely  then 
about  Amanvillers,  and  he  was  at  a  loss  where  to 
strike  in.  The  sun  sank  below  the  forests,  and  in  its 
stead  the  glare  of  the  blazing  village  illuminated  the 
darkening  country.  In  the  flame-swept  streets  a 
handful  of  Frenchmen  lingered  to  cross  bayonets 
with  the  Prussian  guardsmen  and  meet  the  fate  they 
courted.  Canrobert  drew  off  his  corps  slowly  and  in 
tolerable  order,  notifying  Ladniirault  of  his  move- 
ments. 

Ah1  through  the  evening  the  combat  was  maintained 
here  and  all  along  the  line.  Malmaison  sent  a  pillar 
of  fire  skyward,  while  St.  Privat  was  visible  for  miles 
by  the  light  of  its  own  destruction.  The  king  of 
Prussia  and  his  staff  left  the  position  they  had  oc- 
cupied during  the  day  upon  the  gratifying  intelligence 
from  the  left  wing,  but  it  was  later  still  before  Fros- 
sard's  cannon  ceased  to  illuminate  the  air  over  Point 
du  Jour  and  Lebo3uf's  musketry  to  belt  the  hillsides 
north  of  the  Verdun  road  with  an  incessant  blazing. 
At  midnight  silence  reigned,  and  the  German  pickets 
were  holding  the  line  from  Verneville  through  Aman- 
villers. 

The  battle  of  Gravelotte  or  Amanvillers,  as  the 
French  demoninate  it,  was  the  last  of  that  bloody  trio 
that,  commencing  with  Borny  on  the  14th,  cost  the 
German  armies  a  loss  of  42,000  and  the  French  34,000 
officers  and  men.  Though  the  Germans  had  shed 
their  blood  like  water,  they  had  in  every  case  achieved 
their  end.  The  battle  of  Borny  was  fought  to  gain 


328      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

time  to  cut  the  roads  to  Verdun,  Vionville  to  check 
the  French  retreat,  and  Gravelotte  to  "nail"  the 
French  to  Metz.  On  the  other  hand,  Bazaine  aim- 
lessly wasted  his  army.  He  fought  Borny  because  he 
had  no  other  alternative ;  at  Vionville  he  was  fright- 
ened into  the  defensive  when  a  bold  use  of  his  strength 
would  have  given  him  the  victory ;  at  Gravelotte  he 
fought  to  retain  a  hold  on  the  road  to  Verdun,  and 
lost  it. 

The  military  situation  was  simplified.  Only  one 
field  army  was  left  to  France,  the  one  gathering  at 
Chalons,  and  against  which  the  crown  prince  of  Prus- 
sia was  moving.  On  the  day  following  the  battle  of 
Gravelotte  the  German  fourth  army  (of  the  Meuse) 
was  formed  to  cooperate  with  the  third  army,  and  the 
command  given  to  the  prince  royal  of  Saxony.  It 
comprised  the  4th  and  12th  corps,  the  Prussian 
Guards,  and  the  5th  and  6th  cavalry  divisions,  and  on 
the  20th  began  its  westward  march  in  search  of  the 
French  army  of  Chalons.  The  strength  of  this  army 
was  close  upon  100,000  men,  that  of  the  third  army 
about  120,000  men.  The  first  and  second  armies 
united  were  225,000  strong,  and  upon  their  shoulders 
devolved  the  siege  and  subjection  of  Metz.  The  king 
of  Prussia  and  General  von  Moltke  left  the  lines 
before  Metz  to  follow  the  headquarters  of  the  third 
army. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

SEDAN. 

CONFUSION  AT  THE  FRENCH  HEADQUARTERS  AT  CHAIX>NS. —  MAC- 
MAHON'S  ARRIVAL  THERE.  —  RESULT  OF  THE  MILITARY  COUN- 
CILS. —  THE  PARIS  CABINET  TAKES  A  HAND.  —  MACMAHON'S 
IRRESOLUTION.  —  FINALLY  CONCLUDES  TO  MARCH  UPON  METZ.  — 
STRENGTH  AND  CONDITION  OF  HIS  FORCES.  —  DESPERATION  OF 
THE  MINISTRY  AT  PARIS.  —  GENERAL  BLUMENTHAL  ON  MAC- 
MAHON'S MOVEMENT. — MOLTKE  MOVES  TO  CHECKMATE  HIM. — 
SITUATION  ON  THE  2TTH  OF  AUGUST.  —  ON  THE  29iH.  —  BATTLE 
OF  BEAUMONT.  —  ROUT  OF  DE  FAILLY'S  CORPS.  —  DISCOMFITURE 
OF  THE  FRENCH  TTH  CORPS  BY  THE  BAVARIANS.  —  TERRIBLE 
DEMORALIZATION  OF  MACMAHON'S  ARMY.  —  THE  RETREAT  UPON 
SEDAN  AND  MACMAHON'S  TELEGRAM  TO  THE  MINISTRY.  —  THE 
GERMANS  CLOSE  IN  UPON  SEDAN.  —  THE  FRENCH  POSITION  AT 
SEDAN.  — FIRST  ATTACK  OF  THE  GERMANS  ON  SEPTEMBER  1. — 
MACMAHON  WOUNDED. SPLENDID  WORK  OF  THE  SAXON  ARTIL- 
LERY. —  THE  QUARREL  AT  THE  FRENCH  HEADQUARTERS  AND  ITS 
RESULT.  —  GENERAL  DE  WIMPFFEN.  —  HEROISM  OF  THE  FRENCH 
MARINES.  —  TERRIBLE  FIGHTING  AT  BAZEILLES.  —  AWFUL  EF- 
FECT OF  THE  GERMAN  ARTILLERY  FIRE.  —  MISERY  OF  THE  EM- 
PEROR. —  THE  WHITE  FLAG  AT  SEDAN.  —  THE  PRUSSIAN  KING 
ON  THE  HEIGHTS  OF  FRESNOIS  — NAPOLEON'S  LETTER.  —  EVEN- 
ING ON  THE  BATTLEFIELD. 

MEANWHILE  all  was  confusion  and  indecision  at 
Chalons.  The  emperor  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the 
16th  and  found  little  encouragement  in  the  military 
situation.  The  newly  formed  12th  corps  and  a  few 
battalions  of  the  Mobile  Guard  were  in  camp,  and  on 
the  18th  MacMahon  brought  in  his  corps  that  had 
been  so  rudely  handled  at  Worth.  On  the  20th  the 
5th  corps,  which  had  followed  MacMahon  in  his  flight 


830       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

from  the  Sauer,  began  to  make  its  appearance,  while 
the  7th  corps  was  reported  en  route  from  Belfort  via 
Paris,  and  the  13th  corps  in  process  of  formation  at 
the  capital.  The  emperor  held  anxious  conferences 
with  Prince  Napoleon,  Marshal  MacMahon,  and 
General  Trochu,  the  commander  of  the  12th  corps. 
Prince  Napoleon  urged  that  it  was  time  to  reject  the 
advice  of  the  empress  and  her  Jesuit  advisers  and  to 
cultivate  the  friendship  of  Italy.  He  carried  his 
point,  and  on  the  19th  left  for  Florence  to  inform  his 
royal  father-in-law  "  that  he  might  do  as  he  pleased 
with  Rome  if  he  would  come  promptly  to  the  aid  of 
France  in  arms."  General  Trochu  insisted  that  the 
mobiles  should  be  shipped  back  to  Paris,  as  their 
uproarious  insubordination  threatened  to  contaminate 
the  entire  army.  MacMahon  urged  that  the  army 
should  retreat  upon  the  capital  and  accept  if  need 
were  a  battle  for  its  defense.  It  was  decided,  further- 
more, that  the  emperor  should  return  to  Paris,  whither 
General  Trochu  was  to  precede  him  and  assume  the 
military  governorship  of  the  city. 

As  a  result  then  of  the  conference  of  Chalons, 
Prince  Napoleon  was  sent  to  Florence,  Trochu  to 
Paris,  and  the  army  directed  upon  Reims.  On  the 
evening  of  the  21st  the  army  reached  the  environs  of 
the  latter  place,  where  it  was  reinforced  the  next  day 
by  the  7th  corps.  The  retreat  of  the  army  and  the 
proposed  return  of  the  emperor  to  his  capital  had 
been  bitterly  opposed  from  the  first  by  the  ministry 
of  the  empress.  On  the  22d  the  emperor  received 
another  dispatch  from  Paris  to  this  effect :  "If  you 
do  not  march  to  Bazaine's  assistance  the  worst  is  to 
be  feared  in  Paris."  At  the  same  time  a  hopeful 
message  was  received  from  Bazaine  in  which  he  spoke 


SEDAN.  331 

confidently  of  breaking  through  the  German  lines  of 
investment  on  the  north.  The  first  of  these  telegrams 
frightened  the  emperor,  while  the  two  together  shook 
MacMahon's  resolution.  He  had  previously  informed 
the  ministry  that  he  knew  nothing  of  Bazaine's  con- 
dition, and  that  it  would  be  inexcusable  foolhardi- 
ness  to  attempt  his  relief  with  demoralized  and  half- 
trained  troops.  The  telegram  received  from  Metz 
on  the  22d  divulged  Bazaine's  plans,  and  MacMahon 
became  convinced  that  he  had  no  alternative  but  to 
march  to  his  relief.  Consequently  on  the  23d  he 
issued  his  orders  for  an  advance  of  the  whole  army 
upon  Montmedy. 

The  strength  of  MacMahon's  army  was  about 
140,000  men.  Of  the  corps  composing  it,  however, 
the  1st  had  been  shattered  by  battle,  the  5th  and  7th 
dispirited  by  forced  retreats,  and  the  12th,  while  it  in- 
cluded an  excellent  division  of  marine  infantry,  was 
made  up  largely  of  raw  regiments.  A  long  period  of 
arduous  training  was  necessary  to  lend  anything  like 
cohesion  to  this  force,  and  there  was  not  an  hour  to 
spare.  The  success  of  a  movement  for  Bazaine's  re- 
lief depended  upon  celerity,  and  of  this  MacMahon's 
regiments  were  incapable.  The  first  day's  march 
filled  the  country  with  stragglers.  The  intendance 
broke  down,  and  orders  were  issued  from  headquar- 
ters for  the  army  to  live  upon  the  country. 

On  the  27th,  after  a  laborious  march,  the  head- 
quarters were  at  Le  Chesne-Populeux.  MacMahon 
was  alarmed  by  unmistakable  evidences  that  the  crown 
prince  of  Prussia  was  moving  northward  against  his 
flank.  On  the  evening  of  that  day  he  telegraphed 
to  the  ministry  that  he  had  determined  to  abandon 
Bazaine,  and  issued  orders  for  retreat  upon  Mezieres. 


332       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

A  few  hours  later  and  the  agonized  response  of  the 
ministry  was  placed  in  his  hand.  "  If  you  leave 
Bazaine  in  the  lurch  there  will  be  a  revolution  in 
Paris."  This  was  supplemented  by  another  message 
more  imperative  in  tone  from  the  minister  of  war. 
"  I  require  you  to  march  to  the  relief  of  Marshal  Ba- 
zaine, by  utilizing  the  thirty  hours'  start  which  you 
have  over  the  crown  prince  (of  Prussia).  I  am  send- 
ing Vinoy's  corps  (the  13th)  to  Reims.  The  dy- 
nasty is  lost,  and  we,  all  of  us,  with  it,  unless  you 
accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants  of  Paris." 
The  emperor  entreated  MacMahon  to  hold  to  his 
resolution  to  retreat.  It  had  been  a  struggle  from 
the  first  between  the  headquarters  and  the  Paris 
cabinet  for  the  direction  of  the  army  of  Chalons. 
The  former  manoeuvred  with  reference  to  the  Ger- 
man armies.,  the  latter  with  reference  to  the  Paris 
mob.  The  headquarters  succumbed,  and  the  army 
and  the  emperor  marched  on  to  their  ruin. 

In  the  mean  time  at  Bar-le-Duc  General  von  Moltke 
could  hardly  credit  the  reports  that  the  French  army 
was  advancing  on  the  Meuse.  General  Blumenthal 
with  the  map  of  northeastern  France  before  him  ex- 
claimed, "  These  French  are  lost,  you  see.  We  know 
they  are  there,  and  there,  and  there,  MacMahon's 
whole  army.  Where  can  they  go  to  ?  Poor  foolish 
fellows.  They  must  go  to  Belgium  or  fight  there  and 
be  lost,"  and  his  finger  was  close  to  the  fortress  of 
Sedan.  On  the  25th  the  orders  were  issued  from 
headquarters  that  were  to  checkmate  the  army  of 
Chalons.  The  Meuse  army  was  already  in  the  Ar- 
gonnes,  the  third  army  was  approaching  the  Aisne 
farther  south  and  one  day's  march  in  advance.  The 
orders  of  the  25th  wheeled  both  these  armies  to  the 


SEDAN.  333' 

right.  The  march  "  nach  Paris  "  was  suspended  and 
200,000  German  soldiers  turned  their  faces  north- 
ward. The  orderly  promptitude  with  which  this 
change  of  front  was  accomplished,  and  the  new  march 
sustained  has  long  been  a  subject  for  admiring  com- 
ment among  military  men. 

On  the  27th  of  August  the  French  7th  corps  had 
not  crossed  the  Aisne,  while  the  rest  of  the  army  held 
a  line  from  Vouziers  to  Stonne.  The  6th  German 
cavalry  division  was  hovering  on  the  flank  of  the  7th 
corps.  The  Saxon  12th  corps  already  held  the  line 
of  the  Meuse  from  Mouzon  to  Dun,  while  the  Prus- 
sian Guards,  4th  corps,  and  the  two  Bavarian  corps 
were  distant  but  a  day's  march  to  the  south. 

So  heavy  and  painful  were  the  movements  of  the 
French  army  that  MacMahon  could  not  issue  his 
orders  for  passing  the  Meuse  until  the  29th.  At 
nightfall  on  that  day  the  12th  corps  alone  had  crossed 
and  was  in  bivouac  about  Mouzon.  The  Saxon  12th 
corps,  which  had  repassed  the  Meuse  to  take  a  posi- 
tion on  the  flank  of  the  French  advance,  fell  upon  a 
brigade  of  the  5th  corps  and  drove  it  in  upon  the 
main  body  at  Beaumont. 

On  August  30  the  French  5th  corps  at  Beaumont 
received  orders  to  cover  the  crossing  of  the  army  at 
Villers  and  Remilly,  and  to  cross  itself  at  Mouzon 
later  in  the  day.  Notwithstanding  the  well  proven 
fact  that  the  whole  country  southward  was  swarming 
with  the  enemy,  De  Failly  took  no  precaution  against 
a  surprise.  He  had  one  division  in  camp  on  the 
plain  south  of  Beaumont  and  the  rest  of  his  corps  on 
the  heights  to  the  north.  Toward  noon  the  German 
4th  corps  fell  on  the  leading  division,  surprised  and 
routed  it.  The  position  north  of  Beaumont  was 


334     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

stoutly  defended  under  the  personal  direction  of  De 
Failly,  but  assailed  on  front  and  flank  by  the  4th 
and  Saxon  corps  was  soon  rendered  untenable.  Then 
began  a  disorderly  retreat  upon  Mouzon.  A  brigade 
of  the  French  12th  corps  sent  by  General  Lebrun  to 
cover  the  flight  of  De  Failly's  battalions  was  roughly 
handled  and  only  added  to  the  confusion.  The  artil- 
lery of  the  12th  corps,  well  served  on  the  heights  east 
of  Mouzon,  checked  the  German  pursuit. 

During  this  combat  the  1st  Bavarian  corps,  which 
had  been  threatening  De  Failly's  right,  unexpectedly 
encountered  a  brigade  of  the  French  7th  corps  which 
had  lost  its  way.  The  baggage  and  supply  trains 
were  thrown  into  confusion  by  the  Bavarian  artillery 
and  nearly  annihilated.  The  French  General  Douay 
saw  his  corps  demoralized  without  fighting,  and,  de- 
spairing of  reaching  Villers,  directed  its  march  upon 
Remilly.  One  division  pursued  a  confused  march  to 
Sedan,  where  it  crossed  the  Meuse  the  following 
morning. 

This  day's  work  threw  the  French  army  into  ter- 
rible confusion.  The  5th  corps  had  been  badly  beaten, 
as  had  one  brigade  of  the  12th  corps.  The  7th  corps 
had  been  hotly  pursued  and  lost  a  portion  of  its  bag- 
gage.  The  1st  corps  alone  remained  intact.  The 
emperor  had  met  MacMahon  on  the  hills  above  Mou- 
zon late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  latter  had  then  no 
idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the  disasters  that  had  over- 
taken the  army.  When  the  rout  of  the  5th  corps 
came  streaming  through  Mouzon,  however,  he  grasped 
the  situation.  He  could  only  choose  between  giving 
battle  at  Mouzon  and  retreating  northwest  in  the  hope 
of  finding  an  open  road  to  Paris.  He  determined 
upon  the  latter  course,  and  the  ministry  were  in- 


SEDAN.  335 

formed  of  it  by  this  curt  telegram,  "  MacMahon  in- 
forms the  minister  of  war  that  he  is  compelled  to 
direct  his  march  on  Sedan."  Through  the  dense 
darkness  the  army  struggled  on,  crossing  and  block- 
ing itself  on  unknown  roads,  the  emperor  making  his 
way  miserably  on  foot  through  the  crowded  streets  of 
Sedan.  After  this  night  of  panic,  doubt,  and  confu- 
sion, MacMahon  still  failed  to  recognize  the  full 
gravity  of  his  situation,  although  he  was  sufficiently 
uneasy  to  hurry  the  prince  imperial  off  to  Me"zieres, 
where  he  had  pretty  much  determined  to  retreat  the 
next  day. 

Throughout  the  day  of  the  31st  the  Germans 
advanced  with  wonderful  energy.  At  sundown  the 
jagers  of  Von  der  Tann's  Bavarian  corps  were  close 
up  to  the  Meuse  at  Bazeilles,  —  near  enough,  indeed, 
to  prevent  the  destruction  of  the  bridge  at  that  point, 
while  the  artillery  engaged  in  a  fierce  duel  with  that 
of  the  French  12th  corps.  This  action  was  main- 
tained by  the  German  commanders  to  hold  the  French 
marshal  at  bay  while  they  cut  his  line  of  retreat  upon 
Mezieres,  although  they  were  not  inclined  to  believe 
that  their  efforts  to  delay  his  march  would  meet  with 
such  complete  success.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the 
German  headquarters  invariably  overvalued  the  mili- 
tary sagacity  of  its  foes.  All  through  the  night  of 
the  31st  the  5th  and  llth  German  corps  were  on  the 
march,  passing  the  Meuse  at  Donchery  and  moving 
northward  to  cut  the  road  to  Mezieres.  Shortly  after 
one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  September  1  the  crown 
prince  of  Saxony  issued  orders  to  the  12th  corps  to 
direct  their  march  from  Douzy  upon  Sedan  ma  La 
Moncelle,  the  Guard  corps  to  move  on  their  rig'ht 
upon  the  same  point,  the  4th  corps  to  act  as  a  reserve 
to  these  as  well  as  to  the  Bavarians, 


336     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

The  French  army  was  crowded  into  that  narrow 
tract  between  the  Meuse  and  Givonne,  bounded  on 
the  north  and  northeast  by  a  tangled  wooded  country 
that  extends  beyond  the  Belgian  frontier.  The  only 
feasible  lines  of  retreat  were  over  the  road  to  Me- 
zieres  and  up  the  Chiers  to  Carignan.  MacMahon, 
as  a  precaution  against  an  attack  from  the  east, 
placed  the  1st  and  12th  corps  to  cover  the  line  of  the 
Givonne  from  Bazeilles  to  the  village  of  Givonne. 
He  posted  the  7th  corps  on  the  high  land  between 
Floing  and  Illy  facing  northwest,  prepared  to  in- 
augurate a  movement  upon  Mezieres,  at  which  place 
General  Vinoy  had  arrived  the  day  previous  with  one 
division  of  the  13th  corps. 

At  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  September  1  a 
heavy  fog  enshrouded  the  Meuse  valley  about  Sedan, 
and  before  the  sun  had  dissipated  its  fleecy  folds  a 
messenger  came  galloping  up  to  the  French  head- 
quarters with  the  tidings  that  the  Bavarians  were 
attacking  Bazeilles.  Hastening  to  the  threatened 
point,  MacMahon  found  the  village  stoutly  defended 
by  the  marine  infantry  of  the  12th  corps.  The  Saxon 
artillery  opening  fire  upon  La  Moncelle,  the  marshal 
next  rode  in  that  direction.  As  he  was  engaged  in 
studying  the  country  he  was  struck  by  a  fragment  of 
a  shell  and  painfully  wounded.  His  early  incapaci- 
tation  was  certainly  an  unfortunate  episode  for  the 
French.  It  was  followed  by  a  conflict  of  authority 
that  was  attended  with  the  most  serious  results. 
General  Ducrot,  the  general  of  the  1st  corps,  as- 
sumed the  command  upon  MacMahon's  fall.  The 
Saxon  corps  was  developing  a  strong  attack  against 
the  whole  French  line  between  Daigny  and  Bazeilles, 
while  the  corps  artillery  massed  on  the  highlands  to 


Ffe 


SEDAN.  337 

the  east  fired  with  a  power  and  precision  that  stirred 
at  once  the  awe  and  admiration  of  the  French  gen- 
erals. Ducrot  decided  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost  in 
getting  away  to  Mezieres,  and  issued  orders  accord- 
ingly to  the  12th  corps  to  begin  their  retreat.  No 
sooner  had  this  been  done  than  General  de  Wimpffen 
appeared  on  the  scene,  produced  an  order  of  the 
minister  of  war  appointing  him  to  the  command  of 
the  army  of  Chalons  in  case  of  the  disabling  of  Mac- 
Mahon,  and  angrily  countermanded  Ducrot's  orders. 
General  de  Wimpffen  had  been  with  the  army  only 
two  days.  He  had  been  summoned  to  Paris  by 
Palikao,  and  armed  with  instructions  to  supersede  De 
Failly  in  command  of  the  5th  corps.  Before  leaving 
for  the  front  Palikao  had  also  given  him  the  order 
which  he  produced  on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  Sep- 
tember. He  was  a  confident,  energetic,  blustering 
man,  and  in  Paris  seems  to  have  been  impressed  with 
the  idea  that  he  was  destined  to  restore  the  fading 
lustre  of  the  French  arms.  He  first  saw  the  army  of 
Chalons  at  Mouzon  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  of 
August,  when  the  panic-stricken  refugees  of  the  5th 
corps  were  executing  their  "  sauve  qui  peut."  He 
presented  himself  to  MacMahon  but  was  coldly  re- 
ceived, while  his  orders  in  reference  to  the  5th  corps 
were  entirely  disregarded.  The  next  morning  he 
took  the  field,  and  upon  hearing  of  MacMahon's 
wound  hastened  to  assert  himself  before  General 
Ducrot,  who  had  more  respect  for  the  orders  of  the 
minister  of  war.  Ducrot  gave  way  only  after  a 
heated  altercation  in  which  General  Lebrun  of  the 
12th  corps  seems  also  to  have  borne  a  hand.  Wimpf- 
fen reiterated  his  orders,  and  declared  with  bombast 
that  he  was  going  to  throw  the  Bavarians  into  the 
Meuse  and  cut  his  way  to  Carignan. 


338      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

During  the  morning  the  emperor  wandered  aim- 
lessly about,  watching  gloomily  the  ever  -  increasing 
fire  of  the  German  artillery,  an  object  of  no  consid- 
eration in  the  general  melee.  The  12th  corps  had 
begun  to  retire  in  obedience  to  Ducrot's  order,  and 
had  lost  ground  which  it  must  recover  in  order  to 
lead  the  way  to  Carignan.  The  brightest  spot  in  the 
French  defense  was  at  Bazeilles,  where  the  marine 
infantry  held  the  Bavarians  at  bay.  Von  der  Tann 
had  not  met  opponents  like  these  since  he  crossed  the 
Lauter.  Ducrot's  men  at  Worth  were  stubborn  fight- 
ers, but  these  marines  laughed  at  odds  and  held  Ba- 
zeilles for  hours  against  nearly  the  whole  power  of 
King  Ludwig's  realm.  The  villagers  joined  in  the 
conflict  and  wreaked  vengeance  upon  the  Bavarian 
wounded  after  each  repulse.  As  a  result  the  fighting 
became  embittered,  and  a  veritable  hell  raged  within 
the  flaming  streets.  At  last  the  Bavarians,  assisted  by 
the  vacillation  of  the  French  headquarters,  obtained 
possession  of  the  ruins  of  Bazeilles,  and  supported 
by  the  heavy  fire  of  their  splendid  artillery  advanced 
upon  Balan.  By  ten  o'clock  the  French  army  was 
beaten,  and  lost  as  well.  The  position  on  the  Givonne 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Guards  and  Saxons ; 
the  Bavarians  had  carried  Balan.  Douay  was  appeal- 
ing frantically  for  help  against  the  German  5th  and 
llth  corps,  which  had  deployed  between  St.  Menges 
and  Fleigneux,  and  were  extending  their  lines  toward 
Oily.  His  artillery  had  been  literally  knocked  to 
pieces  by  the  fire  of  these  two  corps  assisted  by  the 
guns  of  the  Prussian  Guard  near  Givonne.  His  can- 
nons were  dismounted,  his  tumbrils  blown  up,  while 
his  infantry  could  find  no  shelter  from  the  terrific 
cross-fire. 


SEDAN.  339 

Rarely,  if  ever,  has  an  opportunity  to  annihilate  an 
army  with  artillery  been  more  relentlessly  improved 
than  by  the  Germans  at  Sedan.  A  French  army 
nearly  100,000  strong,  crowded  into  an  area  of  hardly 
eight  square  miles,  was  subjected  to  the  fire  of  426 
cannon  served  by  the  most  perfect  artillerists  in  the 
world.  What  wonder  that  the  town  of  Sedan  became 
blocked  with  military  fugitives,  that  soldiers  threw 
away  their  arms  and  rushed  into  churches  and  cellars 
for  protection  ?  There  is  no  need  of  following  the 
despairing  efforts  which  the  French  made  to  recover 
a  long  lost  day,  to  describe  the  hopeless  contest  waged 
by  Douay  against  the  Poseners  and  Hessians  at  Flo- 
ing  and  Illy,  to  recite  the  heroism  of  Marguerittes' 
chasseurs  and  their  bold  ride  to  death,  to  depict  the 
agony  of  the  emperor  and  the  fierce  wrangling  of  his 
generals.  It  was  by  order  of  the  emperor  that  the 
white  flag  was  hoisted  on  the  citadel.  It  was  torn 
down  by  General  Faure,  MacMahon's  chief  of  staff. 
"  Why  does  this  useless  struggle  go  on  ?  "  groaned 
Napoleon,  "  too  much  blood  has  been  shed."  He  re- 
jected the  proposition  to  lead  a  forlorn  hope  upon 
Balan  and  insisted  upon  closing  the  contest.  Wimpf- 
fen  in  a  rage  tendered  his  resignation,  but  was 
shamed  into  its  withdrawal.  The  white  flag  again 
went  aloft,  the  German  batteries  ceased  their  roaring, 
and,  freed  from  the  engulfing  smoke,  the  cannon  and 
their  defenders  became  revealed  on  the  encircling 
hillsides.  The  uproar  about  the  gate  of  Torcy  where 
the  Bavarians  had  been  knocking  hard  for  admission 
was  stilled.  A  Prussian  officer  with  a  message  to  the 
commander-in-chief  was  admitted  to  the  presence  of 
the  emperor.  He  had  come  to  summon  the  surrender 
of  Sedan.  When  he  rode  back  it  became  known  for 


840       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

the  first  time  at  the  German  headquarters  that  the 
French  emperor  was  with  the  ill-fated  army. 

About  six  o'clock  the  king  of  Prussia,  the  crown 
prince,  and  their  staffs  stood  on  the  heights  of  Fre- 
nois  awaiting  a  message  from  Napoleon  III.  concern- 
ing the  capitulation  of  the  army.  The  air  had  be- 
come cleared  of  smoke,  and  the  golden  evening  light 
streamed  into  the  valley  and  glowed  upon  the  placid 
surface  of  the  river.  A  dun  cloud  of  smoke  still 
brooded  over  Bazeilles,  but  save  for  this  and  the 
dark  clumps  of  steel-fringed  warriors  visible  here  and 
there,  there  was  little  sign  of  the  iron  hand  of  war  to 
be  traced  from  this  airy  height.  At  last  the  French 
General  Reille  came  toiling  up  the  hill  with  the  ex- 
pected letter  from  his  emperor.  The  king  breaking 
the  seal  read  the  words  now  familiar  to  the  whole 
world :  "  Sire,  my  brother,  —  Having  failed  to  meet 
death  in  the  midst  of  my  troops,  it  only  remains  for 
me  to  place  my  sword  in  the  hands  of  your  majesty." 

The  Emperor  of  the  French  had  surrendered,  but 
not  his  army.  Upon  being  informed  that  De  Wimpf- 
fen  was  in  command,  the  king  requested  his  presence 
at  Donchery  in  the  evening  to  discuss  the  terms  of 
capitulation  with  General  von  Moltke.  Then  the 
brilliant  assemblage  on  the  heights  broke  up  amid 
general  congratulations.  The  king  and  his  staff  rode 
away  to  Vendresse.  Bismarck  made  his  way  to 
Donchery,  where  he  was  joined  by  Moltke.  Darkness 
fell  on  the  field  that  registered  the  downfall  of  the 
second  empire.  A  loiterer  on  the  heights  of  Frenois 
might  still  have  marked  the  position  of  Bazeilles  by 
its  lurid  smoke-pall ;  he  might  have  traced  the  course 
of  the  river  as  the  moon  broke  through  the  windy 
clouds  and  silvered  its  bosom.  All  through  the  val- 


SEDAN.  341 

ley  bonfires  flashed  out,  lit  by  jubilant  soldiers  of 
the  Fatherland.  The  progress  of  the  king  toward 
Vendresse  was  marked  by  distant  cheering,  and  then 
as  night  deepened  from  bivouac  after  bivouac  came 
the  sound  of  singing,  until  the  air  throbbed  with  the 
strains  of  the  grand  old  choral,  "Nun  danket  alle 
Gott." 


CHAPTEK  XXVH. 

LAST  MEETINGS   OF   BISMARCK  AND  NAPOLEON. 

THE  MILITARY  CONFERENCE  AT  DONCHERY.  —  BISMARCK'S  AC- 
COUNT OF  IT. — WlMPFFEN  SEEKS  THE  EMPEROR. THE  MEET- 
ING BETWEEN  THE  EMPEROR  AND  BlSMARCK  AS  NARRATED  BY 
EACH.  —  SCENE  AT  THE  WEAVERS'  COTTAGE.  —  SIGNATURE  OF 
THE  CAPITULATION.  —  THE  EMPEROR  LEAVES  FOR  BELGIUM. 

THE  two  prominent  actors  in  the  events  following 
the  battle  of  Sedan  were  the  French  emperor  and  the 
German  chancellor.  Both  have  given  their  narrative 
to  the  public,  and  one  may  well  discard  all  other  au- 
thority for  theirs.1 

In  a  small  room  in  the  village  of  Donchery  the  con- 
queror and  the  conquered  met  for  consultation  on  the 
evening  of  the  battle  of  Sedan.  The  incident  has 
been  perpetuated  on  the  canvas  of  a  distinguished 
artist.2  On  one  side  of  a  baize  table  is  Wimpffen,  and 

1  Bismarck's  narrative  of  the  capitulation  has  been  made  public 
•with  the  full  consent  of  the  chancellor  by  Dr.  Moritz  Busch  in  his 
•work  entitled  Bismarck  in  the  franco-German  War.     The  extracts 
in  this  chapter  have  been  taken  from  the  authorized  English  transla- 
tion of  this  work.     Napoleon's  story  of  the  war  of  1870  was  edited 
after  his  death  by  the  Count  de  la  Chapelle,  with  other  sundry  papers, 
in  a  volume  styled  Posthumous  Works  and   Unpublished  Autographs 
of  Napoleon  III.  in  Exile.     The  count  was  war  correspondent  for  the 
London   Standard  during1   the  campaign  of  1870,  and  later  held  a 
confidential  post  in  the  house  of  the  exiled  emperor.      He  has  written 
an  account  of  the  war  that  is  a  model  of  historical  misrepresentation 
and  inaccuracy,  but  the  military  memoir  he  has  edited  as  the  work 
of  Napoleon  is  generally  accepted  as  authentic. 

2  A.  von  Werner's  Capitulation  of  Sedan. 


BISMARCK  AND  NAPOLEON.  343 

behind  him  a  few  crestfallen  officers  in  the  uniform 
of  the  second  empire.  On  the  other  side  are  Bisr- 
marck,  Moltke,  and  behind  them  partially  visible  in 
the  dim  lamplight  four  or  five  of  those  clear-headed 
men  who  had  helped  to  build  up  Germany's  military 
power.  Here  are  the  events  of  that  meeting  in  the 
words  of  Bismarck  himself  :  — 

"  Besides  Moltke  and  myself,  Blumenthal  and  three 
or  four  other  officers  of  the  general  staff  were  pres- 
ent. General  Wimpffen  was  the  spokesman  for  the 
French.  Moltke's  terms  were  short:  the  whole 
French  army  to  surrender  as  prisoners  of  war. 
Wimpffen  found  that  too  hard.  'The  army,'  said 
he,  'had  merited  something  better  by  the  bravery 
with  which  it  had  fought.  We  ought  to  be  content 
to  let  them  go,  under  the  condition  that  as  long  as 
this  war  lasted  the  army  should  never  serve  against 
us,  and  that  it  should  march  off  to  a  district  of  France 
which  should  be  left  to  our  determination,  or  to 
Algiers.'  Moltke  coldly  persisted  in  his  demand. 
Wimpffen  represented  to  him  his  own  unhappy  posi- 
tion :  that  he  had  arrived  from  Africa  only  two  days 
ago ;  that  only  towards  the  end  of  the  battle,  after 
MacMahon  had  been  wounded,  had  he  undertaken  the 
command ;  now  he  was  asked  to  put  his  name  to  such 
a  capitulation.  He  woiild  rather  endeavor  to  main- 
tain himself  in  the  fortress,  or  attempt  to  break 
through.  Moltke  regretted  that  he  could  take  no 
account  of  the  position  of  the  general,  which  he  quite 
understood.  He  acknowledged  the  bravery  of  the 
French  troops,  but  declared  that  Sedan  could  not  be 
held,  and  that  it  was  quite  impossible  to  break 
through.  He  was  ready,  he  said,  to  allow  one  of  the 
general's  officers  to  inspect  our  positions,  to  convince 


344      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

him  of  this.  Wimpffen  now  thought  that  from  a 
political  point  of  view  it  would  be  wise  for  us  to 
grant  them  better  conditions.  We  must,  he  said, 
desire  a  speedy  and  an  enduring  peace,  and  this  we 
could  have  only  by  showing  magnanimity.  If  we 
spared  the  army,  it  would  bind  the  army  and  the 
whole  nation  to  gratitude,  and  awaken  friendly  feel- 
ings ;  while  an  opposite  course  would  be  the  begin- 
ning of  endless  wars.  Hereupon  I  put  in  a  word, 
because  this  matter  seemed  to  belong  to  my  province. 
I  said  to  him  that  we  might  build  on  the  gratitude 
of  a  prince,  but  certainly  not  on  the  gratitude  of  a 
people  —  least  of  all  on  the  gratitude  of  the  French. 
That  in  France  neither  institutions  nor  circumstances 
were  enduring ;  that  governments  and  dynasties  were 
constantly  changing,  and  the  one  need  not  carry  out 
what  the  other  had  bound  itself  to.  That  if  the  em- 
peror had  been  firm  on  his  throne,  his  gratitude  for 
our  granting  good  conditions  might  have  been  counted 
upon ;  but  that  as  things  stood,  it  would  be  folly  if 
we  did  not  make  full  use  of  our  success.  That  the 
French  were  a  nation  full  of  envy  and  jealousy ;  that 
they  had  been  much  mortified  with  our  success  at 
Kbniggratz,  and  could  not  forgive  it,  though  it  in  no 
wise  damaged  them.  Now,  then,  should  any  mag- 
nanimity on  our  side  move  them  not  to  bear  us  a 
grudge  for  Sedan  ?  This  Wimpffen  would  not  admit. 
'  France,'  he  said,  '  had  much  changed  latterly ;  it  had 
learned  under  the  empire  to  think  more  of  the  inter- 
ests of  peace  than  of  the  glory  of  war.  France  was 
ready  to  proclaim  the  fraternity  of  nations ; '  and 
more  of  the  same  kind.  It  was  not  difficult  to  prove 
the  contrary  of  all  he  said,  and  that  his  request,  if  it 
were  granted,  would  be  likelier  to  lead  to  the  prolonga- 


BISMARCK  AND  NAPOLEON.  345 

tion  than  to  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  I  ended  by 
saying  that  we  must  stand  to  our  conditions. 

"  Thereupon  Castelnau  became  the  spokesman,  and 
as  the  emperor's  personal  commissioner  declared  that 
on  the  previous  day  he  had  surrendered  his  sword  to 
the  king  only  in  the  hope  of  an  honorable  capitula- 
tion. I  asked,  '  Whose  sword  was  that  —  the  sword 
of  France  or  the  sword  of  the  emperor  ? '  He  re- 
plied, '  The  emperor's  only.'  '  Well,  there  is  no  use 
talking  about  any  other  conditions,'  said  Moltke 
sharply,  while  a  look  of  contentment  and  gratification 
passed  over  his  face.  '  Then,  in  the  morning  we  shall 
begin  the  battle  again,'  said  Wimpffen.  '  I  shall  re- 
commence the  fire  about  four  o'clock,'  replied  Moltke ; 
and  the  Frenchmen  wanted  to  go  at  once.  I  begged 
them,  however,  to  remain  and  once  more  to  consider  the 
case ;  and  at  last  it  was  decided  that  they  should  ask 
for  a  prolongation  of  the  armistice  in  order  that  they 
might  consult  their  people  in  Sedan  as  to  our  demands. 
Moltke  at  first  would  not  grant  this,  but  gave  way  at 
last,  when  I  showed  him  that  it  could  do  no  harm." 

So  through  the  darkness  the  unhappy  Frenchmen 
made  their  way  to  Sedan,  where  Wimpffen  told  his 
pitiful  story  to  the  emperor.  He,  poor  man,  prom- 
ised his  general  to  seek  the  king  of  Prussia  in  the 
morning,  and  personally  intercede  for  better  terms 
for  the  army.  Here  is  an  extract  from  Napoleon's 
recital  of  the  events  of  that  morning :  — 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  September  Napoleon 
III.,  accompanied  by  the  prince  of  Moskowa,  entered 
a  droschky  drawn  by  two  horses,  and  drove  towards 
the  Prussian  lines.  General  Reille  preceded  him  on 
horseback  in  order  to  inform  Count  von  Bismarck  of 
the  emperor's  arrival.  As  the  latter  reckoned  upon 


346      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

returning  to  the  town,  he  did  not  take  leave  either  of 
the  troops  which  surrounded  it  or  of  the  battalion  of 
grenadiers  and  the  centgardes  who  formed  his  custom- 
ary escort ;  when  the  drawbridge  of  the  south  gate 
of  Sedan  was  lowered,  the  zouaves  who  were  on  duty 
there  again  saluted  him  with  the  cry  of  '  Vive  1'Em- 
pereur.'  It  was  the  last  adieu  which  was  to  meet  his 
ears.  When  he  arrived  within  a  quarter  of  a  league 
of  Donchery,  not  wishing  to  proceed  to  the  Prussian 
headquarters,  the  emperor  stopped  at  a  small  house 
which  stood  by  the  road,  and  there  awaited  the  arrival 
of  the  chancellor  of  the  northern  confederation.  The 
latter,  having  been  apprised  of  this  by  General  Reille, 
soon  arrived." 

"  I  met  him  on  the  high  road  near  Frenois,"  says 
Bismarck,  describing  the  same  event,  "a  mile  and 
three  quarters  from  Donchery.  He  sat  with  three 
officers  in  a  two-horse  carriage,  and  three  others  were 
on  horseback  beside  him.  ...  I  gave  the  military 
salute.  He  took  his  cap  off,  and  the  officers  did  the 
same ;  whereupon  I  took  mine  off,  although  it  is  con- 
trary to  rule.  He  said,  '  Couvrez-vous  done.'  I 
behaved  to  him  just  as  if  in  Saint-Cloud,  and  asked 
his  commands.  He  inquired  whether  he  could  speak 
to  the  king.  I  said  that  would  be  impossible,  as  the 
king  was  quartered  nine  miles  away.  I  did  not  wish 
them  to  come  together  till  we  had  settled  the  matter 
of  the  capitulation.  Then  he  inquired  where  he  him- 
self could  stay,  which  signified  that  he  could  not  go 
back  to  Sedan,  as  he  had  met  with  unpleasantnesses 
there,  or  feared  to  do  so.  The  town  was  full  of 
drunken  soldiers,  who  were  very  burdensome  to  the 
inhabitants.  I  offered  him  my  quarters  in  Donchery, 
which  I  would  immediately  vacate.  He  accepted  this. 


BISMARCK  AND  NAPOLEON.  347 

But  he  stopped  at  a  place  a  couple  of  hundred  paces 
from  the  village,  and  asked  whether  he  could  not  re- 
main in  a  house  which  was  there.  I  sent  my  cousin, 
who  had  ridden  out  as  my  adjutant,  to  look  at  it. 
When  he  returned,  he  reported  it  to  be  a  miserable 
place.  The  emperor  said  that  did  not  matter.  He 
went  across  to  the  house,  and  came  back  again,  appar- 
ently not  being  able  to  find  the  stairs,  which  were  at 
the  back.  I  went  up  with  him  to  the  first  floor,  where 
we  entered  a  little  room  with  one  window.  It  was 
the  best  in  the  house,  but  had  only  one  deal  table  and 
two  rush-bottomed  chairs.  Here  I  had  a  conversation 
with  him  which  lasted  nearly  three  quarters  of  an 
hour." 

Says  Napoleon  in  his  account,  "  The  conversation 
first  entered  upon  the  position  of  the  French  army, 
a  question  of  vital  urgency.  Count  von  Bismarck 
stated  that  General  Moltke  alone  was  competent  to 
deal  with  this  question.  He  afterwards  inquired  of 
the  emperor  if  he  wished  to  commence  negotiations 
for  peace,  and  the  latter  replied  that  his  present  situa- 
tion prevented  him  entering  upon  this  subject ;  also 
that  the  regent,  being  in  Paris,  and  surrounded  by 
her  ministers  and  the  Chambers,  could  in  complete 
independence  negotiate  for  the  attainment  of  an  end 
so  desirable  for  all.  .  .  . 

"  When  General  von  Moltke  arrived,  Napoleon  III. 
requested  of  him  that  nothing  should  be  settled  before 
the  interview  which  was  to  take  place,  for  he  hoped 
to  obtain  from  the  king  some  favorable  concessions 
for  the  army.  M.  von  Moltke  promised  nothing ;  he 
confined  himself  to  announcing  that  he  was  about  to 
proceed  to  Vendresse,  where  the  king  of  Prussia  then 
was,  and  Count  von  Bismarck  urged  the  emperor  to 


348      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

go  on  to  the  Chateau  de  Bellevue,  which  had  been 
selected  as  the  place  of  the  interview.  It  became 
evident  that  the  latter  would  be  delayed  until  after 
the  signature  of  the  capitulation." 

Napoleon  divined  rightly  in  regard  to  this  last  fact. 
"  I  was  determined,"  says  Bismarck,  "  that  the  mili- 
tary men  who  can  be  harder  should  have  the  whole 
affair  to  settle." 

For  a  short  time  the  Emperor  of  the  French  and 
his  staff  were  left  alone  in  front  of  the  little  yellow 
cottage  as  Bismarck  rode  away  to  Donchery  to  see 
about  their  quarters.  The  Emperor  of  the  French  sat 
there  on  the  edge  of  the  weaver's  potato  patch,  gaped 
at  by  German  teamsters  and  curious  rustics,  awaiting 
the  pleasure  of  the  German  chancellor.  Did  the  days 
of  Paris  and  Biarritz  come  to  the  emperor's  remem- 
brance ?  An  hour  later,  when  he  was  rolling  along 
toward  the  chateau  with  the  helmets  and  breastplates 
of  the  cuirrassier  guard  flashing  on  all  sides,  did  he 
recollect  that  he  had  pronounced  the  iron  man  who 
cantered  his  charger  at  his  side  as  one  "  of  no  conse- 
quence ?  "  Bismarck  recalled  it,  but  he  tells  us  laugh- 
ingly, "  I  did  not  think  myself  at  liberty  to  remind 
him  in  the  weaving  shed  at  Donchery." 

While  Napoleon  awaited  the  king  of  Prussia  at  the 
Chateau  Bellevue,  in  one  of  the  lower  rooms  General 
de  Wimpffen  in  despair  was  signing  the  capitulation. 
Says  Napoleon,  "  When  it  was  signed,  General  de 
Wimpffen  came  to  inform  the  emperor,  who  had  re- 
mained all  this  time  on  an  upper  floor.  A  few  min- 
utes afterwards,  the  king  of  Prussia  arrived  on  horse- 
back, accompanied  by  the  crown  prince  and  attended 
by  a  few  officers. 

"  It  was  now  three  years  since  the  sovereigns  of 


BISMARCK  AND  NAPOLEON.  349 

France  and  Prussia  had  met,  under  very  different  cir- 
cumstances. .  .  .  Now,  betrayed  by  fortune,  Napo- 
leon III.  had  lost  everything,  and  had  surrendered 
into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror  the  only  thing  left 
him  —  his  liberty." 

The  ink  was  hardly  dry  upon  the  papers  that  con- 
verted the  French  soldiers  into  prisoners  of  war  than 
the  orders  were  issued  for  the  march  to  Paris.  With 
the  exception  of  Vinoy's  corps  at  Mezieres,  which  be- 
gan its  retreat  upon  the  capital  as  soon  as  apprised  of 
the  result  of  the  battle  of  Sedan,  no  troops  remained 
to  oppose  it. 

On  the  4th  of  September  Napoleon  left  Sedan  for 
the  castle  of  Wilhelmshohe  near  Cassel,  which  the 
Prussian  king  had  placed  at  his  disposal.  The  day 
was  dark  and  sad,  and  the  falling  rain  converted  the 
roads  into  mire.  So,  bidding  adieu  to  France  for- 
ever, escorted  by  a  hostile  soldiery,  the  Man  of  Decem- 
ber, the  Arbiter  of  Europe,  the  Modern  Caesar,  was 
whirled  away  northward  into  the  mist  and  gloom  that 
enshrouded  the  Belgian  hills. 


CHAPTEE  XXVHI. 

PARIS   IN   WAR   TIME. 

THE  EARLY  WAR  DAYS  IN  PARIS.  —  FALSE  REPOKT  OF  VICTORY. 
—  POPULAR  RAGE  OVER  THE  DECEPTION  —  THE  EMPRESS  RE- 
CEIVES THE  NEWS  OF  DISASTER.  —  THE  GOVERNMENT  CONTIN- 
UES TO  DECEIVE  THE  PUBLIC.  THE  EMPRESS  CONVOKES  THK 

CHAMBERS. — FALL  OF  THE  OLLTYIER  MINISTRY.  —  PALIKAO. — 
THE  EMPRESS  AT  THE  TUILERIES.  —  DEMORALISATION  IN  THE 
PALACE.  —  THE  NEWS  OF  SEDAN.  —  NIGHT  SESSION  OF  THE 
CORPS  LEGISLATIF.  —  THE  4iH  OF  SEPTEMBER. —  THE  BLOOD- 
LESS REVOLUTION  AND  FALL  OF  THE  EMPIRE  —  FLIGHT  OF 
THE  EMPRESS  FROM  PARIS-  —  GENERAL  TROCHU.  —  THE  DE- 
FENSES OF  PARIS.  —  THE  DEFENDERS  OF  PARIS.  —  REGULARS, 
MOBILES,  AND  NATIONALS.  —  THE  MARINES  AND  THE  FORTRESS 
ARTILLERY.  —  ARRIVAL  OF  VINOY'S  CORPS  AT  PARIS.  —  FAVRE 
AND  BISMARCK  AT  FERRIERES.  —  PARIS  INVESTED.  —  FIRST 
COMBATS  OF  THE  SIEGE.  —  DISPOSITIONS  OF  THE  BESIEGING 
ARMY.  —  THE  TEMPER  OF  PARIS.  —  MORE  SORTIES.  —  DESTRUC- 
TION OF  THE  CHATEAU  AT  ST.  CLOUD.  —  INSUBORDINATION  IN 
THE  NATIONAL  GUARD.  —  ASPECT  OF  PARIS  DURING  THE  LAST 
WEEKS  OF  OCTOBER.  —  THE  BESIEGERS. 

IN  the  mean  time  great  events  had  taken  place  in 
Paris.  Upon  the  departure  of  the  emperor  for  the 
front  the  empress  regent  continued  her  residence  at 
St.  Cloud,  and  awaited  confidently  the  tidings  of  vic- 
tory. On  the  evening  of  August  2  came  news  of 
"the  baptism  of  fire,"  which  aroused  some  enthusi- 
asm but  more  ridicule  in  Paris.  On  the  3d  and  4th 
no  news  was  made  public,  but  on  the  evening  of  the 
5th  the  London  papers  arrived  with  a  description  of 
Douay's  rout  at  Weissenburg.  Paris  became  strongly 
agitated  by  the  news  of  defeat  and  the  conviction 


PARIS  IN  WAR   TIME.  351 

that  the  government  was  suppressing  news  from  the 
front. 

On  the  afternoon  of  August  6  it  was  announced 
at  the  Bourse  that  the  French  had  won  a  great  victory 
against  overwhelming  odds,  that  they  had  captured 
the  crown  prince  of  Prussia  with  25,000  prisoners, 
and  occupied  Landau.  The  effect  of  this  news  upon 
the  anxious  Parisians  was  indescribable.  In  a  twin- 
kling great  crowds  swarmed  into  the  squares  and 
boulevards,  the  tricolor  appeared  on  all  hands,  and 
above  the  cheers  and  manifestations  of  delight  the  air 
resounded  with  the  exhilarating  strains  of  the  Marseil- 
laise. The  name  of  MacMahon  was  in  every  mouth, 
and  the  cries  of  "  A  Berlin  en  huit  jours  "  thundered 
out  with  renewed  intensity.  Gradually  the  Parisians 
came  to  their  senses.  The  government  was  obliged  to 
profess  ignorance  of  the  reported  victory.  Rage  took 
the  place  of  enthusiasm.  The  tricolor  disappeared 
as  if  by  magic.  The  people  stormed  the  Bourse, 
broke  furniture,  and  beat  and  ejected  the  few  remain- 
ing occupants.  All  through  the  evening  agitated 
crowds  thronged  the  boulevards,  while  a  great  mob 
besieged  the  residence  of  M.  Ollivier  and  demanded 
freedom  and  truth  in  the  press  reports.  It  was  a 
hard  day  for  the  police  and  military  authorities  of 
the  city,  and  their  vigilance  alone  prevented  serious 
and  violent  disturbances. 

On  this  evening  when  Paris  was  seething  with 
violent  emotions,  the  empress  was  anxiously  awaiting 
more  definite  news  from  the  front.  Shortly  after  mid- 
night came  this  telegram  from  the  emperor :  "  Mac- 
Mahon has  lost  a  battle.  Frossard  has  been  com- 
pelled to  retreat  from  the  Saar.  The  retreat  was 
effected  in  perfect  order."  Then  followed  the  omin- 


352       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ous  words,  "  Tout  peut  se  retablir."  Within  a  few 
hours  after  the  receipt  of  this  dismal  message  the 
empress  had  abandoned  St.  Cloud;  and  when  the 
morning  of  the  7th  broke  gloomily  over  the  restless, 
troubled  city  she  was  conferring  with  her  ministry  at 
the  Tuileries. 

The  government  made  an  effort  to  break  the  news 
gently.  A  bulletin  announcing,  "  The  corps  of  Gen- 
eral Frossard  is  in  retreat.  No  details,"  only  stimu- 
lated popular  anxiety.  Then  followed  the  statement, 
"  It  almost  appears  as  if  the  enemy  wished  to  offer  us 
battle  on  our  own  territory.  This  would  insure  us 
great  strategical  advantages."  The  supposition  from 
this  combination  was  that  Frossard  was  retreating  for 
strategical  reasons.  The  proclamation  of  the  empress 
in  the  afternoon,  however,  dispelled  all  delusions. 
She  announced  that  the  army  had  suffered  a  check, 
declared  Paris  in  a  state  of  siege,  convoked  the  Cham- 
bers for  the  9th,  and  published  the  emperor's  doleful 
telegram  of  the  6th  in  full. 

The  Corps  Legislatif  convened  on  the  9th,  and  it 
was  deemed  advisable  to  surround  the  Palais  Bour- 
bon with  a  cordon  of  troops.  The  morning  session 
was  tumultuous  beyond  description.  Ollivier  was 
repeatedly  interrupted  and  insulted.  Jules  Favre 
declared  that  the  country  had  been  compromised  by 
the  imbecility  of  its  chief,  and  declared  that  the  em- 
peror should  be  brought  back  to  Paris  and  not  allowed 
to  embarrass  the  military  councils  at  the  front.  Gra- 
nier  de  Cassagnac,  a  firm  Bonapartist,  replied  to  Favre, 
denounced  his  propositions  as  "  the  beginning  of  rev- 
olution," and  amid  fist-shaking  and  general  uproar 
advocated  arraigning  the  entire  Left  before  a  military 
tribunal.  A  babel  of  uproar  followed  in  which  men 


PARIS  IN  WAR   TIME.  353 

lost  their  heads  and  tempers.  Before  night  the  Olli- 
vier  ministry  had  fallen  on  a  vote  of  confidence,  and 
been  succeeded  by  that  of  Count  de  Palikao.  Palikao 
was  a  bluff  soldier  with  a  good  record,  and  he  stirred 
a  ripple  of  enthusiasm  in  the  Chambers  when  he  en- 
treated the  members  to  pardon  the  weakness  of  his 
voice,  as  he  carried  a  bullet  in  his  chest.  But  the 
Chamber  was  no  place  for  weak  lungs  in  these  days, 
and  honorable  wounds  would  not  suffice  to  secure  for 
an  imperial  minister  the  favor  of  the  Left.  Palikao's 
regime  was  brief  and  turbulent. 

The  life  of  the  empress  at  the  Tuileries  was  an 
anxious  one.  She  had  moments  of  flickering  confi- 
dence, but  she  left  her  gay  spirits  at  St.  Cloud.  On 
the  14th  she  held  her  last  state  reception ;  the  next 
week  she  was  busily  engaged  in  poring  over  the  dis- 
patches that  narrated  the  details  of  the  great  battles 
before  Metz.  They  were  all  recited  as  victories,  and 
yet  Bazaine  had  become  hemmed  in  ;  the  empress  could 
not  understand  this.  It  is  said  that  after  the  middle 
of  August  the  atmosphere  of  the  Tuileries  became  so 
hopeless  and  dejected  that  well-known  faces  began  to 
disappear ;  that  all  discipline  was  lost  in  the  palace ; 
that  articles  of  bric-a-brac  and  wearing  apparel  were 
missed  simultaneously  with  pages  and  maids.  Of 
these  facts,  however,  the  empress  took  little  note. 
The  army  in  the  field  and  the  mob  in  Paris  held  her 
attention  ;  of  the  latter  she  lived  in  daily  dread.  She 
agreed  with  Palikao  that  the  emperor  must  not  return 
to  Paris,  and  that  MacMahon  must  march  to  the  aid 
of  Bazaine,  who  was  enjoying  such  singular  fruits  of 
victory.  The  real  danger  in  which  MacMahon  and 
the  emperor  stood  was  not  appreciated  until  Septem- 
ber 1,  when  a  telegram  was  received  from  General 


354     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Vinoy  at  Mezieres,  requesting  full  discretionary  pow- 
ers. This,  coupled  with  MacMahon's  dispatch  that  he 
was  "compelled"  to  retire  upon  Sedan,  awoke  serious 
misgivings  at  the  war  office.  On  the  afternoon  of 
September  3  the  worst  fears  of  the  government  were 
realized.  A  telegram  from  the  emperor  epitomized 
the  disaster  of  Sedan:  "The  army  is  defeated  and 
captured.  I  myself  am  a  prisoner."  The  terrible 
news  leaked  out,  and  by  evening  Paris  was  aware 
that  some  new  misfortune  had  fallen  upon  the  country. 
At  one  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  the  Corps 
Le"gislatif  convened.  Palikao  gloomily  announced  the 
news,  and  requested  that  all  discussion  be  postponed 
for  a  few  hours.  Jules  Favre  then  offered  a  proposi- 
tion under  three  heads :  1,  That  Napoleon  and  his 
dynasty  be  declared  fallen ;  2,  The  nomination  of  a 
committee  of  defense ;  3,  The  retention  of  General 
Trochu  as  governor  of  Paris.  The  assembly  then 
adjourned  until  1.30  P.  M. 

The  4th  of  September  will  long  be  remembered  hi 
the  history  of  Paris  and  of  France.  At  dawn  Paris 
began  to  make  its  presence  felt.  The  cries  of  "  De- 
cheance  "  and  "  Vive  la  Republique  "  were  raised  on 
the  boulevards  and  in  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  and 
were  audible  in  the  gilded  saloons  of  the  Tuileries. 
Before  night  the  French  empire  had  become  a  thing 
of  the  past,  and  a  French  republic  had  arisen.  A 
revolution  vast,  irresistible,  but  bloodless  had  swept 
away  the  last  vestige  of  imperialism,  and  left  an  up- 
roarious democracy  in  possession. 

Let  us  look  at  the  events  of  the  day  through  the 
eyes  of  an  American  bystander.1  It  is  noon  in  the 
Place  de  la  Concorde  crowded  with  excited  humanity. 

1  Sheppard's  Shut-up  in  Paris. 


PARIS  IN  WAR    TIME.  355 

"  The  Garde  Mobile  are  scattered  here  and  there, 
armed  with  muskets,  without  order  or  commander, 
The  blouses  are  carrying  muskets,  yelling  '  Vive  la 
Republique.'  They  look  like  bandits.  A  distant 
group  starts  the  Marseillaise.  It  is  caught  up  by 
all  the  immense  concourse.  .  .  . 

"  The  day  is  bright.  The  sun  is  kindly.  The  blue 
sky  smiles.  Turn  round  once  at  the  Egyptian  obe- 
lisk, and  you  shall  see  the  Arc  de  Triomphe ;  .  .  .  the 
Madeleine  pillars,  standing  sentinel  against  the  angry 
horrors  of  the  hour ;  the  palace  of  the  Tuileries,  with 
the  flag  of  the  empire  still  floating  from  its  top,  and  the 
Corps  Legislatif,  where  all  the  interest  has  now  con- 
centred, while  beyond  it  the  gilded  dome  of  the  tomb 
of  the  other  exiled  Napoleon  glistens  under  the  blaze 
of  noon.  The  fountains  are  playing  as  usual.  .  .  . 

"  The  Tuileries  clock  strikes  twelve.  The  flag  is  not 
down  yet.  The  empress  is  still  there.  Crowds  assem- 
ble—  and  so  does  the  Corps  Legislatif  at  twenty 
minutes  past  one.  The  National  Guard  and  some 
mounted  sabres  protect  the  bridge  and  the  approaches. 

"  Again  the  galleries  are  packed  to  overflowing.  No 
ventilation,  great  smell  of  unclean  democrats.  The 
diplomatic  corps  are  in  full  force.  Wonderfully 
magnificent  ladies,  and  the  time-honored  revolution- 
ary dames  of  dauntless  front  and  enormous  diameter. 
The  Corps  Legislatif  are  debating.  In  a  few  min- 
utes there  is  a  fearful  uproar  outside  —  soldiers  and 
people  fraternize,  and  in  the  briefest  time  the  edifice 
is  inundated  with  soldiers  and  people,  young  and  old, 
both  men  and  women,  as  well  as  little  boys  and  girls ; 
they  burst  through  the  door  opposite  the  president's 
desk,  and  fill  the  chamber,  shouting  'Decheance' 
and  '  Vive  la  Republique.' 


356     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

"  Some  are  in  the  costume  of  the  National  Guard ; 
some  in  that  of  the  Guard  Mobile.  Many  carry  chas- 
sepots,  and  some  short  swords.  The  women  carry 
only  their  native  arms,  bare  and  brawny,  and  uplifted. 
There  is  the  usual  proportion  of  these  masculine 
dames,  and  of  young  women  with  their  babes,  and  of 
family  men,  taking  no  part  particularly,  simply  smok- 
ing and  watching,  and  of  boys  laughing  and  shouting. 
It  is  an  indescribable  tableau ;  and  after  all  attempts 
at  description,  one  returns  to  the  only  adequate  one 
—  it  is  French. 

"  President  Schneider  rises,  looks  down  upon  the 
tumult  with  a  most  disconsolate  countenance,  not 
unmixed  with  disdain,  rings  the  bell  nervously,  and 
says :  '  All  deliberation  is  impossible  under  these 
circumstances.  I  accordingly  pronounce  the  sitting 
at  an  end.' 

"  The  president  puts  on  his  hat  at  about  3.20  p.  M., 
steps  down,  and  disappears,  followed  by  all  the  depu- 
ties present,  except  those  of  the  extreme  Left,  several 
of  whom,  and  particularly  Gambetta,  in  vain  endeavor 
to  control  the  new  '  government.' 

"  The  owners  of  the  blouses,  petticoats,  and  shirt- 
sleeves continue  to  dance  and  howl,  to  brandish  fists, 
babies,  and  chassepots,  as  it  may  happen ;  they  cry 
4  Decheance,'  '  Vive  la  Republique.'  .  .  . 

"  Jules  Favre  tries  to  pacify  them  by  saying :  '  Union 
is  necessary  ;  the  Republic  has  not  been  declared,  but 
it  will  be  presently.' 

"  The  noise  grows  more  unearthly,  —  dancing,  howl- 
ing, babies  screaming,  women  and  men  gesticulating, 
dogs  joining  in  the  chorus  of  cries  with  all  their 
might,  till  the  'extreme  Left'  are  driven  to  their 
wits'  end.  Some  of  the  National  Guard  mount  the 


PARIS  IN  WAR    TIME.  357 

president's  rostrum ;  a  villainous,  ill-looking  fellow 
takes  the  chair  and  shakes  the  bell ;  the  green  sprigs 
in  the  muskets  are  waved  ;  one  man  in  a  blue  shirt 
mounts  the  tribune  and  makes  a  speech,  but  it  is  in- 
audible. Some  men  seize  the  pens  and  ram  them 
into  the  inkstands,  and  pretend  to  write  ;  but  as  they 
do  not  know  how,  they  can  only  '  make  their  mark,* 
and  spill  the  ink  around.  The  ill-looking  man  rings 
the  bell  furiously ;  the  members  of  the  '  extreme 
Left'  continued  their  exertions  on  behalf  of  'law 
and  order,'  but  at  length  they  give  up  in  despair, 
and  depart,  leaving  the  mob  in  possession. 

"  The  '  extreme  Left '  is  succeeded  by  the  extremer 
Left.  Somebody  thinks  of  Rochefort,  and  cries,  '  To 
St.  Pelagie.'  Nobody  stirs,  however.  But  the  next 
cry,  '  To  the  Hotel  de  Ville  —  to  proclaim  the  Re- 
public,' carries  all  before  it ;  and  they  move  tumult- 
uously  and  noisily  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville. 

"  In  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville  the 
members  of  the  '  extreme  Left '  assemble  and  declare 
the  Republic,  and  themselves  its  rulers.  Favre  chooses 
the  portfolio  of  foreign  affairs.  Gambetta  prefers 
that  of  the  interior.  Trochu  is  continued  governor 
of  Paris.  The  legislative  body  and  senate  are  pro- 
nounced dissolved.  All  political  prisoners  and  exiles 
are  pardoned." 

The  fall  of  the  empire  was  dramatically  registered 
as  the  clock  of  the  Tuileries  sounded  for  half  past 
three,  by  the  lowering  of  the  imperial  flag.  This  was 
the  signal  to  all  republicans  who  were  not  otherwise 
engaged.  The  Tuileries  were  stormed.  The  soldiers 
on  guard  interposed  little  resistance,  but  appealed  to 
the  people  with  good  effect  to  refrain  from  pillage 
and  vandalism.  Just  before  the  mob  broke  into  the 


358      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

building  Signer  Nigra,  the  Italian  ambassador,  en- 
tered the  apartments  of  the  empress  and  informed  her 
that  she  must  fly.  Hastily  bidding  a  tearful  adieu 
to  the  little  knot  of  adherents  who  remained  faithful 
to  her,  under  the  escort  of  Signer  Nigra  and  Prince 
Metternich  she  made  her  way  to  the  street,  where  a 
close  cab  was  in  waiting.  She  was  driven  to  the 
house  of  Dr.  Evans,  the  American  dentist,  where  she 
rested  a  few  hours.  She  left  the  same  night,  how- 
ever, for  the  north,  and  made  her  way  in  disguise  to 
the  little  seaport  town  of  Deauville.  Here  she  em- 
barked on  the  yacht  of  Sir  John  Burgoyne,  and  after 
a  perilous  and  protracted  voyage  landed  in  England, 
a  weary,  saddened  woman,  her  bright  hopes  blighted, 
her  husband  an  exile,  his  dynasty  lost,  her  son  a  mere 
pretender. 

As  president  of  the  government  of  national  defense 

and  TYTiTifoTyL  prmrmmm»    nf... Paris,  ftfmpral    Trochu    OCj- 

cupied  an  unenviable  position.  He  was  the  servant 
of  a  turbulent  people,  the  head  of  a  dubious  govern- 
ment, the  commander  of  a  motley  army  of  doubtful 
efficiency.  Before  the  downfall  of  the  empire  he  had 
commenced  his  extraordinary  efforts  to  place  the  city 
in  a  state  of  defense.  Paris  was  protected,  first,  by  the 
enceinte  with  its  ninety-eight  bastions ;  and,  second, 
by  an  outlying  chain  of  detached  forts  fifteen  in  num- 
ber and  occupying  a  circle  thirty-six  miles  in  circum- 
ference. On  the  north  of  the  city  about  St.  Denis 
were  the  strong  works  of  La  Briche,  Double  Couronne 
du  Nord,  and  De  1'Est.  On  the  northeast  between 
St.  Denis  and  the  Canal  de  1'Ourcq  was  the  fort  of 
Aubervilliers.  On  the  east  between  the  canal  and 
the  Marne,  well  situated  on  a  commanding  plateau, 
were  Forts  Romainville,  Noisy,  Rosny,  and  Nogent. 


PARIS  IN  WAR    TIME.  359 

The  Fort  of  Charenton  stood  southeast  of  Paris  in 
the  angle  formed  by  the  Seine  and  Marne.  The  hilly 
wooded  country  in  the  peninsula  formed  by  the  bend 
of  the  Seine  south  of  the  city  was  protected  by  a  line 
of  five  forts,  Ivry,  Bicetre,  Montrouge,  Vanves,  and 
Issy.  On  the  west  Paris  was  protected  by  a  single 
fort,  the  largest  and  most  formidable  of  all,  Mont 
Valerien,  perched  on  a  commanding  hilltop  363  feet 
above  the  Seine,  and  commanding  with  its  fire  all  the 
low  adjacent  country.  Beside  these  there  was  the 
wood  embowered,  fortified  chateau  of  Vincennes  with 
its  formidable  outworks,  which,  however,  did  not  play 
a  prominent  part  in  the  outer  line  of  defense.  Ad- 
vantageous points  between  and  in  advance  of  the 
forts  were  occupied  by  redoubts.  The  country  be- 
yond the  northern  forts  was  inundated  by  damming 
the  river  Rouillon,  the  magnificent  bridges  over  the 
Seine  were  blown  up,  houses  and  forests  that  threat- 
ened to  interfere  with  the  action  of  the  fortress  artil- 
lery were  ruthlessly  demolished  or  burned.  The 
armament  of  the  forts  and  enceinte  was  ample,  though 
many  of  the  pieces  were  antiquated.  Indeed,  as 
regards  defenses  and  armament  combined,  Paris  may 
be  said  to  have  been  strongly,  though  by  no  means 
perfectly,  protected. 

Trochu  had,  to  defend  the  city,  a  force  more  numer- 
ous than  the  necessity  required,  and  more  motley  than 
numerous.  The  garrison  may  be  classed  under  three 
heads  :  first,  the  regular  troops ;  second,  the  Mobile 
Guard  ; 1  and  third,  the  National  Guard.  The  regu- 

1  The  Mobile  Guard  -while  strong  in  numbers  was  defective  in  or- 
ganization and  indifferently  drilled.  It  was  made  up  of  men  under 
thirty  years  of  age  and  officered  by  the  vote  of  the  rank  and  file.  It 
corresponded  in  many  respects  with  the  state  militia  of  the  United 
States. 


J360      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

lar  troops  were  made  up  largely  of  the  13th  and  14th 
army  corps,  the  marines,  pompiers,  gendarmerie,  etc., 
aggregating  about  90,000  men.  The  Mobiles  com- 
prised 115,000  men,  15,000  being  the  Paris  contin- 
gent, the  remainder  having  been  brought  in  from  the 
provincial  districts.  The  influence  of  Paris  upon 
these  latter  troops  was  baneful  in  the  extreme.  "  They 
obstructed  the  boulevards  and  cafes ;  idleness  and 
debauchery  caused  almost  as  great  ravages  in  their 
ranks  as  the  fire  of  the  enemy,"  such  was  General 
Ducrot's  criticism  upon  them.  The  National  Guard 
was  literally  Paris  in  arms,  and  was  ever  swelling  in 
numbers  and  fomenting  disorder.1  By  the  last  of 
October  the  garrison  of  Paris  numbered  nearly  half 
a  million  of  men,  300,000  of  which  were  ill-drilled 
National  Guardsmen. 

Trochu  in  assigning  duties  to  the  different  branches 
of  his  vast  army  made  the  best  of  a  bad  dilemma. 
To  the  marines  he  confided  the  fortress  artillery. 
When  as  the  siege  progressed  he  was  accused  of 
throwing  undue  hardship  and  danger  upon  the  shoul- 
ders of  this  gallant  corps,  he  retorted,  "  How  in  God's 
name  am  I  to  help  it  ?  I  must  have  men  at  the  guns 
who  will  not  run  away  at  the  first  round."  The  Mo- 
bile Guard  was  detailed  to  garrison  the  forts  and 
redoubts.  The  National  Guard  occupied  the  enceinte. 
The  regular  troops  and  picked  battalions  of  the  Mo- 
bile Guard  were  held  for  fighting  in  the  open  country, 

1  General  Ducrot's  comment  on  these  troops  was  as  follows  :  "  The 
Parisian  as  a  soldier  is  either  very  good  or  very  bad,  rather  good 
than  bad  on  the  field  ;  but  when  enrolled  in  the  Mobile  or  National 
Guard  he  is  always  a  detestable  soldier,  because  his  instincts  of  lax- 
ness  and  revolt  always  dominate  his  natural  courageous  qualities.  .  .  . 
They  could  not  be  preserved  from  the  evil  contact  of  the  masses,  and 
they  took  part  in  many  political  manifestations." 


PARIS  IN  WAR   TIME.  361 

for  sortie  work,  and  it  must  be  confessed  for  intimidat- 
ing the  National  Guard  as  well. 

On  the  afternoon  of  September  7  the  Parisians  were 
served  to  a  tangible  evidence  of  the  French  defeats, 
when  the  weary  corps  of  Vinoy  entered  after  its 
breathless  run  from  Mezieres.  Hardly  a  fortnight 
before  it  had  left  for  the  front  with  all  its  "  fuss  and 
feathers,"  new  uniforms,  bands,  and  standards.  It 
returned  in  a  sad  plight.  The  "  jaded  columns  of  red 
legs  and  disordered  mass  of  guns  and  wagons  looked 
like  nothing  so  much  as  the  floating  in  of  a  wreck 
upon  the  beach."  l 

On  the  16th  of  September  the  last  mail  left  Paris  ; 
on  the  day  following  clouds  of  Uhlans  were  reported 
in  sight.  Paris  began  to  realize  that  the  enemy  was 
at  her  gates  and  that  a  siege  was  impending.  The 
new  government  recognized  the  fact  earlier  and  trans- 
ferred its  seat  to  Tours.  M.  de  Cremieux,  minister 
of  justice,  was  detailed  to  represent  the  government  at 
the  latter  place,  whither  nearly  all  the  diplomatic 
functionaries  hastened  after  him.  M.  Thiers  left  for 
England  in  the  hope  of  gaining  mediation,  while 
Jules  Favre  visited  Bismarck  at  Ferrieres  in  the  hope 
of  arranging  an  armistice.  Unfortunately  Favre  and 
Bismarck  were  so  far  apart  in  their  views  of  what 
the  occasion  demanded  that  any  agreement  was  hope- 
less. Bismarck  mistrusted  the  stability  of  the  new 
government  and  refused  to  consider  an  armistice  ex- 
cept on  the  basis  of  the  capitulation  of  Bitsch,  Toul, 
and  Strasburg,  and  the  surrender,  of  several  of  the 
Paris  forts.  As  regards  peace  he  stood  for  territorial 
cession.  Favre  planted  himself  squarely  on  the  prin- 
ciple, "  not  an  inch  of  our  territory  or  a  stone  of  our 
fortresses." 

1  Sheppard's  Shut-up  in  Paris. 


362     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

"  France  will  as  little  forget  Sedan,  as  Waterloo  or 
Sadowa  which  did  not  concern  you.  .  .  .  As  we  shall 
shortly  have  another  war  with  you,  we  intend  to  enter 
upon  it  in  possession  of  all  our  advantages,"  such 
were  Bismarck's  chilling  comments.  "  We  can  perish 
as  a  nation,  but  we  cannot  dishonor  ourselves,"  was 
the  heated  rejoinder  of  Favre.  In  short,  Bismarck 
would  not  consider  an  armistice  unless  France  gave 
up  even  the  slight  military  advantages  that  she  yet 
held.  He  would  not  discuss  peace  until  the  principle 
of  the  cession  of  territory  was  fully  accepted.  Favre 
returned  to  Paris  in  great  dejection. 

In  the  mean  time  the  city  had  become  invested. 
The  third  German  army  crossed  the  Seine  on  pontoon 
bridges  near  Villeneuve,  the  fourth  closed  in  from 
the  northwest.  There  was  skirmishing  on  the  17th 
and  18th  of  September  between  the  vanguard  of  the 
third  German  army  and  the  Parisian  forces  between 
Villeneuve  and  Creteil,  and  on  the  19th  the  first  sharp 
action  occurred  on  the  plateau  between  Meudon  and 
Sceaux.  General  Ducrot,  who  had  occupied  this 
position  in  force,  was  attacked  by  the  10th  Prussian 
division.1  Later  the  2d  Bavarian  corps  assumed  the 
burden  of  the  action,  and  the  5th  corps  pursued  its 
march  to  Versailles.  The  French  fought  well  for  a 
time,  and  then  became  demoralized.  The  Bavarians 
carried  the  plateau  of  Chatillon-Clamart  and  the  re- 
doubt at  Moulin  de  la  Tour.  The  5th  corps  occupied 
Versailles  that  evening,  and  seized  the  unfinished 
works  at  Montretout  and  Sevres.  The  fugitives  from 
Ducrot's  forces  rushed  madly  into  Paris,  where  they 
told  wild  stories  of  the  action  and  spread  consterna- 
tion abroad.  The  conduct  of  the  troops  was  anything 
1  Of  the  5th  corps. 


PARIS  IN  WAR    TIME.  363 

but  satisfactory,  and  Trochu  was  compelled  to  pub- 
licly expose  certain  battalions.  On  the  21st  the 
headquarters  of  the  third  German  army  was  trans- 
ferred to  Versailles.1  The  next  day  the  investment 
was  practically  complete.  The  outposts  of  the  fourth 
army  were  on  the  line  Bezons,  Argenteuil,  Epinay, 
Pierrefitte,  Stains,  Dugny,  Le  Bourget,  Villemonble, 
Neuilly.  The  third  army  was  on  the  line  Brie, 
Champigny,  Creteil,  Choisy-le-Roi,  Thiais,  Chevilly, 
L'Hay,  Bourg,  Meudon,  Sevres,  Bougival. 

Paris  blustered,  threatened,  and  fumed.  The  affair 
at  Chatillon-Clamart  shook  public  confidence  for  a 
time.  The  citizens  and  National  Guard  "  manifested  " 
repeatedly  before  the  Hotel  de  Ville  with  shouts  of 
"  La  guerre  a  outrance  "  and  "  A  bas  les  Prussiens." 
Cries  of  "  Vive  la  Commune  "  also  became  noticeable 
on  these  occasions.  A  clamor  was  raised  for  deci- 
sive measures,  for  a  sortie  in  force.  The  command- 
ant of  Mont  Valerien  was  removed  because  "  protests 
against  the  silence  of  this  fort  were  so  loud  and 
strong." 2  His  successor  felt  compelled  to  keep  his 
guns  warm,  and  fired  continually.  On  October  2  came 
the  news  of  the  fall  of  Strasburg  and  Toul.  An- 
other "  manifestation "  resulted,  in  which  the  com- 
munistic element  again  developed  great  strength. 

On  September  30  General  Vinoy  conducted  a  re- 
connaissance in  force  against  the  6th  German  corps 
between  Choisy-le-Roi  and  La  Belle  Epine.  The 
French  fought  well,  and  even  carried  the  little  village 
of  L'Hay.  They  were  finally  expelled,  however,  and 
General  Guilhelm  was  killed.  This  attack  through- 

1  The  king  of  Prussia  transferred  his  headquarters  from  Ferrieres 
to  Versailles  on  October  1. 

a  Labouchere's  Diary  of  a  Besieged  Resident. 


364     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

out  was  ably  seconded  by  the  fire  of  forts  Montrouge 
and  Bicetre. 

On  October  13  Vinoy  conducted  another  attack 
against  the  Bavarian  lines  in  the  direction  of  Bagneux 
and  Chatillon.  General  Susbielle's  division  carried 
the  latter  village,  but  the  Mobiles  failed  at  Bagneux., 
where  the  young  Count  Dampierre  lost  his  life. 
Chatillon  was  then  evacuated,  and  the  French  retreat 
began.  In  the  afternoon  of  this  day  a  demonstration 
was  made  from  Mont  Valerien  toward  St.  Germain. 
The  king  of  Prussia  witnessed  the  operations  from 
the  viaduct  of  Marly  until  the  withdrawal  of  the 
French.  Mont  Valerien  maintained  a  lazy  fire  dur- 
ing the  evening,  and  shelled  the  Park  of  St.  Cloud. 
The  chateau  was  set  on  fire  and  burned  throughout 
the  night.  Much  of  its  valuable  contents  had  been 
removed  before  the  siege  began,  considerable  more 
was  saved  by  the  Prussian  soldiers,  but  at  dawn 
nothing  remained  of  the  building  but  bare  walls  and 
smoking  ruins. 

The  first  three  weeks  of  the  siege  indicated  that 
the  army  of  Paris  was  no  match  for  its  foe.  The 
mass  of  the  National  Guard  had  no  stomach  for  fight- 
ing, and  the  Mobiles  and  the  line  were  unsteady.  In 
the  National  Guard  there  was  little  improvement  in 
discipline ;  soldiers  wrangled  over  political  problems, 
and  threatened  their  officers.  The  hope  of  Paris 
was  transferred  from  her  own  defenders  to  the  armies 
organizing  under  the  direction  of  the  Tours  govern- 
ment on  the  Loire  and  in  the  northern  provinces. 
News  from  these  forces  was  received  only  by  balloon 
or  carrier-pigeon,  and  anxious  suspense  was  the  result. 
Ganibetta  left  Paris  for  Tours  in  a  balloon  on  the  7th 
of  October,  and  arrived  safely  at  his  destination. 


PARIS  IN  WAR   TIME.  365 

Had  the  traveler  who  visited  the  International 
Exhibition  of  1867  found  himself  again  in  Paris 
during  the  last  weeks  of  October,  1870,  he  would 
have  been  shocked  at  the  change  that  had  come  over 
the  city.  The  imperial  flag  no  longer  floats  from  the 
Tuileries,  the  gay  turnouts  are  gone,  the  superb  sol- 
diery of  the  Guard  has  given  place  to  the  slouchy  ill- 
dressed  National  and  Mobile.  The  garden  of  the 
Tuileries  is  a  bivouac  ;  the  Champ  de  Mars  a  camp  ; 
the  Cirque  de  1'Imperatrice  a  barrack;  the  Palais 
de  Flndustrie  a  hospital  ;  the  Luxembourg  and  Ely- 
see  military  headquarters.  In  the  Place  de  la  Con- 
corde crowds  gather,  chatter,  and  "  manifest  "  about 
the  statue  of  Strasburg  ;  the  quais  along  the  Seine 
are  blocked  with  soldiery.  In  the  Place  de  1'Etoile 
and  at  the  Trocadero  knots  of  citizens  gather,  watch 
Mont  Valerien,  and  search  in  vain  for  a  trace  of  the 
enemy.  The  restless  inhabitants  of  Belleville  and  St. 
Antoine  are  busily  drilling  or  lounging  about  in  uni- 
form at  the  expense  of  "  the  government."  As  dark- 
ness falls,  a  full  sense  of  the  change  that  has  come 
to  the  city  of  gayety  and  light  is  apparent.  The 
boulevards  are  dimly  lighted,  many  of  the  cafes  and 
theatres  are  closed.  The  semi-military  population  is 
omnipresent,  the  gay  loungers  of  happier  days  have 
disappeared.  The  deep  ominous  roar  of  the  fortress 
artillery  forms  a  dismal  accompaniment  to  these 
scenes.  Does  the  traveler  desire  to  drive  in  the  Bois 
de  Vincennes  or  the  Bois  de  Boulogne  ?  He  is  in- 
formed first  that  horses  are  scarce  and  beginning  to 
be  devoted  to  other  uses  than  excursions  of  pleasure. 
He  also  learns  that  these  fashionable  parks  have  been 
converted  into  camps  where  the  Prussian  "  obus  "  is 
a  frequent  visitor.  At  the  silent  railway  stations 


366     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

crowds  gather  about  the  balloons  that  are  preparing 
to  wing  their  uncertain  way  to  Tours.  St.  Denis,  no 
longer  a  centre  of  attraction  for  the  tourist,  is  re- 
ported under  the  fire  of  the  Prussian  artillery. 

The  traveler  wishes  to  pass  the  lines.  Many  apply, 
but  few  receive  permission.  These  happy  mortals 
who  do  succeed  in  getting  out  and  in  satisfying  the 
importunities  of  the  German  outposts  in  these  days 
have  little  desire  to  linger  in  the  vicinity,  but  hasten 
to  place  the  water  between  themselves  and  La  Belle 
France.  If  our  traveler  is  successful,  and  allowed 
by  the  German  headquarters  to  make  the  "  tourist's 
round,"  he  is  struck  first  with  the  invisibility  of  the 
besieging  army.  Nothing  so  dismays  the  Parisian 
soldier  as  this  same  facility  of  his  foe  for  keeping 
out  of  sight.  No  one  would  dream  from  the  evidence 
of  his  eyes  on  the  German  forepost  line  that  250,000 
sons  of  the  Fatherland  are  around  the  capital  of 
France.  Yet  on  a  moment's  warning  these  quiet  vil- 
lages, these  still  woods,  are  ready  to  bristle  with  spiked 
helmets  and  bayonets,  and  wrap  themselves  in  battle 
smoke. 

At  Versailles  the  traveler  finds  the  quietude  of  the 
old  chateau  town  rudely  disturbed.  Here  his  atten- 
tive eye  is  rewarded  by  a  glimpse  of  the  German 
princes  and  generals  by  the  score.  Bismarck's  white 
coat  is  as  conspicuous  here  as  at  Gitschin  or  at  Nik- 
olsburg.  Orderlies  come  and  go  galloping,  cavalry 
troops  clatter  along  the  avenues,  swords  and  spurs 
clanking  and  jingling.  The  bronze  figure  of  Louis 
XIV.  before  the  chateau  still  points  grimly  in  the 
direction  of  Paris  as  though  turned  traitor  and  urging 
the  national  foe  to  the  attack.  The  picture-gallery  is 
not  to  be  inspected.  The  pictures  have  been  covered, 


PARIS  IN  WAR   TIME.  367 

and  the  chateau  turned  into  a  hospital.  One  wing 
forms  the  residence  of  the  king  of  Prussia,  who  lives 
and  sleeps  under  the  same  roof  with  his  wounded 
children. 

From  the  terrace  of  Meudon  the  traveler  gains  the 
same  view  that  charmed  him  three  years  before,  Paris 
lying  resplendent  amid  her  favored  suburbs.  The 
Bavarian  artillery  has  usurped  the  ground  where  the 
Parisian  loves  to  lounge  and  recreate.  The  erect 
officer  in  the  sky-blue  uniform  peering  through  his 
field  glass  is  not  admiring  the  towers  of  Notre  Dame 
or  the  dome  of  the  Invalides :  he  is  sweeping  his  eye 
along  the  French  fore  post  line  and  up  the  glacis  of 
Fort  Issy. 

At  Sevres  the  outposts  of  the  5th  corps  are  un- 
appreciative  of  porcelain  and  china,  but  grim  profi- 
cients in  the  use  of  steel  and  lead.  The  hand  of 
Mont  Valerien  lies  heavily  upon  St.  Cloud  with  its 
guard  of  Poseners.  The  sun  and  stars  shine  through 
the  gaping  windows  of  the  desolate  fire-blackened 
pile  which  has  been  the  delight  of  Marie  Antoinette, 
and  of  the  great  Napoleon,  and  which  only  a  few 
weeks  ago  was  gay  with  the  court  of  Eugenie.1 

1  History  has  repeated  itself  at  St.  Cloud  during  the  present  cen- 
tury. These  stanzas  are  from  Sir  Walter  Scott's  St.  Cloud,  written 
during  the  allied  occupation  in  1815.  They  are  equally  applicable  to 
the  events  of  1870. 

"  The  evening  breezes  gently  sighed 
Like  breath  of  Lover  true, 
Bewailing  the  deserted  pride 
And  wreck  of  sweet  Saint  Cloud. 

' '  The  drum's  deep  roll  is  heard  afar, 
The  biigle  wildly  blew, 
Good  night  to  Hulan  and  Hussar 
That  garrison  Saint  Cloud." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE   WAR   IN    THE   PROVINCES. 

STRASBURG  AND  ITS  GARRISON.  —  THE  BOMBARDMENT.  —  BURNING 
OF  KEHL.  —  FIRMNESS  OF  GENERAL  UHRICH.  —  GENERAL,  WER- 
DER  INVESTS  STRASBURG. FlNAL  BOMBARDMENT  AND  SUR- 
RENDER OF  THE  PLACE. — CONDITION  OF  METZ.  —  REPULSE  OF 
BAZAINE'S  SORTIE.  —  CAPITULATION  OF  METZ.  —  BAZAINE'S  CUL- 
PABILITY. —  COMPLEX  NATURE  OF  THE  MILITARY  PROBLEM  FROM 
THE  GERMAN  STANDPOINT.  —  VITALITY  OF  REPUBLICAN  FRANCE. 

—  A  FRENCH  FORCE  APPEARS  ON  THE  LOIRE.  —  ITS  DEFEAT  BE- 
FORE ORLEANS.  —  FORMATION  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE.  —  ITS 
ORGANIZATION  BY  GENERAL  D'  AURELLE  DE  PALADINES. —  WINS  A 
VICTORY  AT  COULMIERS. —  RETREATS  UPON  ORLEANS. —  CONFLICT 
BETWEEN  GAMBETTA  AND  THE  FRENCH  COMMANDER.  — APPEAR- 
ANCE OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  OF  THE  NORTH.  —  PRINCE  FREDER- 
ICK CHARLES  MARCHES  UPON  ORLEANS  FROM  METZ.  —  ADVANCE 
OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE.  —  ITS  RIGHT  WING  is  BEATEN  AT 
BEAUNE.  —  GAMBETTA  INSISTS  UPON  A   CONTINUATION  OF  THE 
ADVANCE. — THE  LEFT  WING  DEFEATED  AT  LOIGNY  AND  Pou- 
PRY.  —  FREDERICK   CHARLES  ASSUMES   THE  OFFENSIVE.  —  THE 
Two  DAYS'  BATTLE  IN  FRONT  OF  ORLEANS  AND  ROUT  OF  THE 
ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE.  —  CHANZY  RALLIES  THE  LEFT  WING  AND 

TAKES  POSITION  AT  JOSNES. Is  ATTACKED  BY  THE  GRAND  DuKE 

OF  MECKLENBURG.  —  RETREAT  OF  CHANZY  UPON  LE  MANS.  — 
INACTION  OF  THE  FIRST  ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE  UNDER  BOURBAKI. 

—  GAMBETTA  MARCHES  IT  EASTWARD.  —  FREDERICK  CHARLES 
AND  MECKLENBURG  CONCENTRATE  AGAINST  CHANZY.  —  SEVERITY 
OF  THE  WEATHER  AND  SUFFERING  BY  THE  TROOPS.  —  THE  BAT- 
TLE BEFORE  LE  MANS  AND  DEFEAT  OF  CHANZY.  —  THE  SECOND 
ARMY  OF  THE  LOIRE  AND  ITS  RECORD.  —  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE 
FRENCH  ARMY  OF  THE  NORTH  BY  MANTEUFFEL.  —  MARCH  OF 
MANTEUFFEL  TO  WERDER'S  SUCCOR.  —  BOURBAKI  CROSSES  THE 
Swiss  FRONTIER. 

WHEN  MacMahon  took  up   his   position   on   the 
heights  of  Worth,  the  fortress  of  Strasburg  was  left 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  369 

in  charge  of  an  infantry  regiment  of  the  line  and  a 
few  thousand  Mobile  guardsmen.  This  slender  force 
received  a  substantial  reinforcement  on  the  day  fol- 
lowing the  battle,  when  10,000  fugitives  from  Mac- 
Mahon's  right  wing  poured  into  the  city.  General 
Uhrich,  the  commandant,  reestablished  order  and 
confidence  among  these  refugees  to  such  an  extent 
that  when,  on  the  8th,  the  German  General  Beyer  at 
the  head  of  the  Baden  division  of  the  third  army  sum- 
moned him  to  surrender,  he  was  enabled  to  return  a 
firm  refusal.  As  a  result  the  Baden  division,  rein- 
forced by  a  Pomeranian  regiment  from  Rastatt  and 
a  few  Bavarian  batteries,  sat  down  before  the  place. 
General  Werder  of  the  Prussian  army  was  appointed 
to  command  the  besieging  army,  while  the  Landwehr 
division  of  the  Guard  and  the  first  reserve  division 
were  ordered  to  Strasburg  from  their  stations  in  the 
north  of  Prussia.  Moltke  was  eager  for  the  im- 
mediate reduction  of  the  place,  and  Werder,  with  a 
just  idea  of  the  character  of  the  garrison,  thought  to 
bring  it  to  terms  by  a  short  bombardment.  Stras- 
burg being  undefended  by  detached  forts,  the  besieg- 
ers were  enabled  to  approach  at  short  range  and  ply 
their  field  artillery.  On  August  17  the  batteries  in 
front  of  Kehl  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Rhine 
opened  fire.  The  French,  far  from  being  overawed, 
responded  by  raining  shell  upon  the  unprotected 
town  of  Kehl,  while  they  attempted  numerous  sorties 
against  the  German  infantry  in  the  suburban  villages 
on  the  western  bank  of  the  river.  On  the  24th  the 
fire  of  the  besiegers  assumed  greater  precision  and 
intensity,  and  was  maintained  incessantly  for  three 
days,  a  period  which  was  improved  by  the  engineers 
in  pushing  their  shelter  trenches  closer  to  the  French 


370     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

bastions.  The  destruction  wrought  by  the  French  as 
well  as  the  German  guns  was  considerable.  Several 
of  the  villages  in  which  the  Prussian  infantry  had 
found  shelter  were  destroyed,  while  Kehl  itself  was 
set  on  fire  and  vied  with  Strasburg  in  the  intensity  of 
its  conflagration.  The  scene  at  night  was  grand 
beyond  description.  The  delicate  spire  of  the  cathe- 
dral seemed  to  float  in  the  midst  of  the  lurid  glare 
that  rose  from  the  burning  city,  while  the  dark  waters 
of  the  Rhine  glowed  angrily  as  they  swept  seaward 
between  the  stricken  shores. 

Though  the  inhabitants  of  Strasburg  clamored  for 
capitulation,  Uhrich  was  immovable.  General  Wer- 
der  desisted  from  his  bombardment,  sent  to  Prussia 
for  siege  trains,  and  prepared  for  a  regular  invest- 
ment. The  northwest  front  of  the  Strasburg  defenses 
was  selected  as  the  weak  point  in  the  line,  being  open 
to  flanking  fire,  and  on  September  1  the  siege  began. 
The  full  strength  of  Werder's  corps  was  then  on  the 
ground.  Parallels  were  opened  and  the  work  covered 
by  a  heavy  fire  from  the  siege  batteries.  The  siege 
operations  of  the  Prussians  form  an  interesting  and 
instructive  study  to  the  engineer  and  the  sapper. 
Every  day  witnessed  progress.  The  mining  galleries 
of  the  French  were  unearthed  and  turned  to  account 
by  the  Prussian  engineers.  An  indirect  breaching 
fire  was  maintained  with  admirable  success.  The  Ba- 
deners  occupied  the  Sporen  island  where  the  French 
mortar  batteries  had  been  located.  At  length  on 
September  27,  when  two  French  lunettes  had  been 
converted  into  Prussian  works  and  breaches  opened 
in  the  main  wall  for  an  infantry  attack,  when  the 
citadel  had  been  battered  into  rubbish  and  the  streets 
of  the  city  placed  at  the  mercy  of  bullets  and  shrap- 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  371 

nel,  Uhrich  hoisted  the  white  flag  on  the  cathedral. 
On  the  morning  of  September  28  the  terms  of  capitu- 
lation were  arranged,  and  on  the  day  following  the 
garrison  marched  out.  Their  utter  demoralization 
was  evident ;  many  were  drunk  and  raised  shouts  of 
"  Vive  la  Prusse."  More  than  19,000  prisoners,  in- 
cluding 2,000  sick  and  wounded,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Germans,  these  latter  representing  the  loss  of 
the  besieged  during  the  seven  weeks'  contest.  Un- 
happily, three  or  four  hundred  citizens  also  perished, 
though  Werder  allowed  several  hundred  of  this  class 
to  pass  out,  and  sent  word  into  the  city  that  the 
cathedral  would  form  a  safe  refuge  to  noncombat- 
ants.  The  roof  of  this  magnificent  structure  was 
partially  burned  by  shells  fired  at  the  tower,  where 
the  French  established  a  post  of  observation,  but  the 
interior  remained  uninjured. 

In  strong  contrast  to  the  events  at  Strasburg  were 
the  episodes  of  the  blockade  of  Metz.  There  was  no 
bombardment  and  but  little  fighting.  A  great  French 
army  175,000  strong  lay  sullenly  in  the  midst  of  the 
encircling  forts  and  pined  away  day  by  day,  week  by 
week,  from  stagnation  and  disease,  until  at  last  it 
succumbed  to  the  iron  embrace  of  its  conqueror.  It 
might  almost  be  said  that  this  vast  army  gave  up 
without  a  blow.  The  only  sortie  in  force,  undertaken 
primarily  with  the  object  of  breaking  through  the 
investors'  lines,  occurred  on  August  31.  Bazaine  was 
induced  to  make  this  attempt  by  messages  which  had 
been  smuggled  through  the  German  lines  from  Thion- 
ville,  announcing  the  presence  of  MacMahon's  army 
upon  the  Meuse.  He  determined  upon  breaking 
through  on  the  east  of  Metz  in  the  direction  of  St. 
Barbe,  and  brought  no  less  than  four  corps  into  ac- 


372      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

tion  for  that  purpose.  His  attack  was  not  delivered 
until  late  in  the  day,  and  the  noise  and  bustle  of  his 
preparation  had  thoroughly  aroused  the  Germans. 
The  French  right  carried  Columbey  and  the  centre 
Noisseville.  This  latter  village  was  taken  and  re- 
taken, but  at  ten  in  the  evening  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  French.  The  1st  German  corps,  upon 
which  the  brunt  of  the  afternoon's  fighting  had  fallen, 
was  heavily  reinforced  during  the  night  from  the  7th 
and  9th  corps,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of 
September  assumed  a  vigorous  offensive.  The  French 
seemed  to  have  lost  all  the  elan  of  the  day  before. 
Canrobert  was  driven  in  on  the  left;  Leboauf  lost 
Noisseville.  At  noon  the  whole  army  was  in  retreat 
and  the  sortie  was  a  failure.  If  we  omit  the  feeble 
attempt  of  October  7  against  the  Prussian  Landwehr 
on  the  north  of  Metz,  we  have  done  with  the  offensive 
operations  of  Marshal  Bazaine  as  commander  of  the 
army  of  the  Rhine.  He  signed  the  capitulation  at 
the  Chateau  of  Frescati  on  the  27th  of  October  which 
delivered  the  virgin  fortress  into  the  hands  of  Ger- 
many, and  with  it  three  marshals  of  France,  50  gen- 
erals, 6,000  officers,  173,000  men,  53  eagles,  66  mi- 
trailleuses, 541  fieldpieces,  and  800  fortress  guns. 

The  principal  charges  against  Bazaine,  which  were 
sustained  by  the  Trianon  court-martial,  were  as  fol- 
lows :  that  he  made  no  serious  attempt  to  break 
through  the  lines  of  an  enemy  but  little  his  superior 
in  numbers,  and  upon  whom  devolved  the  guardian- 
ship of  a  line  thirty-eight  miles  in  length ;  that  he 
communicated  with  the  deposed  emperor ;  that  he 
engaged  in  an  illicit  correspondence  with  the  Prus- 
sian headquarters ;  and  that  his  final  capitulation 
was  not  a  necessity.  Bazaine's  defense  to  the  first 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  373 

charge  was  the  disorganization  of  his  army,  and  his 
lack  of  horses  which  were  short  of  fodder.  As  to  the 
second  charge,  Bazaine  claimed  that  his  oath  was  to 
the  emperor,  and  when  the  empire  fell  he  regarded 
the  war  as  at  an  end.  He  had  no  faith  in  the  repub- 
lic and  deprecated  further  bloodshed.  He  certainly 
corresponded  with  the  German  headquarters,  and 
even  suggested  that  his  army  might  be  used  to  restore 
domestic  order  in  France.  Bazaine  claims  that  his 
capitulation  was  a  necessity.  To  subsist  longer  in 
Metz  was  out  of  the  question.  The  hospital  and  pub- 
lic buildings  were  crowded  with  20,000  sick  and 
wounded,  the  water  was  impure,  salt  had  given  out, 
there  were  no  horses  for  the  artillery.  Without 
attempting  to  settle  the  question  as  to  whether  or 
not  the  marshal  was  guilty  of  treason,  the  penalty  of 
which  he  suffered  until  his  death,  we  must  recognize 
the  fact  that  the  fall  of  Metz  sealed  the  fate  of 
France.  Two  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  Ger- 
man soldiers  were  let  loose  upon  the  raw  levies  which 
the  republic  was  everywhere  organizing  in  the  frantic 
hope  of  saving  Paris. 

With  the  fall  of  Metz  the  last  soldiers  of  the  empire 
crossed  the  Rhine  as  prisoners  of  war.  Yet  the  mili- 
tary situation  had  attained  from  the  German  stand- 
point a  more  tangled  complexity  than  at  any  previous 
period  of  the  campaign.  The  republic  was  display- 
ing extraordinary  vitality.  It  reflects  great  credit 
upon  the  energy  of  the  government  of  national  de- 
fense, as  impersonated  by  Gambetta  at  Tours,  that 
when  the  armies  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles  and 
Manteuffel  commenced  their  westward  march  from 
Metz,  there  were  more  men  in  arms  beneath  the  tri- 
color than  at  any  time  since  the  emperor's  declara- 
tion of  war. 


374     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

While  Metz  still  held  out  Moltke  had  made  great 
efforts  to  check  the  organization  of  new  French 
armies.  Cavalry  columns  were  pushed  in  all  direc- 
tions from  Paris  to  overawe  the  country  but  without 
effect.  The  peasantry  flocked  to  the  colors  in  great 
numbers,  until  by  the  middle  of  October  a  strong 
French  corps  was  reported  in  the  vicinity  of  Le 
Mans,  another  was  known  to  be  organizing  on  the 
Somme,  while  a  German  cavalry  division  was  com- 
pelled to  abandon  Toury  to  the  advance  of  the  French 
15th  corps,  which  had  sprung  up  in  a  night  on  the 
banks  of  the  Loire.  The  latter  force  was  rightly 
judged  by  Moltke  as  the  most  threatening.  Con- 
sequently the  1st  Bavarian  corps,  the  22d  division  of 
the  llth  corps,  and  the  2d  and  4th  cavalry  divis- 
ions were  directed  southward.  On  October  10  these 
troops  encountered  the  15th  corps  near  Chevilly,  and 
after  some  preliminary  skirmishing  crushed  it  on 
the  day  following,  capturing  three  guns  and  seven 
thousand  prisoners.  The  panic-stricken  survivors  fled 
through  Orleans  and  across  the  Loire  in  such  terror 
that  another  Joan  of  Arc  could  hardly  have  brought 
them  to  their  senses  and  saved  the  city.  The  Ger- 
mans entered  at  midnight,  having  sustained  the  most 
insignificant  losses. 

With  the  Bavarians  in  possession  of  Orleans,  and 
with  the  surrounding  country  well  patrolled  by  two 
cavalry  divisions,  Moltke  withdrew  the  22d  division 
and  4th  division  of  cavalry  to  Chartres.  This  column 
arrived  at  its  destination  after  a  lively  fight  at  Cha- 
teaudun,  which  had  been  barricaded  by  a  force  of 
mobiles  and  Franc-tireurs.  The  grand  duke  of  Meck- 
lenburg assumed  command  at  Chartres,  and  held  him- 
self in  readiness  to  support  Von  der  Tann  at  Orleans, 


%     02 


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o 

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O 


THE  WAR  IN   THE  PROVINCES.  375 

to  inarch  to  Paris,  or  threaten  the  French  army  in 
the  west. 

Moltke  hardly  did  justice  to  the  extraordinary 
vitality  of  republican  France.  Before  the  close  of 
October  a  16th  corps  under  Chanzy  had  taken  the 
field,  the  15th  had  been  reorganized,  and  a  17th  was 
in  process  of  formation.  General  d'Aurelle  de  Pal- 
adines  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  all  these 
forces  by  the  government  at  Tours.  He  found  them 
without  the  esprit  and  discipline  indispensable  to  a 
formidable  army.  Their  nucleus  was  formed  by  some 
15,000  regulars,  more  than  half  of  whom  had  escaped 
during  the  early  morning  hours  from  the  carnage  of 
Sedan,  and  around  these  were  grouped  the  raw  peas- 
antry and  Mobile  Guards.  Thanks  to  the  energy  of 
the  new  commander,  the  chaotic  battalions  soon  as- 
sumed a  more  military  bearing.  At  last  it  was 
thought  they  might  reasonably  undertake  an  impor- 
tant enterprise.  D'Aurelle  fixed  his  mind  upon  the 
Bavarians  at  Orleans  and  determined  upon  their  cap- 
ture or  annihilation.  When  it  is  considered  that  he 
had  a  force  of  at  least  70,000  men,  while  the  Bavarians 
had  no  substantial  supports  nearer  than  Chartres,  this 
plan  cannot  be  pronounced  imprudent.  He  decided 
upon  November  9  as  the  day  for  his  great  stroke. 
No  time  was  to  be  lost,  as  Metz  had  capitulated  and 
the  first  and  second  German  armies  were  moving 
westward  by  forced  marches. 

General  d'Aurelle  was  a  good  strategist,  and  he 
laid  his  plans  carefully.  While  the  15th  and  16th 
corps  concentrated  on  Orleans  from  the  west  and 
south,  General  Pallieres  with  one  division  of  the 
former  corps  was  to  cross  the  Loire  east  of  Orleans, 
and  march  in  the  direction  of  Chevilly  to  bar  the 


376     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Bavarian  retreat  on  Paris.  Fortune,  however,  was 
not  favorable  to  the  French.  Von  der  Tann,  warned 
by  his  cavalry  of  the  French  concentration,  left  one 
regiment  in  Orleans,  and  with  the  balance  of  his 
troops  crossed  the  Loire  to  reinforce  his  division  near 
Coulmiers.  In  this  vicinity  he  was  attacked  on  the 
9th  by  the  15th  and  16th  corps.  Divining  the  trap 
that  was  being  laid  for  him,  and  sending  word  to  the 
regiment  in  Orleans  to  retreat  upon  Artenay,  he 
evacuated  Coulmiers,  and  fighting  hard  began  to  retire 
over  the  road  to  Patay.  At  nine  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing, after  suffering  a  loss  of  less  than  one  thousand 
men,  the  main  body  of  his  corps  was  approaching  that 
place.  D'Aurelle  had  been  foiled  utterly  in  his  "  en- 
veloping "  scheme.  His  extreme  left  had  been  thrown 
into  disorder  by  a  cavalry  panic,  while  on  the  right 
Pallieres  only  reached  Chevilly  at  midnight.  The 
influence  of  the  action  upon  the  French  soldiery,  how- 
ever, was  very  inspiriting.  They  had  seen  the  backs 
of  German  columns,  and  this  unwonted  exhibition  was 
productive  of  wild  sensations  in  the  raw  and  enthusi- 
astic troops.  Von  der  Tann  halted  at  Toury,  where 
he  placed"  himself  in  communication  with  the  22d 
division  at  Chartres.  The  17th  division  was  moved 
from  the  Paris  army  to  the  south,  and  the  command 
of  the  united  forces  conferred  upon  the  grand  duke 
of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin.  His  four  divisions  of  in- 
fantry and  three  of  cavalry  constituted  a  force  of 
nearly  50,000  men. 

The  battle  of  Coulmiers  marked  a  great  crisis  for 
France.  M.  Gambetta  enthusiastically  hailed  the 
army  as  conquerors,  and  urged  an  immediate  advance 
upon  Paris.  He  became  convinced  in  his  joy  that 
the  ardent  soldiers  of  the  republic  were  man  for  man 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  377 

superior  to  their  experienced  adversaries.  General 
d'Aurelle  de  Paladines,  on  the  other  hand,  regarded 
matters  from  another  standpoint.  Far  from  advocat- 
ing a  movement  upon  Paris,  he  insisted  that  the  army 
should  return  to  the  intrenched  camp  at  Orleans. 
The  9th  of  November  convinced  him  that  these  same 
soldiers  whom  Gambetta  regarded  as  invincible  were 
inclined  to  be  panicky  and  incapable  of  great  mano3u- 
vres.  Even  the  knowledge  that  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  with  his  whole  army  was  approaching  the 
Loire  could  not  shake  D'Aurelle's  determination.  In 
spite  of  Gambetta's  remonstrance  that  he  was  wasting 
valuable  time,  he  brought  the  army  back  to  Orleans 
for  reorganization  and  drill.  This  was  the  commence- 
.ment  of  a  struggle  between  the  government  and  the 
military  authorities.  M.  Gambetta  failed  to  profit 
by  the  dismal  experience  of  Palikao ;  and  while  the 
army  of  the  Loire  was  marked  by  defects  that  must 
of  necessity  have  seriously  compromised  its  fortunes, 
yet,  as  we  shall  see,  upon  his  shoulders  must  rest  a 
large  portion  of  the  responsibility  for  its  greatest 
defeats. 

On  the  15th  of  November  France  had  become 
divided  into  four  distinct  battlefields.  In  the  north- 
ern provinces  two  French  corps  under  Bourbaki  were 
preparing  to  withstand  the  German  army  which  Man- 
teuffel  was  bringing  up  from  Metz  ;  at  Paris  Trochu 
and  his  discordant  legions  still  fumed  within  their 
iron  girdle ;  on  the  Loire  the  rapidly  swelling  ranks 
of  D'Aurelle's  corps  were  at  last  confronted  by  the 
combined  forces  of  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg 
and  Frederick  Charles ;  while  in  the  southeast  Werder 
with  the  14th  German  corps  had  invested  Belfort,  and 
was  watching  the  south  of  France  as  far  as  Dijon. 


378      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Gambetta  never  ceased  to  urge  upon  the  French 
commander  the  necessity  of  assuming  the  offensive. 
During  the  last  weeks  of  November  he  received  in- 
formation from  General  Trochu  that  the  garrison  of 
Paris  was  on  the  eve  of  a  great  sortie,  and  his  urgency 
became  imperative.  D'Aurelle  was  ordered  to  under- 
take a  movement  in  cooperation  with  the  army  of 
Paris.  The  German  lines  at  this  time  extended  from 
the  vicinity  of  Beaune  la  Rolande  on  the  east,  pass- 
ing north  of  Artenay,  to  Ogeres  on  the  west.  The 
French  commander  found  himself  under  the  necessity 
of  breaking  through  or  turning  this  line  in  the  hope 
of  giving  the  hand  to  a  successful  army  from  Paris. 
Consequently,  on  the  28th  of  November  he  directed 
the  18th  and  20th  corps  against  Beaune  la  Rolande 
with  orders  to  push  the  German  left  back  from  the 
road  to  Paris.  Beaune  was  held  by  the  10th  corps 
and  stubbornly  defended.  The  French  troops  made 
a  determined  fight,  but  the  arrival  of  the  German  3d 
corps  finally  accomplished  their  discomfiture.  With 
the  retreat  came  the  usual  panic,  both  the  French 
corps  losing  numerous  prisoners,  and  falling  back 
upon  Bellegarde  on  the  outskirts  of  the  forest  of 
Orleans.  The  French  commander  after  this  would 
willingly  have  abandoned  the  offensive,  but  Gambetta 
was  again  excited  over  a  dispatch  from  Trochu,  stat- 
ing that  Ducrot  had  broken  through  the  German 
lines  of  investment,  and  was  marching  upon  Epinay. 
D'Aurelle,  who  had  rested  passively  since  the  28th 
in  dread  of  an  advance  by  Prince  Frederick  Charles, 
was  once  more  induced  to  march  northward.  He 
seems  to  have  made  no  attempt  at  a  general  advance, 
— indeed,  the  forest  of  Orleans  would  have  hopelessly 
divided  his  corps  in  such  a  move,  —  but  in  this  case 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  379 

used  his  left  wing  exclusively,  as  on  the  28th  of 
November  he  had  used  his  right.  General  Chanzy 
with  the  16th  corps  commenced  his  advance  on  Decem- 
ber 1,  driving  before  him  the  outposts  of  the  grand 
duke  of  Mecklenburg.  On  December  2  he  struck 
heavily  against  the  main  body  of  Von  der  Tann's  war- 
worn Bavarian  corps,  and  bearing  them  down  by  sheer 
weight  of  numbers  carried  Loigny,  Villeprevost,  and 
Chateau-Goury.  At  this  crisis,  however,  the  Bava- 
rian general  was  supported  on  his  left  by  the  17th 
division,  while  the  cavalry  division  of  Prince  Albrecht 
covered  his  right.  The  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg 
assumed  the  offensive,  drove  Chanzy  from  all  the 
ground  he  had  gained,  and  by  a  concentric  attack 
carried  Loigny.  The  15th  corps  on  Chanzy's  right 
had  in  the  mean  time  encountered  the  22d  German 
division,  and  been  driven  before  it  out  of  Poupry  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The  French  17th  corps 
also  took  part  in  the  contest  between  Poupry  and 
Loigny,  but  was  finally  worsted  and  driven  back  with 
the  entire  wing  upon  Terminiers.  At  night  the 
French  army  rested  in  the  positions  it  had  occupied 
in  the  morning.  The  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg 
had  engaged  his  entire  force,  four  weak  divisions,  or 
about  35,000  men.  The  French  employed  the  greater 
part  of  their  corps,  at  least  80,000  men. 

The  result  of  the  combats  at  Beaune  and  at  Loigny 
only  served  to  convince  the  French  commander  of  the 
unreliability  of  his  young  troops.  There  was  no  time 
to  argue  with  Gambetta  over  the  advisability  of  fur- 
ther offensive  movements,  for  on  the  3d  Prince  Fred- 
erick Charles  began  a  concentric  advance  upon 
Orleans,  the  second  army  forming  on  a  line  from  Arte- 
nay  to  Beaune,  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg  mov- 


380       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

ing  southward  against  the  French  left  wing  and  later 
upon  Orleans  over  the  Chateaudun  road.  The  oper- 
ations of  the  3d  and  4th  of  December,  which  have 
become  known  as  the  battle  of  Orleans,  were  a  suc- 
cession of  combats  ill-sustained  by  the  French,  who 
at  many  points  seemed  more  ready  to  lay  down  their 
arms  than  to  use  them.  The  German  artillery  espe- 
cially exercised  a  powerful  influence  upon  their  raw 
soldiery,  spreading  consternation  beyond  the  reach  of 
its  shells.  The  excitement  in  Orleans  was  intense. 
The  French  commander,  thoroughly  disheartened  by 
defeat,  and  irritated  by  Gambetta's  interference, 
compromised  the  vigor  of  his  defense  by  his  indeci- 
sion. On  the  3d  the  righting  was  distant  from  the 
city,  and  the  muffled  rumbling  of  the  artillery  by  day 
and  the  numerous  conflagrations  that  flared  on  the 
moonlit  plain  at  night  alone  told  of  the  German 
devastation.  On  the  4th,  however,  the  pluck  of  civil 
and  military  authorities  gave  way,  and  the  evacuation 
commenced.  All  through  the  day  the  firing  came 
nearer,  until  the  rattle  of  musketry  echoed  in  the 
streets  and  the  ground  trembled  with  the  reverbera- 
tion of  the  artillery.  Great  crowds  of  terror-stricken 
soldiers  streamed  through  the  streets  in  flight.  As 
darkness  fell  the  roar  of  the  battle  was  at  the  city 
gate ;  the  troops  of  Prince  Frederick  Charles  were  in 
the  suburbs.  In  the  evening  the  last  fight  took  place 
about  the  railway  station.  After  that  it  was  a  gen- 
eral sauve  qui  pent,  and  shortly  after  midnight  the 
German  troops  were  tramping  unmolested  through 
the  city  streets.  The  battle  of  Orleans  cut  the  French 
army  of  the  Loire  in  halves.  D'Aurelle  with  the  15th, 
18th,  and  20th  corps  retreated  upon  Bourges,  while 
Chanzy  with  the  16th  and  17th  corps  retreated  along 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  381 

the  other  bank  of  the  Loire  under  cover  of  the  newly 
formed  21st  corps  as  far  as  Beaugency.  These  two 
forces  were  immediately  denominated  by  Gambetta 
as  the  first  and  second  armies  of  the  Loire.  D'Aurelle 
was  removed  from  the  command  of  the  former,  and 
General  Bourbaki  summoned  from  the  north  to  suc- 
ceed him.  General  Chanzy  was  appointed  as  com- 
mander of  the  other.  The  first  army  was  in  a 
wretched  condition,  and  Gambetta  found  Bourbaki 
little  more  energetically  inclined  than  his  precedessor. 
Prince  Frederick  Charles  had  wholly  allayed  the 
uneasiness  that  prevailed  at  Paris  in  reference  to 
Gambetta's  armies,  yet  it  was  determined  to  follow 
up  the  divided  fragments,  and  if  possible  utterly  to 
dissipate  them.  While  Prince  Frederick  Charles  held 
himself  between  Orleans  and  Vierzon  to  watch  Bour- 
baki, the  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg  moved  against 
Chanzy.  That  general  had  little  of  the  timidity  or 
misgiving  that  characterized  his  colleagues,  and  hav- 
ing succeeded  in  infusing  into  his  men  something  akin 
to  confidence,  he  promptly  established  himself  in  a 
strong  position,  his  right  resting  on  the  Loire  at  Beau- 
gency, his  centre  upon  the  plateau  of  Josnes,  and  his 
left  covered  by  the  forest  of  Marchenoir.  In  this 
position  he  was  attacked  by  the  grand  duke  of  Meck- 
lenburg on  the  6th.  The  grand  duke  was  too  weak 
numerically  to  attempt  a  turning  movement,  and  con- 
sequently attacked  boldly  the  face  of  the  position. 
The  brunt  of  the  fighting  fell  upon  Von  der  Tann's 
Bavarians  in  the  centre  ;  and  though  they  lost  ground 
in  the  afternoon,  they  still  held  the  village  of  Cravant 
which  they  had  wrested  from  the  French  in  the  morn- 
ing. On  the  left,  in  the  mean  time,  the  17th  Ger- 
man division  advanced  steadily  along  the  Loire  from 


382     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Meung,  fought  combat  after  combat,  and  after  mak- 
ing several  hundred  prisoners  carried  Beaugency  it- 
self in  the  evening.  The  22d  division  on  the  extreme 
right  had  no  serious  fighting  during  the  day  in  front 
of  the  forest  of  Marchenoir.  On  the  next  day  the 
grand  duke  again  assumed  the  offensive,  the  17th  divi- 
sion and  the  Bavarians  driving  in  the  French  right, 
and  approaching  close  to  Josnes,  the  heart  of  the 
French  centre.  In  the  evening  the  opinion  prevailed 
at  the  grand  duke's  headquarters  that  Chanzy  would 
not  attempt  to  maintain  himself  longer,  and  would 
take  advantage  of  the  night  to  draw  off.  Chanzy, 
however,  again  registered  his  intrepidity  and  individ- 
uality by  resuming  the  struggle  at  daybreak,  driving 
in  Von  der  Tann's  outposts  and  well-nigh  throwing 
his  whole  corps  into  confusion.  This  attack  was 
beaten  back  by  a  heavy  artillery-fire,  under  cover  of 
which  the  infantry  rallied.  The  grand  duke  had  been 
reinforced  by  the  10th  corps,  which  Prince  Frederick 
Charles  had  detached  to  his  assistance  upon  becom- 
ing convinced  of  Bourbaki's  lethargy,  while  the  9th 
corps  was  approaching  Blois  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Loire  on  its  march  for  Tours.  Chanzy  claims 
that  it  was  this  corps  threatening  his  rear  and  not 
the  grand  duke's  assaults  that  finally  induced  him 
to  retreat.  At  all  events  retreat  he  did,  leaving  sev- 
eral hundred  prisoners  with  the  Germans.  In  the 
prolonged  combat  at  Beaugency  and  Josnes  Chanzy 
had  to  defend  his  almost  impregnable  position  the 
16th,  17th,  and  21st  corps,  beside  a  new  division 
which  had  been  brought  up  from  Tours.  These 
troops,  numbering  at  least  100,000  men,  were  nearly 
all  engaged.  The  grand  duke  on  his  part  employed 
less  than  55,000  men,  including  the  22d  division, 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.  383 

which  had  no  serious  fighting,  and  the  10th  corps 
which  acted  as  a  reserve.  Chanzy  retreated  rapidly 
upon  Le  Mans  in  severe  weather  and  over  bad  roads. 
He  was  followed  closely  by  Frederick  Charles,  and 
at  Vendome  in  a  rear-guard  engagement  lost  a  few 
hundred  prisoners.  He  arrived  at  Le  Mans  on  the 
16th  of  December,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  19th 
corps. 

Moltke  now  determined  to  give  his  weary  troops 
a  respite.  The  second  army  was  ordered  to  adopt  a 
passive  attitude  and  not  press  Chanzy  at  Le  Mans ; 
the  1st  Bavarian  corps,  weary  from  incessant  cam- 
paigning, was  recalled  to  Orleans  to  observe  Bourbaki. 
The  troops  of  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklenburg  were 
withdrawn  to  Chartres,  from  which  point  they  could 
move  promptly  upon  Le  Mans,  Orleans,  or  Paris. 

Bourbaki's  long  inaction  was  due  to  the  wretched 
condition  of  his  army  and  the  differences  that  existed 
between  Gambetta  and  his  generals.  Chanzy  inces- 
santly urged  a  hearty  cooperation  of  the  two  southern 
armies  with  the  army  in  the  north  in  a  simultaneous 
march  upon  Paris.  Paris  was  always  Chanzy's  objec- 
tive point,  and  it  is  beyond  dispute  that  the  plans  he 
advocated  were  the  ones  which  the  German  staff  most 
dreaded.  Gambetta,  on  the  other  hand,  little  by  little 
had  his  attention  drawn  from  the  famishing  capital, 
and  began  to  regard  with  favor  a  plan  for  cutting  the 
German  communications  with  the  Fatherland.  In 
an  unhappy  hour  he  decided  to  march  to  the  relief 
of  Belfort.  Werder  would  be  overwhelmed,  Baden 
invaded,  Carlsruhe  and  Stuttgart  bombarded,  the 
German  army  isolated  in  France.  On  December  20 
Bourbaki  received  his  orders  from  Bordeaux,  whither 
the  government  had  fled  after  the  loss  of  Orleans. 


384     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Bourbaki's  movements  were  slow,  and  the  German 
staff  at  Versailles  was  late  in  divining  his  destination. 
They  continued  to  believe  that  a  combined  movement 
would  be  undertaken  against  Paris,  and  firm  in  this 
conviction  Moltke  determined  to  annihilate  Chaiizy. 
The  new  year  found  Prince  Frederick  Charles  and 
Mecklenburg  concentrating  towards  Le  Mans  in 
obedience  to  the  instructions  from  Versailles.  The 
weather  was  terribly  severe,  the  roads  frozen  into  ruts 
or  impassable  from  ice,  snow  fell  frequently,  and  the 
artillery  and  baggage  trains  were  moved  with  diffi- 
culty. The  uniforms  and  shoes  of  the  men  were 
badly  worn  and  unfit  for  the  season,  and  the  move- 
ments as  a  result  were  slow  and  painful.  On  the  10th 
of  January  the  grand  duke  after  a  series  of  skirmishes 
succeeded  in  establishing  himself  northwest  of  Le 
Mans  in  the  left  rear  of  Chanzy's  position.  The  3d  and 
9th  corps  in  the  mean  time  were  approaching  from 
the  east,  and  the  10th  corps  from  the  southeast.  The 
country  east  of  Le  Mans  is  hilly  and  heavily  wooded 
in  parts,  and  the  heights  rising  abruptly  from  the 
Huisne  admit  of  easy  defense.  Chaiizy  was  confident 
of  holding  his  own,  the  more  so  as  he  anticipated  that 
the  Germans  would  be  unable  to  bring  up  their  artil- 
lery on  account  of  the  slippery  condition  of  the 
ground.  On  the  9th  and  10th  of  January  there  was 
considerable  fighting,  resulting  in  the  loss  of  advance 
positions  and  several  thousand  prisoners  for  the 
French  commander.  On  the  day  following  Prince 
Frederick  Charles  struck  home.  The  French  centre 
made  a  determined  resistance,  but  the  left  was  threat- 
ened from  the  north  by  the  grand  duke  of  Mecklen- 
burg, while  on  the  right  the  mobiles  disgracefully 
abandoned  La  Tuilerie  to  the  advance  of  the  German 


THE  WAR  IN  THE  PROVINCES.          385 

10th  corps.  Upon  this  Chanzy's  retreat  commenced, 
and  Le  Mans  was  soon  abandoned. 

The  second  army  of  the  Loire  does  not  again  attract 
notice  as  a  military  force  in  any  formidable  sense.  It 
is  true  Chanzy  rallied  it  beyond  the  Mayenne,  and 
continued  to  assert  its  worth  to  Gambetta  until  the 
capitulation  of  Paris  ended  all.  Yet  the  fact  of  its 
preservation  was  due  more  to  the  cold  weather  and 
long  nights  than  to  its  own  cohesion  or  the  admitted 
ability  of  its  chief.  More  than  once  the  darkness  and 
frost  stood  Chanzy  in  good  stead  by  stopping  a  los- 
ing fight  and  driving  the  Germans  into  the  villages 
for  warmth  and  shelter.  The  rival  commanders  wit- 
nessed the  close  of  a  day's  campaigning  with  widely 
different  sensations.  While  the  Red  Prince  yearned 
for  the  power  of  Joshua  to  stay  the  sun  in  his  course, 
Chanzy  bade  a  glad  adieu  to  the  last  rays  that  streamed 
through  the  gray  forests. 

In  glancing  at  the  record  of  the  second  army  of 
the  Loire,  we  notice  first  that  it  invariably  fought 
against  inferior  numbers,  and  yet  was  invariably 
worsted.  Where  perhaps  five  or  six  thousand  of  its 
troops  met  the  soldier's  fate  in  wounds  or  death, 
nearly  twenty  thousand  laid  down  their  arms  in  ter- 
ror. The  achievements  of  this  army  are  sung  more 
loudly  in  republican  France  than  those  of  the  army 
of  the  Rhine,  and  yet  with  equal  numbers  and  equal 
lack  of  success  we  find  the  latter  made  the  greater 
sacrifices.  The  army  of  the  Rhine  lost  as  many  men 
in  a  few  hours  at  Viouville  as  the  army  of  the  Loire 
endured  in  six  weeks'  campaigning.  Furthermore, 
the  army  of  the  Rhine  inflicted  losses  upon  its  foe  at 
the  battle  of  Gravelotte  three  times  as  great  as  the 
army  of  the  Loire  imposed  from  the  day  of  its  first 


386     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

fight  until  the  armistice.  A  well-commanded  army 
may,  it  is  true,  accomplish  great  results  without  suf- 
fering great  losses ;  skillful  mamBuvring  may  prevent 
butchery.  The  army  of  the  Loire,  however,  accom- 
plished nothing,  and  while  admitting  that  it  com- 
prised some  excellent  material,  the  lesson  taught  by 
its  campaign  is  that  patriotism,  enthusiasm,  and  en- 
ergy are  not  the  only  requisites  to  an  efficient  army. 
It  is  difficult  to  agree  with  Chanzy  that  France  was 
humiliated  because  she  had  lost  confidence  in  herself. 
After  the  battle  of  Le  Mans  France  did  wisely  in 
recognizing  that  she  no  longer  had  a  military  basis  to 
build  confidence  upon. 

The  army  of  the  north  (22d  and  23d  corps),  which 
never  attained  the  cohesion  of  the  army  of  the  Loire, 
was  shattered  at  Pont-a-Noyelles  in  December  by 
Manteuffel,  and  practically  destroyed  on  the  19th  of 
January  in  a  fight  at  St.  Quentin.  Indeed,  so  im- 
potent had  this  force  become  that  Manteuffel  was 
enabled  to  march  southward  with  the  2d  and  7th 
corps  to  succor  Werder  at  Belfort.  He  marched  hard 
and  fast,  passed  over  bad  roads  within  a  few  miles  of 
Dijon  under  the  very  nose  of  Garibaldi  and  his  volun- 
teers ;  and  yet  when  he  approached  Belfort  he  found 
Bourbaki  already  defeated.  Werder  with  40,000  men 
had  maintained  the  siege  of  Belfort,  frightened  Gari- 
baldi into  inaction  at  Dijon,  hoodwinked  Bourbaki  by 
a  demonstration,  while  he  chose  a  defensive  position 
on  the  Lisaine,  and  then  in  a  three  days'  battle  com- 
pletely foiled  and  demoralized  the  three  corps  of  the 
first  army  of  the  Loire.  There  can  be  no  more  inter- 
esting study  to  the  student  of  military  strategy  than 
this  campaign  in  the  southeast.  It  was  but  a  by-play, 
however,  to  the  great  drama  that  was  almost  played 


THE  WAR  IN   THE  PROVINCES.  387 

out  on  the  Seine  and  in  the  west.  When  the  starv- 
ing, freezing  levies  of  Bourbaki,  caught  in  the  toils 
between  Manteuffel  and  Werder,  crossed  the  Swiss 
frontier  for  disarmament,  the  curtain  which  had  risen 
in  August  upon  the  emperor's  military  pageant  at 
Saarbriick  had  already  fallen  at  Paris  upon  the  last 
hopeless  struggle  of  the  republic  against  an  invincible 
invader. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

THE   FALL   OF  PARIS. 

THE  EASTERN  AND  ITALIAN  QUESTIONS  REOPENED.  —  THE  LONDON 
CONFERENCE.  —  OCCUPATION  OF  ROME  BY  THE  ITALIAN  ARMY.  — 
THE  GERMAN  FOREIGN  OFFICE  AT  VERSAILLES.  —  ITS  ATTITUDE 
ON  EUROPEAN  QUESTIONS.  —  CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  IN  PARIS.  — 
EVENTS  OF  THE  31sT  OF  OCTOBER.  —  TEMPORARY  SUCCESS  OF  THE 
COMMUNE.  —  UNRELIABILITY  OF  THE  NATIONAL  GUARD.  —  PREP- 
ARATION FOR  THE  GREAT  SORTIE.  —  THE  BATTLE  OF  CHAMPIGNY. 
—  ITS  CHARACTER  AND  RESULTS.  —  INCREASING  GRAVITY  OF  THE 
SITUATION  IN  PARIS.  —  FIGHTING  NEAR  LE  BOURGET.  —  OPENING 
OF  THE  GERMAN  BOMBARDMENT.  —  ABANDONMENT  OF  MONT 

AVRON  BY  THE  FRENCH.  —  NEW  YEAR'S  IN  PARIS. THE  KlNG 

OF  PRUSSIA  HAILED  GERMAN  EMPEROR  AT  VERSAILLES.  —  BAT- 
TLE OF  BUZANVAL  AND  RETREAT  OF  THE  FRENCH. FAVRE  AT 

VERSAILLES.  —  CAPITULATION  OF  PARIS  AND  SIGNATURE  OF  THE 
ARMISTICE.  —  THE  FRENCH  ASSEMBLY  MEETS  AT  BORDEAUX.  — 
APPOINTS  THIERS  CHIEF  OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  POWER.  —  THIERS 
AND  BISMARCK  AT  VERSAILLES.  —  THE  PRELIMINARIES  OF  PEACE 

RATIFIED  BY  THE  ASSEMBLY. ENTRY  OF  THE  GERMAN  TROOPS 

INTO  PARIS.  —  THE  PEACE  OF  FRANKFORT.  —  EUROPE  AT  THE 
PRESENT  DAY.  —  PREVALENCE  OF  MILITARISM  AND  THE  CAUSES 
THEREFOR. 

DURING  these  exciting  autumn  days  when  the  Ger- 
man hosts  were  closing  in  upon  the  capital  of  France, 
the  cabinets  of  St.  Petersburg  and  Florence  were 
turning  the  crisis  to  good  account.  Gortschakoff 
officially  proclaimed  to  Europe  that  Russia  no  longer 
felt  bound  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1856  respect- 
ing her  standing  in  the  Black  Sea.  The  Italian 
premier  formally  declared  his  intention  to  immedi- 
ately occupy  Rome  as  the  national  capital. 


THE  FALL   OF  PARIS.  389 

The  contemplated  seizure  of  Rome  aroused  no  pro- 
test in  Europe,  even  the  Austrian  chancellor  stating 
that  he  "  considered  the  course  which  the  Italian  gov- 
ernment had  taken  was  reasonable,  just,  and  such  as 
would  conduce  to  an  equitable  solution."  The  action 
of  the  Czar,  while  an  affront  to  all  the  powers  repre- 
sented in  the  Paris  Congress,  was  especially  galling  to 
England.  Lord  Granville  presented  Russia's  treaty 
obligations  very  clearly  from  a  moral  standpoint,  but 
the  Czar  was  not  inclined  to  postpone  the  restoration 
of  Sebastopol  and  the  Black  Sea  fleet  for  moral 
considerations.  England  could  find  no  ally  on  the 
troubled  continent,  and  war  was  out  of  the  question. 
Bismarck  was  induced  to  suggest  a  conference,  and 
Gortschakoff  gracefully  accepted  London  as  the  place 
of  meeting.  The  first  session  convened  on  January 
17,  1871,  and  the  sittings  concluded  on  March  13. 
There  had  never  been  a  question  about  the  success  of 
the  revision  named  in  the  Russian  circular,  but  the 
conference  smoothed  England's  vanity  and  lent  an 
air  of  official  respectability  to  the  whole  proceeding. 

In  the  mean  time  (September  19)  the  Italian  troops 
tinder  General  Cadorna  went  into  bivouac  about  the 
Eternal  City.  On  the  day  following,  the  Pope  having 
reiterated  his  intention  to  resist,  the  royal  artillery 
battered  a  breach  in  the  ancient  walls,  and  the  in- 
fantry entered  to  an  almost  bloodless  victory.  As  the 
tricolor  of  the  Italian  nation  was  flung  to  the  breeze 
from  the  walls  of  the  capitol  the  great  bell  pealed 
out  above  the  joyous  tumult  in  the  streets,  announ- 
cing to  the  world  that  the  Italian  question  was  settled 
forever,  and  that  Rome  was  free. 

What  was  the  attitude  of  the  German  confedera- 
tion on  continental  questions  at  this  time  ?  To  solve 


390     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

this  question  scores  of  diplomatists  made  their  way  to 
the  sleepy  chateau  town  of  Versailles,  where  in  the 
residence  of  Madame  Jesse  in  the  Rue  de  Provence 
the  German  foreign  office  was  established.  There 
the  German  chancellor  was  to  be  found,  bluff  and 
busy  as  ever,  with  his  finger  on  the  throbbing  pulse  of 
Europe.  While  the  soldiers  watched  the  great  city 
before  them  he  watched  the  world  and  guided  it. 
Every  day  brought  new  conferences,  now  with  Favre 
or  Thiers  about  the  fate  of  Paris,  now  with  some 
churchman  on  the  Roman  question,  again  with  Odo 
Russell  or  the  Russian  ambassador  on  the  Black  Sea 
clause.  Yet  among  his  own  people  he  found  time  for 
unbending  to  laugh  at  great  men,  and  mix  his  diplo- 
matic comments  with  narrations  of  youthful  experi- 
ences at  the  university,  or  of  hairbreadth  escapes  in 
hunting.  The  Italian  episode  simply  seemed  to  arouse 
his  curiosity :  "  I  am  curious  to  see  what  the  Pope 
will  do.  Will  he  leave  the  country,  and  where  will 
he  go  ?  ...  There  is  nothing  left  for  him  but  Bel- 
gium or  North  Germany.  .  .  .  People  with  lively 
imaginations,  especially  women,  when  they  are  in 
Rome,  with  the  incense  and  splendor  of  Catholicism 
about  them  and  the  Pope  on  his  throne  dispensing 
blessings,  feel  an  inclination  to  become  Catholics.  In 
Germany  where  they  would  have  the  Pope  before 
their  eyes  as  an  old  man  in  want  of  help,  a  good, 
kind  gentleman,  one  of  the  bishops  eating  and  drink- 
ing like  the  others,  taking  his  pinch,  perhaps  even 
smoking  his  cigar,  there  would  be  no  such  great 
danger." 

Odo  Russell  and  the  English  tried  the  patience 
of  the  chancellor  in  these  days.  When  the  former 
appealed  to  him  for  support  against  the  Russian 


THE  FALL    OF  PARIS.  391 

claims  he  saw  no  reason  to  trouble  himself  about  it. 
"  For  the  rest,"  he  remarked  to  his  subordinates  one 
night  at  dinner,  "  I  was  not  of  opinion  that  gratitude 
was  without  its  place  in  politics.  The  present  em- 
peror had  always  showed  himself  friendly.  .  .  .  As 
for  England,  he  knew  well  enough  how  much  we  had 
to  thank  her  for.  The  Russians  ought  not  to  have 
been  so  modest  in  their  requirements ;  if  they  had 
asked  for  more  they  would  have  had  no  difficulty  in 
getting  what  they  want  about  the  Black  Sea." 

If  we  were  to  judge  of  Germany's  position  during 
these  days  by  the  remarks  of  the  chancellor  made  for 
trusty  ears  in  the  seclusion  of  Madame  Jesse's  dwel- 
ling, we  should  say  first  that  she  was  following  a 
Prussian  policy  with  a  warm  side  toward  Russia, 
induced  by  the  gratitude  which  M.  Benedetti  had 
wholly  failed  to  evoke,  that  the  occupation  of  Rome 
and  the  wrath  of  England  were  alike  of  trivial  in- 
terest, while  the  Pope  had  become  merely  the  object 
of  a  humorous  sympathy. 

Within  Paris  matters  drifted  from  bad  to  worse. 
The  troops  had  been  reorganized  into  three  armies, 
the  first  under  General  Thomas,  comprising,  the  bulk 
of  the  National  Guard,  while  the  regulars  and  mo- 
biles were  embodied  in  the  second  army  under  Du- 
crot,  and  the  third  under  Trochu's  personal  direction. 
Had  this  numerous  force  approximated  the  army  of 
Metz  in  military  worth  the  siege  might  have  been 
raised.  As  it  was,  however,  the  confusion  caused  by 
the  wholesale  conversion  of  the  Parisian  populace 
into  citizen  soldiery  seriously  interfered  with  disci- 
pline and  cohesive  organization.  The  unsuccessful 
October  fighting  also  produced  an  unwholesome  effect 
upon  the  city.  A  temporary  ripple  of  satisfaction 


392     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

was  caused  on  October  29  by  General  Bellemare's 
capture  of  Le  Bourget  on  the  northeastern  front  of 
Paris.  This  news  was  neutralized  by  the  failure  of 
Thiers'  conference  with  Bismarck,  and  when  on  the 
31st  the  fall  of  Metz  and  the  recapture  of  Le  Bourget 
by  the  Prussian  Guards  were  officially  proclaimed 
Paris  fairly  lost  its  reason.  Thousands  of  soldiers, 
citizens,  and  women  congregated  before  the  Hotel  de 
Ville  yelling  for  the  Commune  and  no  surrender. 
The  infuriated  people  broke  down  the  gates,  and 
headed  by  a  detachment  of  the  National  Guard  under 
Major  Flourens  stormed  into  the  building.  Windows 
and  furniture  fared  harshly  at  the  hands  of  these 
zealous  patriots.  Stray  shots  were  fired  and  added 
to  the  excitement.  The  twenty  mayors  were  uncere- 
moniously ejected  from  the  chamber;  Trochu  was 
visited  in  his  private  room  and  his  clothing  and  dec- 
orations torn.  Favre  and  Rochefort  were  placed 
under  arrest,  but  Ferry  slipped  away,  and  while  the 
new  government  of  the  Commune  was  organizing, 
proceeded  to  rally  the  loyal  troops  for  the  rescue  of 
his  colleagues.  The  new  government  was  ejected 
during  the  evening  with  as  much  noise  and  as  little 
bloodshed  as  had  characterized  its  conquest.  The 
loyal  battalions  poured  into  the  square  with  shouts  of 
"Vive  Trochu"  and  "A  bas  la  Commune."  The 
soldiery  who  had  been  engaged  for  hours  in  crying 
"  A  bas  Trochu  "  and  "  Vive  la  Commune  "  suddenly 
melted  away.  At  midnight  the  government  of  na- 
tional defense  was  busily  repairing  damages  prepara- 
tory to  resuming  its  functions.  At  that  time  Paris 
had  become  absolutely  quiet  again.  "  What  a  city ! ' 
remarked  the  United  States  minister  as  he  threaded 
the  silent  streets,  "  one  moment  revolution  and  the 
next  the  most  profound  calm." 


THE  FALL   OF  PARIS.  393 

General  Trochu  after  this  emeute  found  that  he 
had  not  only  the  Prussians  but  the  Commune  to  deal 
with.  Worse  than  all,  the  latter  raised  its  hideous 
head  from  the  very  ranks  of  the  first  army.  From 
that  day  the  governor  of  Paris  ceased  to  reckon  upon 
the  National  Guards  as  a  reliable  force.  With  the 
city  feverish  and  excitable  and  his  soldiery  infected 
with  Communistic  sentiment,  Trochu  realized  that 
some  decisive  action  was  necessary  without  the  walls 
to  maintain  the  peace  within.  Paris  is  much  the 
same  under  all  governments  and  will  have  her  way. 
Napoleon  III.  made  war  to  appease  her,  MacMahon 
marched  to  Sedan  to  placate  her,  Mont  Valerien 
burnt  its  powder  to  satisfy  her,  and  Trochu  must  now 
do  his  part. 

A  fortnight  of  busy  preparation  heralded  the  great 
sortie.  Troclm's  plan  was  to  engage  the  Prussian 
circle  by  the  fire  of  the  forts  and  infantry  demonstra- 
tions, while  he  pushed  his  main  forces  across  the 
Marne  in  the  vicinity  of  Nogent  and  Joinville,  broke 
the  German  lines  on  the  southeast  of  Paris,  gained 
the  road  to  Fontainebleau,  and  opened  communica- 
tions with  the  army  of  the  Loire. 

The  management  of  this  movement  was  confided  to 
General  Ducrot,  who  proclaimed  his  determination  to 
come  back  dead  or  victorious.  The  29th  was  set  as 
the  day,  but  the  sudden  rising  of  the  Marne  threw 
the  plans  into  confusion.  General  Vinoy  attacked 
the  Prussian  positions  about  L'Hay  and  Chevilly, 
but  the  remainder  of  the  troops  could  not  cross  'the 
swollen  flood  to  cooperate.  As  a  result  Vinoy  fell 
back  after  sustaining  some  loss.  On  the  evening  of 
this  day,  however,  the  forts  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  all 
sides  for  the  purpose  of  concealing  the  main  point  of 


394     THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

attack,  and  at  daybreak  on  the  30th  General  Renault 
led  the  2d  corps  across  the  Marne  at  Nogent  against 
the  Saxon  lines,  while  the  1st  corps  crossing  at  Join- 
ville  attacked  the  Wiirtembergers  in  Champigny. 
The  fighting  that  followed  was  the  most  desperate  of 
the  entire  siege.  By  noon  Ducrot  had  70,000  men  in 
action,  had  captured  Champigny  and  Brie,  and  was 
brought  to  a  stand  only  by  the  well-defended  park 
walks  of  Villiers  and  Coeuilly.  "Night  put  an  end  to 
the  struggle,  leaving  the  French  in  possession  of  the 
lines  held  by  the  German  outposts  in  the  morning. 

The  roar  of  the  battle  reverberating  through  the 
streets  caused  intense  excitement  in  Paris,  which  in- 
creased as  it  became  apparent  that  the  garrison  had 
made  progress.  The  return  of  light  brought  no  con- 
tinuance of  the  contest.  The  French  were  occupied 
in  the  burial  of  their  dead,  while  the  Germans  brought 
up  their  2d  corps  to  support  an  offensive  movement 
on  the  morrow.  Trochu  must  have  realized  before 
this  that  his  great  sortie  was  a  failure.  Everything 
depended  on  celerity,  and  his  inactivity  on  the  1st  was 
a  confession  of  his  defeat. 

At  dawn  on  the  2d  the  storm  of  battle  again  burst 
forth  with  the  Germans  as  the  aggressors.  The  fire 
of  the  forts  with  that  of  the  artillery  in  position  be- 
yond the  Marne  alone  prevented  the  complete  recap- 
ture of  Champigny  and  Brie.  When  night  fell  the 
French  army,  weary  and  crestfallen,  began  to  recross 
the  Marne. 

The  main  attack  had  been  ably  seconded  by  demon- 
strations in  force  from  Fort  Charenton  and  St.  Denis. 
On  the  whole,  however,  the  influence  of  the  battles 
upon  the  French  soldiers  was  extremely  dispiriting. 
They  had  been  encouraged  to  regard  success  as  cer- 


THE  FALL   OF  PARIS.  395 

tain,  and  they  never  recovered  from  the  consequent 
disappointment  and  chagrin.  They  lost  one  of  their 
ablest  generals  in  Renault,  who  fell  in  the  attack  upon 
Villiers. 

After  the  failure  of  the  great  sortie  Paris  settled 
down  disconsolately  to  siege  life  again.  The  insub- 
ordination in  the  National  Guard  increased,  and 
General  Thomas  publicly  denounced  several  battal- 
ions. The  army  of  Paris  was  plainly  going  to  pieces. 
Food  and  fuel  became  daily  more  scarce.  Horse 
meat  brought  fabulous  prices,  while  hungry,  shivering 
soldiers  were  detailed  to  guard  wood  yards  and  potato 
stores  from  the  famishing  populace.  Paris  demon- 
strated her  preference  to  starve  rather  than  surrender, 
but  so  long  as  the  Germans  were  well  fed  there  was 
no  hope  of  any  beneficial  result  from  these  tactics. 
Paris  starved  better  than  she  fought. 

After  General  Ducrot's  withdrawal  across  the 
Marne  the  occasional  sorties  and  conflicting  reports 
from  the  provinces  hardly  stirred  the  popular  enthu- 
siasm. On  December  21  General  Trochu's  efforts  to 
open  communication  with  the  army  of  the  north  by 
an  attack  on  the  German  lines  northeast  of  Paris  re- 
sulted in  another  discomfiture.  The  heaviest  fighting 
was  about  Le  Bourget,  which  bristled  with  batteries 
supported  by  infantry,  whose  presence  was  only  to  be 
determined  by  the  smoke  and  crash  of  their  musketry. 
The  French  were  falling  back  when  the  sunset  and  the 
bitter  cold  night  came  on.  Despite  the  efforts  of  the 
Red  Cross  societies,  hundreds  of  wounded  men  froze 
to  death  before  relief  or  morning  came. 

On  the  27th  of  December  the  first  gun  of  the  Ger- 
man bombardment  was  fired  against  the  French  ad- 
vance posts  on  the  plateau  of  Mont  Avron.  For 


396       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

weeks  the  German  staff  had  been  preparing  for  this 
final  grim  argument  with  the  defenders  of  Paris. 
The  bombardment  was  delayed  day  by  day,  however, 
at  first  to  enable  the  completion  of  all  arrangements, 
and  later  in  the  hope  that  it  might  not  be  necessary 
to  resort  to  this  extreme  measure.  This  delay  did 
not  meet  with  the  unqualified  approval  of  the  foreign 
office,  where  the  fear  was  expressed  that  the  powers 
would  construe  it  into  a  symptom  of  weakness.  "  If 
they  would  give  me  the  command-in-chief  for  four 
and  twenty  hours,  and  I  were  to  take  the  responsibil- 
ity on  myself,"  stormed  the  chancellor,  "  I  should  give 
just  one  order  —  fire !  " 

The  German  batteries  on  the  east  of  Paris  contin- 
ued their  fire  on  the  28th.  Though  the  air  was  filled 
with  snow  and  fog,  so  accurately  had  the  gunners 
obtained  their  range  that  the  practice  was  admirable. 
Mont  Avron  was  rendered  untenable,  and  during  the 
night  the  French  abandoned  their  positions.  On  the 
30th  and  31st  the  Germans  steadily  maintained  their 
fire,  raining  a  ceaseless  storm  of  projectiles  upon  the 
forts  Rosny,  Noisy,  and  Nogent. 

Paris  was  hardly  to  be  recognized  on  the  first  day 
of  the  year  1871.  New  Year's  day  in  beleaguered 
Paris  !  There  was  the  old  life  of  the  boulevard  still 
struggling  for  existence  like  the  glimmer  of  the  petro- 
leum lamps  that  flickered  in  the  wind.  There  was 
still  a  suggestion  of  the  thoughtless  throngs  of  a  year 
before  ;  the  theatres  were  open  ;  while  here  and  there 
a  dimly-lighted  cafe  beckoned  mournfully  to  its  old 
devotees.  There  was  nothing  in  these  symptoms  to 
blind  one  to  the  universal  misery  and  despondency. 
The  icy  wind  that  swept  the  streets  was  charged  with 
the  roar  of  the  German  siege  guns.  It  was  an  anx- 


THE  FALL   OF  PARIS.  397' 

ious,  despondent  day,  and  the  sinking  sun  left  a  de- 
spondent city  wrapped  in  sleet  and  darkness. 

The  sound  of  the  bombardment  that  chilled  the 
heart  of  Paris  was  borne  faintly  on  the  frosty  air,  to 
fall  like  sweet  music  on  the  ears  of  the  German 
princes  and  generals  in  the  palace  of  Versailles,  who 
thronged  about  the  king  of  Prussia,  as  he  raised  his 
glass  to  welcome  the  new  year.  Eighteen  days  later, 
with  the  air  throbbing  to  the  fire  of  the  siege  guns 
south  of  Paris,  the  German  princes  again  gathered 
about  the  Prussian  king  to  proclaim  him  emperor  of 
united  Germany. 

On  the  19th  of  January,  the  day  following  this 
dramatic  episode  at  Versailles,  the  army  of  Paris 
made  its  last  effort  to  break  the  iron  talons  that  were 
crushing  it  to  death  by  an  attack  from  Mont  Valerien 
upon  the  German  lines  between  Rueil  and  St.  Cloud. 
As  usual  the  French  swept  away  the  German  fore- 
posts  only  to  be  checked  by  the  main  lines  of  defense. 
At  Montretout,  Buzanval,  and  Malmaison  there  was 
bloody  work,  but  the  impetuous  valor  and  superior 
numbers  of  the  assailants  availed  nothing  against  the 
cool  discipline  of  their  foe.  The  sound  of  the  heavy 
firing  so  close  at  hand  stirred  Versailles  from  its 
stately  lethargy,  and  brought  the  princes,  emperor 
and  all,  galloping  to  the  front.  A  brigade  of  the  1st 
Bavarian  corps  was  also  moved  to  Versailles  to  be  at 
hand  in  case  of  need.  About  dark  Trochu  ordered 
the  retreat  after  suffering  terrible  losses. 

The  immediate  result  of  the  battle  of  Buzanval  was 
the  transfer  of  the  military  command  from  Trochu  to 
Vinoy,  but  the  last  battle  had  been  fought,  and  hope 
had  even  departed  from  so  stout  a  soldier  as  Vinoy. 
Jules  Favre  had  again  become  a  daily  visitor  at  the 


398      THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

German  foreign  office.  He  was  deputed  to  negotiate 
for  an  armistice  and  the  capitulation  of  Paris.  He 
no  longer  advanced  the  principle  "not  an  inch  of 
our  territory  or  a  stone  of  our  fortresses."  The  state 
of  affairs  was  briefly  this  :  The  government  in  Paris 
recognized  the  futility  of  longer  resistance,  but  that 
government  had  never  been  recognized  by  France, 
and  was  powerless  to  conclude  a  peace.  An  armis- 
tice must  be  signed  to  allow  of  an  appeal  to  the  coun- 
try ;  Paris  must  be  delivered  to  the  Germans  as  the 
price  of  the  armistice.  On  the  afternoon  of  Jan- 
uary 28  the  capitulation  of  Paris  was  signed,  and  an 
armistice  agreed  upon  to  expire  on  February  19  at 
noon.  The  provinces  occupied  by  the  armies  of  Bour- 
baki  and  Manteuffel  were  alone  excluded  from  this 
agreement.  On  January  29  the  German  troops  quietly 
took  possession  of  the  Paris  forts.  The  regulars  and 
mobiles  became  prisoners  of  war,  with  the  exception 
of  12,000  men  who  were  left  under  arms  to  preserve 
order.  At  the  earnest  request  of  Favre  the  National 
Guard  were  allowed  to  retain  their  arms.  If  Favre 
urged  this  as  a  measure  to  counteract  the  imperialistic 
ideas  supposed  to  be  still  cherished  by  the  prisoners 
returning  from  Germany,  it  was  a  political  crime  as 
well  as  a  military  folly.  The  National  Guard  became 
the  armed  Commune.  It  finally  devolved  upon  the 
veterans  of  MacMahon  and  Bazaine  to  reconquer 
Paris  for  the  republic. 

While  the  armies  withdrew  to  the  lines  stipulated 
in  the  armistice,  the  elections  went  quietly  forward. 
The  assembly  convened  at  Bordeaux,  and  manifested 
a  spirit  that  won  for  it  universal  respect.  On  Feb- 
ruary 17  M.  Thiers  was  appointed  chief  of  the  execu- 
tive power,  and  having  named  his  ministry,  he  re- 


THE  FALL   OF  PARIS.  399 

paired  to  Versailles  to  arrange  the  preliminaries  of 
peace.  The  conferences  that  followed  with  the  Ger- 
man chancellor  were  perhaps  the  most  trying  ordeals 
to  which  the  Frenchman  had  ever  been  subjected. 
No  peace  was  possible  save  on  the  basis  of  the  cession 
of  miles  of  territory  and  the  strongest  of  fortresses. 
France  must  also  pay  a  war  indemnity  of  no  less  than 
five  milliards  of  francs.  Bismarck,  it  is  true,  thought 
Thiers  "  too  sentimental  for  business  .  .  .  hardly  fit 
indeed  to  buy  or  sell  a  horse,"  but  no  diplomatist, 
however  astute,  could  have  made  better  terms  for 
stricken  France.  So  thought  the  assembly  at  Bor- 
deaux ;  and  when  Thiers  announced  the  result  of  his 
mission  with  a  quivering  lip,  he  had  its  sympathy  and 
support.  On  the  2d  of  March  the  assembly  formally 
ratified  the  peace  preliminaries  by  a  vote  of  546  to 
107. 

It  had  been  stipidated  in  the  armistice  that  the 
German  troops  should  not  occupy  Paris.  The  exten- 
sion of  time  granted  by  the  Germans  entitled  them 
to  some  compensation,  and  the  entry  of  Paris  was  the 
compensation  claimed.  The  troops  detailed  for  this 
purpose  were  no't  chosen  at  random.  To  the  French- 
man who  on  the  1st  day  of  March  beheld  them  pass 
along  the  Avenue  de  Malakoff  or  the  Champs  Eryse"es 
it  was  an  ominous  pageant.  It  was  a  German  and 
not  a  Prussian  army  that  he  beheld.  Prussians  there 
were  in  the  Silesians  of  the  6th  corps,  but  there,  too, 
were  the  war-worn  regiments  of  the  llth  corps,  Nas- 
sauers,  who  had  lost  their  grand  duke  four  years  be- 
fore, and  the  "  kinder  "  of  the  exiled  elector  of  Hesse. 
There  also  were  the  faded  blue  lines  of  Hartmann's 
Bavarians.  Surely  Bavaria  deserved  the  honor  ac- 
corded her  of  leading  the  way  up  the  Avenue  of  the 


400       THE  RECONSTRUCTION  OF  EUROPE. 

Grand  Army,  for  the  blood  of  her  gallant  sons  had 
been  given  unsparingly  in  behalf  of  the  common  Fa- 
therland, not  only  at  Weissenburg,  Neewiller,  and 
Bazeilles,  but  in  the  frost-bound  valley  of  the  Loire. 
Sullenly  the  Parisians  eyed  the  march  as  it  moved 
up  the  Avenue  of  the  Grand  Army,  the  bayonets 
dimmed  for  an  instant  in  the  shadow  of  Napoleon's 
arch  broadening  into  a  glittering  sea  as  they  swept 
into  the  Champs  Elyse'es.  When  the  head  of  the 
column  entered  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  the  command 
to  halt  was  passed  along  the  lines.  The  remorseless 
tread  that  for  six  long  months  had  been  trampling 
France  in  blood  was  stilled  at  last.  That  night  the 
Hessians  smoked  their  pipes  on  the  Trocadero,  and 
the  Bavarians  stacked  their  arms  in  the  Place  de  la 
Concorde,  while  the  lights  blazing  from  the  palace  of 
the  Elysee  announced  the  German  military  head- 
quarters. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  month,  the  Bordeaux  As- 
sembly having  ratified  the  peace  preliminaries,  the 
German  troops  marched  out,  and  Paris  was  left  to 
herself  again.  The  war  was  over.  Beyond  the 
Rhineland,  in  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg  as  well  as  in 
the  north,  all  was  joy  and  enthusiasm  over  the  return 
of  the  army  that  had  answered  before  the  world  the 
question,  "  What  is  the  German  Fatherland  ?  "  On 
the  10th  of  May  the  definite  treaty  of  peace  was 
signed  at  Frankfort  by  which  France  ceded  Alsace 
and  a  portion  of  Lorraine,  including  the  fortresses  of 
Metz  and  Strasburg,  to  her  conqueror.  The  prompt 
and  patriotic  manner  in  which  the  French  nation  dis- 
charged their  enormous  war  debt  astounded  Europe, 
and  won  the  admiration  of  the  world.  It  displayed 
more  truly  the  spirit  of  the  French  people  than  did 


THE  FALL   OF  PARIS.  401 

the  hideous  events  that  occurred  in  Paris  during  the 
early  spring  months. 

The  summer  of  1871  found  Europe  at  peace.  The 
German  question  was  settled  with  the  Kaiser  at  Ber- 
lin ;  the  Italian  problem  was  solved  with  the  king  in 
Rome.  But  out  of  the  war  which  had  finally  rid  the 
continent  of  two  of  its  greatest  thorns  grew  a  new 
complication  from  the  severing  of  the  Rhineland  prov- 
inces from  France.  The  traveler  from  the  new 
world  who  visits  Europe  to-day  is  amazed  at  the  mil- 
itary influence  that  everywhere  dominates  the  conti- 
nent. Above  the  roar  of  the  city  street  sounds  the 
sharp  drum-beat  of  the  passing  regiment ;  in  the  sweet 
rural  country  the  village  church-bell  cannot  drown  the 
bugle  peal  from  the  fortress  on  the  hill.  Why  is  it 
that  France  sinks  her  millions  in  frontier  strong- 
holds, that  Russia  masses  troops  in  Poland  and  on 
the  Pruth,  that  Austria  strengthens  her  fortresses  in 
Galicia,  that  Germany  builds  railways  to  the  Rhine 
and  bridges  to  span  its  yellow  flood  ?  It  means  that 
the  Eastern  and  Alsatian  questions  are  not  settled ; 
that  Republican  France  broods  darkly  over  the  ex- 
actions of  1871,  while  it  casts  friendly  glances  upon 
aggressive  and  despotic  Russia ;  that  Austria,  dread- 
ing Russian  power,  draws  nearer  to  Germany,  and 
that  Germany  still  united,  with  Austria  and  Italy 
friendly,  holds  fast  what  she  has  won  by  the  sword, 
while  with  the  old  assurance  that  has  never  yet 
betrayed  him  Bismarck  proclaims  both  to  the  east 
and  west,  "  We  Germans  fear  God  and  nothing  in 
the  world  beside." 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE. 


JUSTIN  MCCARTHY'S  History  of  Our  Own  Times  gives  a  read- 
able re'sume'  of  English  political  events  since  the  accession  of 
Queen  Victoria,  with  a  general  reference  to  continental  affairs. 
Files  of  the  English  newspapers  and  periodicals  show  the  de- 
velopment of  public  sentiment,  the  most  powerful  factor  in  the 
national  political  life.  Our  Chancellor,  by  Moritz  Busch,  pre- 
sents an  able  delineation  of  Bismarck's  policy  in  reference  to 
Austria,  Russia,  and  France.  Busch's  works  have  a  peculiar 
value,  he  being  a  member  of  Bismarck's  official  family.  Julian 
Klaczko's  Two  Chancellors  is  a  brilliant  work  from  an  anti-Prus- 
sian standpoint,  with  special  reference  to  Bismarck  and  Gort- 
schakoff.  Ward's  translation  is  plentifully  supplied  with  notes. 
They  direct  one  to  every  work  of  any  value  concerning  the 
diplomacy  of  the  period.  The  Memoirs  of  Count  von  Beust, 
edited  in  England  by  Baron  Henry  de  Worms,  are  valuable  in 
connection  with  Busch  and  Klaczko.  Lord  Malmesbury's  Me- 
moirs of  an  Ex-Minister  abound  in  interesting  comments  on  the 
great  leaders  and  events  of  contemporaneous  continental  his- 
tory, as  do  the  Greville  Memoirs. 

Among  biographies  should  be  mentioned  Charles  Mazade's 
Life  of  Count  Cavour  (translated  from  the  French),  Wilhelm 
Gorlach's  Prince  Bismarck,  a  translation  which  appears  in  the 
Tauchnitz  Library,  and  G.  S.  Godkin's  Life  of  Victor  Emmanuel 
II.  Mazade's  work  is  the  very  best  on  the  Italian  statesman  ac- 
cessible to  English  readers.  Gorlach  traces  Bismarck's  political 
development  by  quotations  from  his  speeches  and  letters.  God- 
kin's  work  is  based  on  the  best  Italian  authorities,  and  gives 
excellent  portraits  both  of  the  king  and  Cavour.  J.  T.  Bent's 
Life  of  Giuseppe  Garibaldi  should  also  be  read  in  connection 
with  Italian  affairs.  Theo.  Dwight's  Life  of  General  Garibaldi 
furnishes  picturesque  details  of  the  Sicilian  expedition  drawn 
from  contemporary  letters  and  other  sources. 


404  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE. 

Victor  Hugo's  History  of  a  Crime  and  Maupas's  Story  of  the 
Coup  d'Etat  give  extreme  aud  opposed  views  of  the  events 
which  destroyed  the  French  republic  in  1850.  Paris  in  Decem- 
ber, 1851,  by  Eugene  Te'not,  is  a  calmer  and  more  just  presenta- 
tion of  the  case.  M.  Hippolyte  Magen's  Histoire  populaire  du 
Second  Empire  draws  a  dark  picture  of  the  social  features  of 
Napoleon  Ill.'s  re'girae. 

Alexander  Kinglake's  Invasion  of  the  Crimea  is  the  most  elab- 
orate work  on  the  Eastern  Question  and  the  Crimean  War.  It 
also  touches  upon  the  coup  d'etat  and  scores  Napoleon  without 
mercy.  General  Todleben's  Defense  de  Sebastopol  should  be 
read  in  connection  with  Kinglake.  William  Howard  Russell 
has  an  excellent  review  of  the  first  volumes  of  this  work.  E. 
Bruce  Hamley's  Story  of  the  Campaign  of  Sebastopol  is  the  vivid 
narrative  of  an  English  officer,  now  a  leading  authority  in  Eng- 
land on  military  matters.  The  works  of  Bazancourt  and  Ca- 
mille  Rousset  present  the  French  view  of  the  campaign,  the 
former  abounding  in  picturesque  and  heroic  incident,  the  other 
being  the  more  conservative  and  valuable  work.  Mr.  Russell's 
war  correspondence  is  interesting  reading ;  his  letters  exercis- 
ing a  great  influence  upon  English  public  opinion  at  the  time 
they  were  written.  Nathan  Haskell  Dole's  American  edition  of 
Rambaud's  History  of  Russia  contains  very  readable  chapters  on 
the  Crimean  campaign. 

Luigi  Carlo  Farini's  Roman  State  has  been  translated  un- 
der the  direction  of  Hon.  W.  E.  Gladstone.  The  high  charac- 
ter and  position  which  Farini  enjoyed  among  his  countrymen 
is  a  sufficient  voucher  for  the  worth  and  reliability  of  this  work. 
The  letters  appended  to  the  fourth  volume  and  addressed  to 
Mr.  Gladstone  give  a  startling  picture  of  the  condition  of  Italy 
in  1850.  John  Webb  Probyn's  Italy  1815-1878  is  based  on 
the  best  Italian  authorities.  No  good  work  exists  in  English 
on  the  Italian  campaign  of  1859.  The  official  French  work, 
edited  under  the  direction  of  Marshal  Randon,  has  little  value 
now.  Bazancourt's  Chroniques  are  picturesque  but  unreliable. 
Alfred  Duquet's  book  is  a  sharp  arraignment  of  the  French 
commanders.  La  Guerre  d'ltalie,  by  the  Due  d'Almazan,  is 
concise,  interesting,  and  impartial. 

Riistow's  Der  Deutsch-Danische  Krieg  narrates  the  events  of 
1864  in  Denmark.  A.  Gallenga's  Invasion  of  Denmark  is  a  pen- 
picture  of  the  war  by  a  writer  with  Danish  sympathies. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE.  405 

The  standard  work  on  the  war  of  186*6  is  the  Prussian  official 
report  executed  under  the  direction  of  Moltke  himself.  It  has 
been  translated  into  English  (The  Campaign  of  1866  in  Ger- 
many. Compiled  by  the  Department  of  Military  History  of  the 
Prussian  Staff").  The  Austrian  staff  report  is  obtainable  in  both 
French  and  German,  and  if  less  methodical  than  the  Prussian  is 
more  picturesque  and  interesting.  H.  M.  Hozier's  Seven  Weeks1 
War  is  the  most  readable  narrative  in  English,  being  based  on 
letters  written  from  Bohemia  to  the  London  "  Times."  J.  V. 
Lemoyne's  Campagne  de  1866  en  Italic  is  a  thoroughly  satisfac- 
tory work  on  the  Italian  operations.  Hozier  also  has  chapters 
on  this  campaign. 

The  German  staff  report  is  again  the  most  reliable  work  on 
the  Franco-German  war.  It  has  been  only  partially  translated 
into  English.  One  of  the  best  works  from  the  French  stand- 
point is  Felix  Bonnet's  Guerre  Franco-Allemande,  a  review  and 
running  comment  on  the  work  of  the  German  staff.  Busch's 
Bismarck  in  the  Franco-Prussian  War  is  at  once  entertaining 
and  valuable.  Marshal  Bazaine's  Episodes  de  la  Guerre  de  1870 
et  le  Blocus  de  Metz  is  a  defense  of  his  course  as  commander 
and  chief.  Chanzy's  Deuxieme  Armee  de  la  Loire  is  interesting 
as  the  work  of  the  most  skillful  general  that  France  developed 
in  the  war.  Ducrot's  Defence  de  Paris  1870-1871  gives  a  fair 
idea  of  that  event.  B.  von  Tiedemann's  Siege  Operations  in  the 
Campaign  against  France  is  translated  from  the  German  by  Ma- 
jor Tyler,  R.  E.,  and  may  be  referred  to  for  information  con- 
cerning Paris,  Metz,  and  Strasburg.  George  Hooper's  Cam- 
paign of  Sedan  is  an  admirable  work,  the  best  that  exists  in 
English  on  that  portion  of  the  war.  Archibald  Forbes's  My 
Experiences  in  the  War  between  France  and  Germany  and  W.  H. 
Russell's  My  Diary  During  the  Last  Great  War  abound  in  inter- 
esting details  picked  up  at  the  seat  of  war.  Labouchere's  Diary 
of  the  Besieged  Resident  in  Paris,  Nathan  Sheppard's  Shut  up  in 
Paris,  and  E.  B.  Washburne's  Recollections  of  a  Minister  to  France 
are  vivid  pen-pictures  of  life  within  Paris  during  the  siege, 
while  the  latter  of  course  possesses  value  beyond  that  of  an 
ordinary  narrative.  Files  of  the  Almanack  de  Gotha  and  the 
Statesman's  Year  Book  may  be  consulted  for  general  statistical 
information. 


INDEX. 


ABERDEEN,  LORD,  24,  25 ;  forced  into 
warlike  measures  by  Napoleon,  43  ; 
fall  of  his  ministry,  79. 

Alsace-Lorraine,  ceded  to  Germany,  400. 

Albrecht,  Archduke,  commandsAustrian 
army  in  Italy,  259-201  ;  at  battle  of 
Custozza,  2G4  ;  proves  himself  a  capa- 
ble soldier,  2(15 ;  summoned  to  Vienna 
to  succeed  Benedek,  240,  2G5. 

Alexander  II.  of  Russia,  of  a  peaceful 
temperament,  92 ;   accepts  Austria's 
peace  proposals,  93 ;  shows  his  grati-  . 
tude  to  Prussia  for  her  Polish  policy,  ' 
202. 

Alexander,  Prince  of  Hesse,  commands 
8th  federal  corps  in  1866, 251 ;  defeated 
at  Laufach  and  Aschaffenburg,  252; 
abandons  Frankfort,  253;  retreats 
upon  Wurzburg,  254. 

Alma,  battle  of  the,  55-57  ;  deathblow 
of  the  Czar,  81. 

Alvensleben,  German  general,  brilliant 
conduct  at  Vionville,  323. 

Aurelle  de  Paladines,  French  general, 
commands  army  of  the  Loire,  375 ; 
imparts  energy  and  cohesion  to  his 
army,  375 ;  a  good  strategist,  375  ; 
fights  battle  of  Coulmiers,  376 ;  brings 
his  army  to  Orleans  for  drill,  377  ;  liis 
conflict  with  Oambetta,  377 ;  assumes 
the  offensive,  378 ;  is  routed  at  Beaune 
and  Loigny,  378,  379  ;  routed  in  three 
days'  fight  before  Orleans,  330 ;  rallies 
his  right  wing  at  Bourges,  380 ;  irri- 
tated by  Oambetta,  380  ;  superseded 
by  Bourbaki,  381. 

Austria,  in  1850,  3;  offers  to  support 
western  powers  against  Russia,  47  ; 
and  Prussian  alliance,  47 ;  orders  Rus- 
sia from  Danubian  principalities,  39  ; 
troops  enter  Bucharest,  41 ;  efforts  to 
secure  peace,  92 ;  in  Paris  Congress, 
93  ;  influence  in  Italy,  97-99,  110  ;  and 
Roman  legations,  98  ;  misrule  in  Lom- 
bardo-Venetia,  99 ;  proposes  to  uphold 
despotism  in  Sardinia,  101 ;  attempts 
to  terrorize  Sardinia,  103 ;  regards 
Victor  Emmanuel  as  incorrigible,  104 ; 
suppresses  Milan  revolt,  104  ;  worsted 
in  diplomacy  by  Cavour,  111 ;  adopts 
pacific  policy  in  Italy,  112 ;  threatened 
at  the  Tuileries,  116  ;  her  ultimatum 


rejected  by  Sardinia,  118  ;  unpopular- 
ity of  the  war  in,  121 ;  Italian  cam- 
paign of  1859,  122-152;  armistice  o 
Villafranca,  152 ;  cedes  Lombard}-, 
153  ;  crushes  Erfurt  parliament,  180  ; 
supports  Hasseupflug  in  Hesse,  181 ; 
humiliates  Prussia  at  Olmutz,  181  ; 
abolishes  constitution,  182 ;  holds  Ger- 
man states  in  check  during  Crimean 
war,  182 ;  loss  of  prestige  in  Germany 
(1859),  184  ;  and  Bismarck,  195 ; 
alarmed  at  Prussia's  attitude,  196 ;  en- 
rages Russia  by  her  Polish  policy,  197 ; 
agreement  with  Prussia  regarding 
Schleswig-Holsteiu,  201 ;  Danish  cam- 
paign, 1864,  201-210 ;  treaty  of  Vienna, 
210;  bargains  with  Prussia  for  Elbe 
duchies,  213 ;  Gastein  convention,  214 ; 
explains  her  position  before  the  Diet, 
221 ;  abandons  Holstein,  221 ;  moves 
mobilization  of  federal  army  against 
Prussia,  221,  222 ;  state  of  army  in  Bo- 
hemia, 225  ;  Seven  Weeks'  War,  223- 
266;  benefited  by  her  defeat  in  the 
war,  272 ;  placates  Hungary,  273 ; 
cedes  Venetia,  274  ;  foreign  policy  in 
1867,  275 ;  refuses  French  proposals 
for  military  alliance,  293;  refuses 
France  military  aid  against  Prussia, 
1870,  300;  defends  Italy  in  seizure 
of  Rome,  389 ;  her  present  attitude, 
401. 

Azeglio,  Marquis  Massimo  d',  prime 
minister  in  Sardinia,  102 ;  resigns  his 
post,  104 ;  sent  as  commissioner  to 
Bologna,  159;  on  death  of  Cavour, 
177. 

Balaclava,  occupied  by  English,  59  ;  bat- 
tle of,  71-73  ;  results  of  battle,  74. 

Bavaria,  invades  Hesse-Cassel,  181  ;  war 
of  1866,  249-255;  treaty  of  Prague 
and  cession  of  territory  to  Prussia, 
269 ;  places  her  army  under  orders  of 
Prussia,  1870,  300;  Franco-Prussian 
War,  304-398 ;  troops  enter  Paris,  399, 
400. 

Bazaine,  Marshal,  lands  at  Genoa,  124 ; 
at  battle  of  Melegnano,  140  ;  at  battle 
of  Solferino,  148 ;  corps  commander  in 
1870,  307 ;  consulted  by  Napoleon  at 
Metz,  315 ;  his  honorable  career,  316 ; 


408 


INDEX. 


assumes  command  of  the  army  under 
protest,  316;  is  embarrassed  by  the 
emperor,  317  ;  orders  the  retreat  upon 
Verdun,  317 ;  fights  battle  of  Borny, 
320 ;  his  midnight  visit  to  the  emperor, 
320 ;  interviews  the  emperor  at  Grave- 
lotte,  320;  bids  him  farewell,  322; 
fights  battle  of  Vionville,  323  ,  takes  a 
new  position  near  Metz,  325 ;  at  battle 
of  Gravelotte,  325 ;  compared  with 
Benedek  at  Koniggratz,  325 ;  aimless- 
ness  of  his  conduct  during  the  battle 
week,  328 ;  fights  battle  of  Noisseville, 
372 ;  surrenders  fortress  of  Metz,  372  ; 
charges  on  which  he  was  court-mar- 
tialed, 372  ;  his  defense,  373. 

Beaumont,  battle  of,  333. 

Belfort,  fighting  near,  386. 

Benedek,  Austrian  general,  his  conduct 
at  Solferino,  150,  151 ;  summoned  to 
council  of  war  at  Vienna,  1866,  218; 
his  plan  of  campaign  against  Prussia 
checkmated,  226 ;  criticisms  upon  his 
generalship,  233,  234 ;  occupies  coun- 
try between  the  Elbe  and  Bistritz, 
234 ;  his  fatal  blunder,  235  ;  at  battle 
of  Koniggratz,  243 ;  amazed  upon 
learning  of  the  fall  of  Chlum,  244; 
heads  the  reserves  in  attempts  to  re- 
take it,  245 ;  incurs  the  rage  of  Vienna, 
246 ;  superseded  by  Archduke  Al- 
brecht,  246 ;  conducts  the  retreat  upon 
Pressburg,  247. 

Benedetti,  M.,  first  appearance  in  Bohe- 
mia, I860,  272  ;  at  Berlin,  272  ;  urges 
military  demonstration  against  Prus- 
sia, 277;  at  Nikolsburg  with  Bismarck, 
279;  presents  Rhine  treaty  to  Bis- 
marck at  Berlin,  280  ;  threatens  Prus- 
sia with  war,  280;  submits  Luxem- 
burg proposition  to  Bismarck,  283  ; 
his  note  announcing  his  failure,  284 ; 
encounters  the  king  of  Prussia  at 
Ems,  296,  297  ;  his  view  of  the  king's 
conduct  there,  298. 

Berger,  Austrian  general,  140. 

Beuret,  French  general,  killed  at  Monte- 
bello,  127. 

Beust,  Count  von,  Austrian  chancellor, 
1867,  275  ;  his  letter  on  Austria's  atti- 
tude, 1870,  300,  301 ;  on  Italian  seiz- 
ure of  Rome,  389  ;  his  memoirs,  203. 

Beyer,  German  general,  222 ;  occupies 
Cassel,  1866, 223  ;  summons  Strasburg, 
1870,  369. 

Bismarck,  Prince,  president  of  Prussian 
ministry,  185;  his  early  career  as  a 
deputy,  185  ;  champions  the  rights  of 
the  crown,  185 ;  contempt  for  the  rev- 
olutionists of  1848,  186 ;  deprecates 
use  of  Prussian  troops  in  Denmark, 
186;  opposed  to  liberal  assembly  at 
Frankfort,  186;  opposed  to  German 
unity,  187 ;  an  uncompromising  royal- 
ist at  Erfurt,  187 ;  admires  Austria, 
187 ;  represents  Prussia  at  Frankfort, 
188 ;  contempt  for  the  Diet,  189 ;  be- 
comes hostile  to  Austria,  189 ;  prophe- 


sies war  with  Austria,  190 ;  willing  to 
consider  German  unity,  190 ;  repre- 
sents Prussia  at  St.  Petersburg,  191 ; 
continued  distrust  of  Austria,  191 ; 
represents  Prussia  at  Paris,  191 ;  his 
estimate  of  Prussia's  needs,  192 ;  his 
struggles  with  the  Diet  on  the  army 
bill,  194 ;  carries  his  measures  over  the 
deputies,  194;  opens  diplomatic  cam- 
paign against  Austria,  195 ;  supports 
Russia  in  suppressing  Polish  revolt, 
197  ;  and  Schleswig-Holstein  question, 
200 ;  carries  Austria  with  him  in  the 
Diet,  201 ;  stimulate?  the  Danes  to  fight, 
203 ;  his  attitude  on  the  Augusteuburg 
claim  after  the  war,  211 ;  his  sudden 
change  of  front,  212  ;  traps  Mensdorff 
into  an  indiscretion,  213 ;  anticipates 
war  with  Austria,  213 ;  and  Gastein 
conference,  214 ;  his  opinion  of  the 
conference,  214 ;  the  king  creates  him 
a  count,  214 ;  seeks  an  alliance  with 
Italy  against  Austria,  215 ;  visits  Na- 
poleon at  Biarritz,  215;  pushes  a  set- 
tlement of  Schleswig-Holsteiu  ques- 
tion, 217  ;  protests  against  Austrian 
policy  in  Holsteiu,  217 ;  endeavors  to 
win  favor  with  the  German  states, 
218,  219;  concludes  treaty  of  alliance 
with  Italy,  219 ;  orders  Prussian  troops 
into  Holstein,  221 ;  submits  a  plan  for 
new  confederation  excluding  Austria, 
221 ;  joins  the  army  at  Gitschin,  230 ; 
at  battle  of  Koniggiatz,  241 ;  restrains 
the  spirit  of  assurance  at  headquar- 
ters, 246 ;  commends  Italy  for  honor- 
able course  in  1866,  268 ;  enthusiasti- 
cally received  by  the  Prussian  Diet, 
270 ;  his  course  toward  Hanover, 
Hesse,  and  Saxony,  271 ;  chancellor  of 
the  northern  confederation,  271 ;  ar- 
ranges military  alliances  with  South 
Germany,  272  ;  conversations  with 
Benedetti  at  Nikolsburg,  279;  re- 
ceives Benedetti  in  Berlin,  280 ;  re- 
fuses French  propositions  concerning 
Rhineland,  280;  his  reply  to  Bene- 
detti's  threat  of  war,  280 ;  uses  the 
French  propositions  to  consolidate 
Germany,  282  ;  his  reception  of  Bene- 
detti's  second  project,  283 ;  arranges 
alliance  with  Russia,  284 ;  combats 
French  scheme  to  purchase  Luxem- 
burg, 285 ;  withdraws  Prussian  garri- 
son from  Luxemburg,  286 ;  at  Paris 
Exhibition  of  1867,  288  ;  his  narrative 
of  the  incidents  at  Ems,  1870,  297  ; 
summary  of  his  diplomacy,  1866-70, 
304 ;  at  Sedan,  340 ;  discusses  capitu- 
lation with  Wimpffen  after  Sedan, 
342 ;  his  narrative  of  the  event,  343 ; 
meets  Napoleon  near  Fr£nois,  346 ; 
his  tiarrative  of  this  event,  34G  ;  con- 
ducts Napoleon  to  Chfiteau  Bellevue, 
348 ;  interviewed  by  Favre  at  Ferri- 
eres,  361  ;  at  Versailles,  36G ;  his  life 
there,  390  ;  his  view  of  the  papal  ques- 
tion, 390;  on  Black  Sea  clause  and 


INDEX. 


409 


Russia,  391 ;  on  delay  in  bombarding 
Paris,  390 ;  interviews  with  Favre  on 
the  armistice,  398 ;  interviews  Thiers 
on  the  peace,  399  ;  comments  on 
Thiers,  399 ;  his  latest  defiance  to  Eu- 
rope, 401. 

Bittenfeld,  German  general,  222 ;  com- 
mands army  of  the  Elbe  in  1866,  224  ; 
at  battle  of  Koniggratz,  240,  241. 

Blumenau,  battle  of,  248. 

Blumenthal,  German  general,  on  Mac- 
Mahon's  tactics,  332;  at  conference 
of  Sedan,  343. 

Bomba,  King.  See  Ferdinand  II.  of 
Naples. 

Borny,  battle  of,  320. 

Bosquet,  French  general,  at  battle  of 
the  Alma,  56;  Kinglake's  comment 
on,  56 ;  his  remark  on  cavalry  charge 
at  Balaclava,  74. 

Bourbaki,  French  general,  at  battle  of 
Gravelotte,  327 ;  commands  French 
armies  in  the  north,  377  ;  appointed 
to  command  first  army  of  the  Loire, 
381 ;  resists  Gambetta's  orders  to  ad- 
vance, 381 ;  ordered  to  relieve  Bel- 
fort,  383 ;  outgeneraled  by  Werder, 
386 ;  defeated  on  the  Lisaine,  386  ; 
driven  into  Switzerland  and  disarmed, 
387. 

Buol,  Count,  Austrian  chancellor,  47. 

Burgoyne,  Sir  John,  carries  Empress 
Eugenie  to  England,  358. 

Busch,  Dr.  Moritz,  "  Bisimrck  in  the 
Franco-German  War,"  34'2. 

Cadorna,  Italian  general,  occupies  Rome, 
389. 

Canrobert,  Marshal,  and  the  coup  d'etat, 
9  ;  at  battle  of  the  Alma,  56  ;  assumes 
command  of  French  army  in  Crimea, 
60 ;  opposed  to  assaulting  Sebastopol, 
60 ;  resigns  his  command,  83 ;  King- 
lake  on  reasons  therefor,  83;  corps 
commander  in  Italy,  123;  enters  Tu- 
rin, 125;  at  battle  of  Magenta,  133; 
lethargy  at  Solferino,  148 ;  corps  com- 
mander in  1870,  307 ;  commands 
French  right  at  Gravelotte,  32C,  327  ; 
at  battle  of  Noisseville,  372. 

Carbonari,  Society  of  the,  its  character 
and  aims,  99. 

Cardigan,  Lord,  at  Balaclava,  72-74. 

Castelfidardo,  battle  of,  173. 

Cavour,  Count,  in  Paris  Congress,  93, 
109;  enters  Sardinian  cabinet,  102; 
forms  a  new  cabinet,  104  ;  opposed  to 
violence  in  politics,  101 ;  commits  the 
state  to  liberation  of  Italy,  105;  his 
domestic  policy,  105 ;  decides  to  join 
Anglo-French  alliance,  106 ;  is  opposed 
by  the  Chambers,  107  ;  vindication  of 
his  Crimean  policy,  108 ;  letter  to  Na- 
poleon, 108 ;  his  foreign  policy,  109 ; 
disappointed  over  England's  indiffer- 
ence, 112  ;  his  opinion  of  Austria,  112 ; 
turns  to  France  as  an  ally,  112;  the 
Orsini  incident,  113;  appeases  Napo- 


leon, 114;  strikes  at  the  papal  gov- 
ernment, 114 ;  meets  Napoleon  at 
Plombieres,  115-;  his  vision  of  united 
Italy,  116;  advocates  marriage  of 
Prince  Napoleon  and  Princess  Clotilde, 
117 ;  impels  Napoleon  toward  war,  117 ; 
efforts  to  avert  peace,  118 ;  refuses  the 
Austrian  ultimatum,  118;  leaves  for 
the  army  on  news  of  the  armistice, 
153;  offends  the  king  and  resigns, 
153 ;  makes  the  amende  honorable, 
161 ;  returns  to  office,  161 ;  suggests 
an  Italian  plebiscite  to  Napoleon,  162 ; 
Napoleon's  acquiescence  and  the  re- 
sult, 163;  and  Nice  and  Savoy,  164; 
hated  by  Garibaldi,  164 ;  protects 
Garibaldi's  Sicilian  expedition,  164  ; 
effect  of  this  policy  in  Europe,  166, 
167 ;  efforts  to  restrain  Garibaldi  from 
marching  on  Rome,  167,  168 ;  his  con- 
ception of  the  crisis,  171 ;  determines 
to  march  upon  Naples,  171 ;  picks  a 
quarrel  with  the  Pope,  171 ;  receives 
authority  from  parliament  to  annex 
Two  Sicilies,  173;  increased  anxiety 
after  the  annexation,  174;  his  enor- 
mous responsibility,  174 ;  on  the  Nea- 
politans, 175 ;  to  General  Garibaldi, 
175 ;  comparison  of,  with  Garibaldi, 
176 ;  his  death,  176 ;  the  world's  esti- 
mate of  him,  177 ;  Massimo  d'  Azeglio 
on  his  death,  177. 

Champigny,  battles  of,  394. 

Chanzy,  French  general,  commands 
French  16th  corps,  375;  defeated  at 
Loigny,  379 ;  rallies  right  wing  of  Loire 
army  upon  B?augency,  380 ;  appointed 
to  command  these  troops,  381  ;  de- 
feated by  Mecklenburg  at  Josnes,  381 ; 
character  of  his  troops  and  tactics, 
382 ;  retreats  upon  Le  Mans,  383  ; 
plans  a  movement  upon  Paris,  383 ;  is 
attacked  before  Le  Mans,  384 ;  his  re- 
treat, 385 ;  his  pluck  and  ability,  385 ; 
gives  reasons  for  French  humiliation, 
386. 

Changarnier,  French  general,  consulted 
by  Napoleon  at  Metz  in  1870,  315. 

Clnpelle,  Count  de  la,  his  work  on 
Napoleon  III.,  342. 

Charles,  prince  of  Bavaria,  commands 
Bavarian  army  in  1866,  249 ;  indiffer- 
ent to  fate  of  Hanoverian«,  250  ; 
his  indecision  and  retreat,  251 ;  de- 
feated at  Kissingen,  252  ;  joined  by 
the  8th  federal  corps,  253 ;  retreats 
upon  Wiirzburg,  254. 

Charles  Albert  of  Sardinia,  abdicates, 
5 ;  and  war  of  1848,  100 ;  and  Mazzi- 
ni,  104. 

Christian  VIII.  of  Denmark,  198. 

Christian  IX.  of  Denmark,  ratifies  in- 
corporation of  Schleswig  with  Den- 
mark, 199 ;  joins  the  army  at  Schles- 
wig,  204 ;  cedes  Schleswig-Holstein  to 
Austria  and  Prussia,  210. 

Cial'iini,  Italian  general,  at  battle  of 
Palestro,  128;  defeats  papal  army  at 


410 


INDEX. 


Castelfidardo,  173 ;  supersedes  La 
Marmora  in  command  of  the  army, 
266 ;  his  bloodless  march  through  Ve- 
uetia,  266. 

Citate,  battle  of,  35. 

Clam  Gallas,  Count,  at  battle  of  Magen- 
ta, 131 ;  commands  1st  Austrian  corps 
iu  Bohemia,  227  ;  defeated  at  Podol, 
228 ;  retreats  from  Miinchengratz, 
228  ;  defeated  at  Gitschiu,  229. 

Clarendon,  Lord,  46,  48. 

Coulmiers,  battle  of,  376. 

Coup  d'etat,  the,  the  2d  of  December, 
8 ;  president's  proclamation  and  the 
arrests,  9  ;  dispersion  of  the  assembly, 
9  ;  how  the  coup  d'etat  was  managed, 
10 ;  the  events  of  the  3d,  11 ;  the  4th 
of  December,  11 ;  state  of  affairs  on 
the  boulevard,  12 ;  the  massacre  and 
its  influence,  12  ;  conflict  of  testimo- 
ny regarding  the  massacre,  12,  13 ; 
the  president's  responsibility,  13. 

Crimean  campaign,  the,  idea  first 
broached,  51 ;  lauding  of  the  allies  in 
Crimea,  54 ;  the  battle  of  the  Alma, 
65-57 ;  the  allies  continue  their  ad- 
vance, 58 ;  their  flank  march,  59 ; 
Canrobert  opposes  the  motion  to  at- 
tack Sebastopol,  GO  ;  failure  of  allied 
bombardment,  69 ;  siege  of  Sebasto- 
pol begins,  70;  battle  of  Balaclava, 
71-74 ;  battle  of  Inkennann,  75,  76 ; 
the  great  hurricane,  78 ;  terrible  suf- 
fering of  the  allies,  79 ;  Sardinia  joins 
the  alliance,  82;  the  June  bombard- 
ment and  first  assault,  84 ;  capture  of 
the  Mamelon  by  the  French,  85  ;  fail- 
ure of  the  second  assault,  86 ;  battle  of 
the  Tchernaya,  88 ;  the  French  carry 
the  Malakoff,  89 ;  evacuation  arid  burn- 
ing of  Sebastopol,  90. 

Custozza,  battle  of,  1866,  opening  of 
the  battle  on  the  Italian  right,  262 ; 
rout  of  the  Italian  left  wing,  263 ; 
General  Pianelli  checks  the  Austrian 
pursuit,  263 ;  the  battle  in  the  centre, 
264 ;  state  of  the  contest  at  two 
o'clock,  264 ;  concentric  attack  by  the 
archduke  upon  Custozza,  264 ;  retreat 
of  the  Italians,  265. 

Danish  campaign,  the,  allied  armies 
enter  Schleswig,  203  ;  evacuation  of 
Dannewerk  by  the  Danes,  205 ;  Aus- 
trian victory  at  Oeversee,  206 ;  the 
Danish  position  at  Duppel  and  Fre- 
dericia,  206  ;  destruction  of  the  Dan- 
ish army  at  Duppel,  209 ;  evacuation  of 
Fredericia,  210 ;  peace  of  Vienna,  210. 

Daunenburg,  Russian  general,  at  battle 
of  Inkermann,  75,  76. 

Dannewerk,  the,  204 ;  evacuated  by 
the  Danes,  205. 

Denmark,  and  Schleswig-Holstein  ques- 
tion, 197-199 ,  popular  sentiment  in,  re- 
specting Schleswig,  199  ;  refuses  Pnis- 
so-Austrian  ultimatum,  201 ;  relies  for 
aid  upon  England  and  Russia,  202-204  ; 


popular  reliance  in  the  Dannewerk, 
204 ;  campaign  against  Austria  and 
Prussia,  204-210  ;  treaty  of  Vienna, 
210 ;  cedes  Schleswig-Holsteiu  to  Prus- 
sia and  Austria,  210. 

Douay,  French  general,  defeated  near 
Beaumont,  334;  at  battle  of  Sedan, 
338,339. 

Douay,  General  Abel,  killed  at  Weissen- 
burg,  308. 

Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  M.,  French  minister, 
urges  French  intervention  in  war  of 
1866,  277 ;  his  views  respecting  Prus- 
sia, 281 ;  resigns  his  portfolio,  282. 

Ducrot,  French  general,  at  battle  of 
Worth,  312  ;  assumes  command  of  the 
French  at  Sedan,  33C  ;  his  altercation 
with  Wimpffeu  at  Sedan,  337  ;  on  the 
National  Guard,  360 ;  on  the  Mobile 
Guard,  360  ;  defeated  by  Prussians  at 
Sceaux,  362 ;  in  command  at  battle  of 
Champigny,  393,  394. 

Duppel,  siege  of,  206-209. 

Durando,  Italian  general,  at  battle  of 
Palestro,  128 ;  at  Solfermo,  14G ;  corps 
commander  in  I860,  259. 

Eastern  Question,  17  ;  agitated  by  Napo- 
leon, 17  ;  attitude  of  Prussia  on,  22 ; 
attitude  of  France,  22 ;  attitude  of 
England,  23 ;  treaty  of  Paris,  93 ;  trea- 
ty of  Paris  violated  by  Russia,  388, 
389 ;  still  unsettled,  401. 

England  in  1850,  6  ;  suspicion  of  Russia, 
22  ;  her  deep  interest  in  the  Eastern 
Question,  and  the  reason,  23 ;  becomes 
bound  to  maintain  Turkey,  30 ;  her 
fleet  enters  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  32  ; 
shocked  by  Napoleon's  coup  d'etat, 
43 ;  enraged  by  Sinope  massacre,  45  ; 
signature  of  the  French  alliance,  48 ; 
preparations  for  war,  49  ;  embarkation 
of  troops,  49 ;  popularity  of  conquest 
of  Sebastopol  in,  53 ;  false  announce- 
ment of  fall  of  Sebastopol,  69 ;  hero- 
ism of  light  brigade  at  Balaclava,  74 ; 
heroism  of  troops  at  Inkermann,  77  ; 
Soult  on  the  British  infantry,  77  ;  pop- 
ular rage  against  government  for  con- 
duct of  campaign ;  fall  of  Aberdeen 
ministry,  79 ;  popular  exaltation  of 
French  military  system,  79 ;  desires 
continuation  of  Crimean  war,  92 ; 
and  treaty  of  Paris,  94 ;  losses  in  Cri- 
mean war,  94 ;  induces  Austria  to 
adopt  milder  measures  in  Italy,  112 ; 
and  Orsini  incident,  113 ;  endeavors  to 
preserve  peace  in  Europe,  118;  re- 
fuses to  mediate  in  Italy,  1859,  152 ; 
friendly  to  Italian  unity,  162  ;  express- 
es satisfaction  at  invasion  of  jiapal 
territory  by  Sardinia,  172  ;  and  Den- 
mark, 202 ;  abandons  Denmark  in 
18C4,  203  ;  and  conference  of  London, 
210  ;  disturbed  by  Austria's  defeat  in 
1S66,  269  ;  and  Black  Sea  clause,  389  ; 
Bismarck's  comment  on,  391. 

Erfurt  parliament,   the,    instigated   by 


INDEX. 


411 


Frederick  William  of  Prussia,  180; 
crushed  by  Schwarzenberg,  180. 

Espiiiasse,  French  general,  killed  at  Ma- 
genta, 135. 

Eugenie,  Empress  of  the  French,  her 
court  and  influence,  287  ;  aspires  to 
see  France  the  protector  of  the  Ro- 
man church,  292 ;  her  influence  in  the 
government  councils,  293;  advocates 
war  with  Prussia,  299 ;  at  St.  Cloud, 
1870,  350 ;  returns  to  Tuileries  on 
news  of  military  disasters,  352  ;  con- 
vokes the  Chambers,  352 ;  her  anxious 
life,  353 ;  bewildered  by  news  from 
the  front,  353  ;  flies  from  the  Tuile- 
ries in  disguise,  358  ;  arrives  in  Eng- 
land, 358. 

Eupatoria,  battle  of,  82. 

Failly,  French  general,  commands 
French  at  Mentana,  291  ;  his  dispatch 
on  the  battle,  291 ;  corps  commander 
in  1870,  307  ;  ordered  to  support  Mac- 
Mahou,  309 ;  his  tardy  arrival  at 
Worth,  312 ;  retreats  from  Bitsche, 
314 ;  his  negligence  at  Beaumont,  333. 

Falckeusteiu,  German  general,  222  ;  oc- 
cupies Hanover,  223 ;  commands  Prus- 
sian forces  in  the  west,  251  ;  defeats 
Bavarians  at  Kissiugen,  252  ;  defeats 
8th  federal  corps,  252 ;  enters  Frank- 
fort, 253 ;  made  military  governor  of 
Bohemia,  253. 

Fanti,  Italian  general,  at  battle  of  Pales- 
tro,  128  ;  occupies  Perugia  and  Spoleto 
in  Papal  States,  1860,  173. 

Farini,  Luigi  Carlo,"  The  Roman  State," 
09 ;  Italian  minister,  257. 

Favre,  Jules,  in  Corps  L»5gislatif,  Sept. 
1870,  352 ;  moves  dethronement  of 
Napoleon,  354 ;  becomes  foreign  min- 
ister in  the  republican  cabinet,  357; 
first  interview  with  Bismarck,  361  ; 
arrested  by  the  Communists  in  Paris, 
392  ;  arranges  armistice  with  Bis- 
marck, 398 ;  National  Guard  retain 
their  arms  at  his  request,  398. 

Ferdinand  II.  of  Naples,  110 ;  his  death, 
157. 

Flourens,  Major,  heads  mob  in  Paris, 
1870,  392. 

Forbach,  battle  of,  313,  314. 

Forey,  French  general,  and  the  coup 
d'etat,  9  ;  defeats  Austrians  at  Monte- 
bello,  126,  127  ;  at  battle  of  Solferino, 
149. 

France,  revolutions  of  1848  in  Paris, 
2 ;  her  conspicuous  foreign  policy,  7  ; 
public  opinion  on  Crimean  campaign, 
79  ;  state  of  the  press  in,  BO  ;  moves 
admission  of  Prussia  to  Paris  Con- 
gress, 93,  note  ;  losses  in  Crimean  war, 
94 ;  the  Orsini  incident,  113 ;  better 
feeling  against  England  in,  113  ;  signs 
treaty  of  alliance  with  Sardinia,  117  ; 
enthusiasm  over  the  war,  120  ;  unpre- 
pared for  war,  123  ;  Italian  campaign 
of  1859, 122-152 ;  peace  of  Villafranca, 


152 ;  supports  Saxony  against  Prussia, 
271  ;  prominent  position  in  Europe  in 
1867,  275 ;  Kbuiggratz  precipitates  a 
crisis,  277  ;  Drouyn  de  Lhuys'  concep- 
tion of  the  crisis,  258  ;.the  French  army 
unable  to  meet  the  situation,  276 ;  ef- 
forts of  the  government  to  indemnify 
France  through  diplomacy,  279  ;  refu- 
sal of  their  demands  at  Berlin,  280 ; 
second  proposition  of  the  government 
and  its  rejection,  283  ;  desperation  of 
the  Paris  statesmen,  284  ;  negotiations 
concerning  Luxemburg  frustrated  by 
Prussia,  285 ;  summary  of  French  di- 
plomacy for  1866-C7,  286 ;  the  decline 
of  the  empire,  288 ;  reorganization  of 
the  army,  286;  evacuation  of  Rome, 
291 ;  return  of  French  troops  to  Rome 
and  battle  of  Mentaua,  291 ;  incurs  hos- 
tility of  Italy,  292 ;  foreign  policy  in 
1868-69,  292  ;  election  of  18C9,  293 ; 
proffer  of  alliance  refused  by  Italy,  293 ; 
progress  of  army  reform,  293 ;  bellicose 
temper  of  the  government  in  1870, 294  ; 
effect  of  Holienzolleru  incident  in,  295 ; 
warlike  spirit  of  the  Chambers,  295; 
tone  of  tin-  press,  296 ;  demands  upon 
Prussia  refused,  296,  297  ;  excitement 
caused  by  Bismarck's  dispatch,  298 ; 
declaration  of  war  against  Prussia,  298 ; 
wretched  condition  of  the  army  at  Metz, 
302  ;  Franco-German  war,  301-398 ; 
overthrow  of  the  empire,  357 ;  Bor- 
deaux assembly,  398  ;  peace  of  Frank- 
fort, 400  ;  her  present  attitude,  401. 

Francis  II.  of  Naples,  spurns  the  Sar- 
dinian alliance  against  Austria,  1859, 
157  ;  and  revolution  of  1860,  168 ;  pro- 
claims constitutional  liberty  as  a  last 
resort,  1C8  ;  his  pitiful  situation  at 
Naples,  169, 170  ;  sails  away  in  a  Span- 
ish ship,  170  ;  joins  his  army  at  Gaeta, 
172 ;  capitulates  at  Gaeta,  175. 

Francis  Joseph,  Austrian  kaiser,  rees- 
tablishes Austrian  prestige  in  Ger- 
many, 4 ;  visits  Venice  and  Milan,  112  ; 
his  war  manifesto,  120;  takes  com- 
mand of  the  army  in  Italy,  142  ;  directs 
his  troops  at  Solferino,  147 ;  issues 
orders  for  the  retreat,  150 ;  concludes 
an  armistice  at  Villafranca,  152  ;  his 
personal  interview  with  Napoleon, 
152;  reasons  which  induced  him  to 
make  peace,  152 ;  cedes  Lombardy,  153 ; 
refuses  to  acknowledge  Prussia's  claim 
to  the  supreme  command  of  the  federal 
army,  183 ;  proclaims  against  Prussia 
from  Schonbrunn,  183,  184;  confers 
with  the  Prussian  king  at  Gastein,  214  ; 
learns  a  lesson  from  Koniggratz,  273 ; 
determines  to  placate  Hungary,  273; 
crowned  king  of  Hungary  at  Pest, 
274. 

Franco-German  war.  French  declara- 
tion of  war,  304 ;  perfect  preparation 
of  Prussia  for  war,  305  ;  position  of 
contending  forces  on  Aug.  3,  307  ; 
French  defeat  at  Weissenburg,  308; 


412 


INDEX. 


MacMahon  confident  on  the  Sauer,  310 ; 
battle  of  Worth,  310-312;  battle  of 
Forbach.,  313,  314;  consternation  at 
Metz,  315  ;  Bazaine  assumes  command 
of  the  French.  316 ;  French  retreat 
upon  Verdun  begins,  320 ;  battle  of 
Borny,  320  ;  position  of  the  armies  on 
Aug.  16,  322  ;  battle  of  VionviUe,  323 ; 
battle  of  Gravelotte,  325-327  ;  forma- 
tion of  German  ariny  of  the  Meuse, 
328 ;  siege  of  Metz  begins,  328 ;  disor- 
ganization of  French  army  at  Chalons, 
329  ;  MacMahon  marches  upon  Metz, 
331 ;  desperation  of  the  French  minis- 
try, 332 ;  battle  of  Beaumont,  333 ;  ter- 
rible condition  of  MacMahon's  army, 
334 ;  the  French  retreat  upon  Sedan, 
335 ;  battle  of  Sedan,  336-340 ;  Napo- 
leon surrenders,  340  ;  capitulation  of 
Sedan,  348  ;  fall  of  the  empire,  354- 
357 ;  investment  of  Paris,  362 ;  bom- 
bardment and  capitulation  of  Stras- 
burg,  370-371 ;  capitulation  of  Metz, 
372  ;  French  army  of  the  Loire,  375 ; 
battle  of  Coulmiers,376 ;  defeat  of  army 
of  the  Loire  at  Beaune,  and  Loigny,  378, 
379  ;  destruction  of  army  of  the  Loire 
before  Orleans,  380 ;  the  first  and  sec- 
ond armies  of  the  Loire,  381 ;  battle 
of  Josnes,  381,  382 ;  defeat  of  Chanzy's 
army  at  Le  Mans,  384 ;  defeat  of 
French  ariny  in  the  north,  386 ;  first 
army  of  the  Loire  driven  into  Switzer- 
land, 387  ;  battles  of  Champigny  be- 
fore Paris,  394 ;  bombardment  of  Paris, 
395-397  ;  battle  of  Buzanval,  397  ;  ca- 
pitulation of  Paris,  398  ;  German  troops 
enter  Paris,  399 ;  treaty  of  Frankfort, 
400. 

Frankfort  Assembly,  3;  befriended  by 
Frederick  William  of  Prussia,  179 ;  its 
offer  of  the  German  crown  rejected 
by  Frederick  William,  180. 

Frankfort  Diet,  2  ;  composition  and 
character  of,  178;  system  of  voting, 
179 ;  understanding  between  Prussia 
and  Austria  in,  179 ;  overthrown  in 
1849,  179 ;  restoration  of,  181 ;  Aus- 
trian ascendancy  in,  181 ;  Bismarck's 
estimate  of,  189 ;  decrees  military  exe- 
cution in  Holstein,  199;  refuses  Aus- 
tro-Prussian  demand  regarding  Dan- 
ish constitution,  201  ;  listens  to  Prus- 
sia and  Austria  on  Schleswig-Holstein, 
220 ;  mobilization  of  federal  army 
against  Prussia  moved  by  Austria, 
221 ;  Austria's  motion  carried,  222  ; 
the  Prussian  envoy  pronounces  con- 
federation dissolved,  222 ;  driven  from 
Frankfort,  253  ;  dissolved  by  treaty  of 
Prague,  269. 

Frankfort,  treaty  of,  400. 

Franzecky,  General,  at  battle  of  Konig- 
gratz,  239,  240;  wins  battle  of  Blu- 
menau,  248. 

Frederick  VII.  of  Denmark,  promulgates 
constitution  incorporating  Schleswig 
in  Denmark,  198,  199 ;  his  death,  199. 


Frederick  Charles,  Prince,  with  Prussian 
army  in  Denmark,  201 ;  commands 
Prussians  before  Duppel,  207 ;  com- 
mands Prussian  troops  at  Gorlitz,  222 ; 
crosses  Saxon  frontier  and  occupies 
Dresden,  223 ;  commands  first  Prus- 
sian army,  225  ;  crosses  Austrian  fro 
tier,  226 ;  defeats  Austrians  at  Pouol 
and  Muucheugratz,  227,  228 ;  defeats 
Austrians  at  Gitschin,  229 ;  decides  to 
move  upon  the  Bistritz,  238 ;  opens 
the  battle  of  Koniggratz,  239;  com- 
mands second  German  army  in  1870, 
306 ;  threatens  Metz  from  the  south, 
318 ;  marches  from  Metz  upon  the 
Loire,  373  ;  on  the  Loire,  377  ;  advance 
upon  Orleans,  379 ;  enters  Orleans, 
380 ;  follows  Chanzy  to  Le  Mans,  383  ; 
routs  Chanzy  before  Le  Mans,  385 ; 
hampered  by  bad  roads  and  short  days. 
385. 

Frederick  William  IV.  of  Prussia,  friend- 
ly toward  Frankfort  assembly,  179  ; 
refuses  German  crown,  180 ;  and  Er- 
furt parliament,  180  ;  falls  ill  in  1857, 
183  ;  his  death,  184. 

Frederick  William,  crown  prince  of 
Prussia,  commands  second  Prussian 
army  in  1866,  225  ;  crosses  Austrian 
frontier,  230  ;  at  battle  of  Nachod, 
231  ;  his  march  to  Kouiggratz,  24'2  ;  di- 
rects the  guards  upon  Chlumand  wins 
the  day,  243 ;  commands  third  Ger- 
man army  in  1870,  306 ;  his  popularity, 
306,  307  ;  crosses  the  Lauter,  310 ;  at 
battle  of  Worth,  310-313 ;  marches 
upon  Nancy,  318 ;  at  Sedan,  340 ;  trans- 
fers headquarters  to  Versailles,  363. 

Frossard,  French  general,  at  Saarbriick, 
303 ;  defeated  at  Forbach,  313,  314  ;  at 
battle  of  Vionville,  323;  at  battle  of 
Gravelotte,  326,  327. 

Gablenz,  Austrian  general,  commands 
Austrian  troops  in  Denmark,  201 :  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Holstein,  214  ; 
favors  Augustenburg,  prince  in  Hol- 
stein, 217  ;  summons  Holstein  assem- 
bly, 221 ;  evacuates  Holstein  upon 
approach  of  the  Prussians,  221 ;  de- 
feats Prussians  at  Trautenau,  232  ;  is 
worsted  by  Prussian  Guard  at  Soor, 
233 ;  conveys  proposal  for  an  armis- 
tice to  Prussian  headquarters,  246. 

Gambetta,  M.,  in  Corps  Legislatif,  Sept. 
1870,  356 ;  minister  of  the  interior  in 
republican  cabinet,  357  ;  directs  gov- 
ernment of  national  defense  at  Tours, 
373 ;  enthusiastic  over  battle  of  Coul- 
miers,  376 ;  his  conflict  with  General 
d'Aurelle,  377 ;  deceived  by  Trochu's 
messages  urges  the  offensive,  378  ;  irri- 
tates D'Aurelle,  380 ;  appoints  Bour- 
baki  to  succeed  D'Aurelle,  381  ;  ap- 
points Chanzy  to  command  in  the 
west,  381  ;  complicates  the  military 
situation,  383  ;  orders  Bourbaki  to  re- 
lieve Belfort,  383. 


INDEX. 


413 


Garibaldi,  General  Giuseppi,  142 ;  in 
first  Italian  parliament,  163;  hatred 
for  Cavour  after  cession  of  Nice  and 
Savoy,  163 ;  raises  volunteers  to  aid 
revolutionists  in  Sicily,  164 ;  lands  in 
Sicily  and  defeats  royal  troops,  164 ; 
captures  Palermo,  165 ;  wins  a  vic- 
tory at  Milazzo,  165  ;  extraordinary 
character  of  his  achievements,  165 ; 
has  but  a  contemptible  foe  to  deal 
with,  166 ;  refuses  La  Farina's  request 
to  annex  Sicily  to  Italy,  107 ;  his  letter 
to  Victor  Emmanuel,  168 ;  crosses  to 
the  mainland,  168 ;  marches  upon  Na- 
ples, 169;  enters  Naples  in  triumph, 
170 ;  meets  Victor  Emmanuel  at  Tea- 
no,  173 ;  the  sublime  act  of  his  life, 
174  ;  attacks  Cavour  in  parliament, 
175 ;  comparison  of,  with  Cavour,  176 ; 
his  revolution  of  1862,  257  ;  wounded 
and  captured  at  Aspromonte,  257; 
heads  a  new  attack  upon  Rome,  291 ; 
defeated  by  the  French  at  Mentana, 
291 ;  in  Franco-Prussian  campaign, 
1870,  386. 

George,  king  of  Hanover,  abandons  his 
capital  to  the  Prussians,  223 ;  attempts 
to  secure  free  passage  to  Italy  for  his 
army,  250  ;  capitulation  and  exile  of, 
250. 

Gerlach,  General,  commands  Danish 
army  at  Duppel,  207,  209. 

Germany,  in  1850,  3;  composition  of 
the  German  confederation,  178 ;  char- 
acteristics of  the  Frankfort  Diet,  179  ; 
Austria  and  Prussia  in  the  Diet,  179  ; 
overthrow  of  the  Diet  in  1849,  179 ; 
the  Erfurt  parliament  crushed  by 
Schwarzenberg,  180;  the  revolt  in 
Hesse,  180 ;  humiliation  of  Prussia  by 
Austria  at  Olmiitz,  180 ;  restoration  of 
the  Frankfort  Diet  with  Austria  in 
control,  182;  Austria  dominant  in 
Germany  in  1854, 182 ;  change  in  Prus- 
sian policy  under  the  regency,  183; 
Prussia  and  Austria  on  an  equal  foot- 
ing in  18GO,  184 ;  Austro-Prussian 
campaign  against  Denmark,  203-209; 
treaty  of  Vienna,  210 ;  Gastein  con- 
vention, 214 ;  Schleswig-Holstein  ques- 
tion settled,  221. 

Germany,  Seven  Weeks'  war,  223-255  ; 
peace  of  Nikolsburg,  248 ;  treaty  of 
Prague,  269 ;  four  results  of  the  Seven 
Weeks'  war,  269 ;  Hanover,  Hesse- 
Cassel,  and  Nassau  incorporated  with 
Prussia,  270;  Saxony  forced  to  join 
the  northern  confederation,  271 ;  Bis- 
marck as  chancellor,  271 ;  military  alli- 
ance between  North  and  South  Ger- 
many, 272 ;  the  Hohenzollerns  and  the 
Spanish  throne,  295-298  ;  Franco-Ger- 
man war,  301-398  ;  William  I.  of  Prus- 
sia hailed  emperor  at  Versailles,  397. 

Germanic  Diet  at  Frankfort.  See  Frank- 
fort Diet. 

Gitschin,  battle  of,  229. 

Giurgevo,  battle  of,  40. 


Gladstone,  Win.  E.,  and  Kutchuk-K.ii- 
nardji  treaty,  26 ;  translation  of  Far- 
ini's  "  Roman  State,"  99. 

Goeben,  German  general,  254 ;  at  battle 
of  Forbach,  314. 

Gortschakoff,  Prince  Mikhail,  com- 
mands Russians  in  Moldavia,  33; 
hampered  by  the  Czar,  34  ;  evacuates 
Bucharest,  40 ;  sends  Todleben  to 
Sebastopol,  61  ;  takes  command  of 
Russian  army  in  Crimea,  82  ;  opposed 
to  a  sortie,  88 ;  defeated  at  the  Tcher- 
naya,  88 ;  to  his  soldiers  on  abandon- 
ment of  Sebastopol,  91.  . 

Gortschakoff,  Prince  Alexander,  Russian 
chancellor,  191 ;  friendship  for  Bis- 
marck, 191  ;  gratitude  to  Prussia  for 
Polish  policy,  197 ;  supports  Prussia 
against  England  in  Danish  contro- 
versy, 202 ;  abrogates  Black  Sea  clause 
of  Paris  treaty,  388 ;  and  London  con- 
ference, 1871,  389. 

Gortschakoff,  Prince  Peter,  at  battle  of 
the  Alma,  57 ;  at  Inkennann,  75 ; 
criticised  by  Todlebrtf'for  his  inac- 
tion, 76. 

Govone,  Italian  general,  arranges  Prusso- 
Italiau  alliance,  259 ;  at  battle  of  Cus- 
tozza,  264. 

Grainont,  Due  de,  declares  that  Prussia 
has  imperiled  interests  of  France,  295 ; 
declares  that  Prussia  has  insulted 
France,  298 ;  his  narrative  of  final  war 
council  at  St.  Cloud,  299  ;  deprecates 
Russia's  policy,  301. 

Granville,  Lord,  and  Black  Sea  clause  in 
1870,  389. 

Gravelotte,  battle  of,  325-327. 

Greek  Church,  conflict  with  Latin 
church  with  regard  to  Holy  Places, 
18 ;  French  ambassador  scores  a  suc- 
cess for  the  Latins,  .19 ;  rage  of  Czar 

"  in  consequence,  19 ;  Meuschikoff's  de- 
mands at  Constantinople,  reparation 
for  the  Greeks,  20 ;  settlement  of  the 
dispute,  20. 

Guizot,  M.  de,  his  estimate  of  Cavour 
and  Napoleon,  117. 

Gyulai,  Count,  commands  Austrian  army 
in  Italy,  1859,  125;  his  career,  125; 
his  timidity,  125;  misinterprets 
French  plans,  128 ;  finds  his  right 
threatened  and  hurries  troops  north- 
ward, 129 ;  is  attacked  on  the  Naviglio 
Grande,  131 ;  his  conduct  at  Magenta, 
136;  determines  to  retreat  upon 
Verona,  141 ;  urges  the  Kaiser  to 
occupy  the  heights  of  Solferino,  142 ; 
is  relieved  of  the  command,  142. 

Hanover,  invaded  by  Prussian  troops, 
223  ;  battle  of  Langens<Uza,  250  ;  ca- 
pitulation of  the  army,  250 ;  annexed  to 
Prussia,  270. 

Hesse-Cassel,  revolt  against  Hassenpflug 
in,  180 ;  Prussian  and  Austrian  troops 
enter,  181 ;  Hassenpttug  restored  by 
Austria,  181 ;  invaded  by  Prussian 


414 


INDEX. 


troops,  1866,  223  ;  annexed  to  Prussia, 
270. 

Hilliers,  French  marshal,  corps  com- 
mander in  Italy,  123;  marches  upon 
Meleguano,  139  ;  defeats  the  Austriaus 
there,  146 ;  at  battle  of  Solferino,  146, 
148, 149. 

Holy  Places  of  Jerusalem,  the,  17,  18. 

Hugo,  M.  Victor,  his  "  Histoire  d'un 
Crime,"  12 ;  assertions  respecting  coup 
d'6tat,  13. 

Hungary,  revolution  of  1848  suppressed, 
4  ;  granted  a  parliament  by  the  Kaiser, 
273 ;  elects  the  Kaiser  king  of  Hun- 
gary, 273  ;  becomes  loyal  to  the  Aus- 
trian crown,  274. 

Inkermann,  battle  of,  75,  76  ;  comments 
upon,  76, 77  ;  called  "  soldiers'  battle  " 
in  England,  77. 

Italian  campaign  of  1859,  romantic  char- 
acter of  theatre  of  war,  122 ;  unpre- 
paredness  of  French  army,  123 ;  its 
order  of  battle,  123 ;  arrival  of  em- 
peror at  Genoa,  124;  the  Austrian 
general  and  his  career,  125 ;  his  timid 
tactics,  125;  combat  at  Montebello, 
126 ;  Napoleon  plans  a  flank  march, 
127;  battle  of  Palestro,  128;  Napo- 
leon's orders  for  June  3, 129  ;  position 
of  the  armies  at  noon  on  the  4th,  130  ; 
battle  of  Magenta,  130-136  ;  entry  of 
the  French  into  Milan,  138 ;  fight  at 
Meleguano.  140 ;  Gyulai  retreats  upon 
Verona,  141 ;  Napoleon  advances  from 
Milan,  141 ;  Austrian  army  harassed 
by  conflicting  orders,  143 ;  it  occupies 
the  heights  of  Solferiuo  June  23,  143 ; 
advance  of  the  French  army  June 
24,  145;  battle  of  Solferino,  145- 
151  ;  French  advance  renewed  July  1, 
151 ;  armistice  and  conference  at  Vil- 
laf  ranca,  152 ;  why  the  monarchs  made 
peace,  152-154. 

Italy,  map  of,  in  1850,  96 ;  political  con- 
dition of,  in  1850,  97-99 ;  secret  socie- 
ties in,  100 ;  Napoleon's  solicitude  for, 
108  ;  and  congress  of  Paris,  109 ;  Aus- 
tria's baneful  influence,  110 ;  enthusi- 
asm over  the  Sirdo-Austrian  war,  119; 
campaign  of  1859, 122-152 ;  disappoint- 
ment at  termination  of  war,  153 ;  cen- 
tral Italy  votes  for  annexation  to  Sar- 
dinia, 162 ;  first  Italian  parliament, 
163 ;  revolution  in  the  Two  Sicilies, 
164 ;  Garibaldi  enters  Naples,  170 ; 
Sardinian  troops  enter  Papal  States, 
172  ;  annexes  Two  Sicilies,  174  ;  death 
of  Cavour,  176 ;  concludes  treaty  of 
alliance  with  Prussia,  219;  activity  of 
the  Roman  question,  257  ;  Garibaldi's 
revolution,  257 ;  ministries  of  Rica- 
soli,  Ratazzi,  Fariui,  and  Minghetti, 
258  ;  understanding  with  France  on 
the  Roman  question,  258 :  transfer  of 
the  capital  from  Turin  to  Florence,  I 
258 ;  declaration  of  war  upon  Austria,  i 
259 ;  battle  of  Custozza,  262-265 ;  bat-  I 


tie  of  Lissa,  266 ;  commended  by  Bis- 
marck for  her  honorable  course.  >''•>  ; 
annexation  of  Venetia,  274  ;  Roman 
question  still  active  in  1866,  275 ; 
withdrawal  of  French  troops  from 
Rome,  291  ;  Garibaldi's  revolution  and 
return  of  the  French,  291 ;  battle  of 
Mentana,  291 ;  results  of  Mentana  fa- 
tal to  France  in  Italy,  292  ;  refuses  to 
enter  Austro-Frenoh  alliance,  293  ;  re- 
fuses to  assist  France  in  1870  unless 
Rome  is  abandoned,  301 ;  occupies 
Rome,  389. 

Italian  campaign  of  1866,  declaration  of 
war  upon  Austria,  259 ;  condition  of 
the  opposing  armies,  259,  260 ;  Ger- 
man plan  of  campaign  rejected  at 
Florence,  260 ;  Italian  army  crosses 
the  Mincio,  260;  battle  of  Custozza, 
262-265 ;  Italian  army  recrosses  the 
Mincio,  265;  advance  of  the  Italian 
army  under  Cialdiui,  266;  battle  of 
Lissa,  266. 

Josnes,  battles  of,  381,  382. 

Kamecke,  German  general,  daring  con- 
duct at  Forbach,  313,  314,  318. 

Karolyi,  Count,  Austrian  ambassador  at 
Berlin,  195;  correspondence  with  Bis- 
marck, 196 ;  and  Nikolsburg  peace 
preliminaries,  248. 

Kinglake,  Alex.  William,  on  General 
Bosquet,  56  ;  on  Louis  Napoleon  and 
Canrobert,  S3  ;  on  Marshal  Pelissier, 
84. 

Kissingen,  battle  of,  252. 

Koniggratz,  battle  of,  arrival  of  the 
king  of  Prussia  at  Dub,  239  ;  opening 
of  the  battle,  239  ;  Prussians  cross 
the  Bistritz,  240  ;  state  of  the  battle 
at  noon,  240 ;  critical  position  of  the 
Prussian  left,  241 ;  anxiety  of  the 
Prussian  staff,  241  ;  approach  of  the 
crown  prince  to  the  field,  242;  he 
threatens  the  Austrian  right,  'J42 ; 
confused  state  of  that  wing  and  causes 
therefor,  242 ;  capture  of  Clilum  by 
the  Prussians,  243  ;  Benedek's  efforts 
to  retake  Clilum,  244  ;  total  defeat  of 
the  Austrian  army,  245 ;  heroism  of 
the  Austrian  artillery,  l!4t>. 

Korniloff,  admiral,  commands  Russian 
fleet  at  Sebastopol,  62  ;  sinks  ships  at 
Menschikoff's  order,  G'2  ;  protests 
against  withdrawal  of  the  army,  63 ; 
is  hopeless  of  defending  Sebastopol, 
64  ;  assumes  command  of  Sebastopol 
garrison,  P4  :  his  admiration  for  Tod- 
leben,  64  ;  his  patriotism  and  piety, 
64 ;  his  anxiety  as  betrayed  in  his 
diary,  65 ;  induces  Menschikoff  to  re- 
inforce garrison,  66  ;  his  conduct  un- 
der fire,  60  ;  his  death,  C7  ;  his  i,iem- 
ory  cherished  in  Russia,  67. 

Kutchuk-Kainardji,  treaty  of,  21,  26. 

Ladmirault,  French  general,  at  battle  of 


INDEX. 


415 


Melegnano,  140 ;  at  Solferino,  149 ; 
corps  commander  in  1870,  307. 

La  Maruiora,  general,  commands  Sardin- 
ian army  in  Crimea,  82  ;  reorganizes 
army,  102;  departs  for  the  Crimea, 
107  ;  defeats  Garibaldi  at  Aspromoute, 
257  ;  forms  a  new  cabinet,  258  ;  takes 
command  of  Italian  army,  1806,  259 ; 
his  careless  movements,  261  ;  strange 
conduct  at  battle  of  Custo/za,  264 ; 
superseded  by  Cialdini,  266. 

Lamoriciere,  papal  general,  defeated  by 
Sardinians  at  Castelfidardo,  173. 

Langensalza,  battle  of,  250. 

Latin  Church,  the,  conflict  with  Greek 
Church  in  regard  to  holy  places,  18 ; 
French  ambassador  scores  a  success 
for  the  Latins,  19 ;  rage  of  the  Czar 
in  consequence,  19 ;  Menschikoff  de- 
mands at  Constantinople  reparation 
for  the  Greeks,  20 ;  settlement  of  the 
dispute,  20. 

Leboeuf ,  Marshal,  his  declaration  to  Na- 
poleon concerning  the  army,  299  ;  in- 
sists upon  war  with  Prussia,  299 ; 
falseness  of  his  military  representa- 
tions, 302  ;  falls  into  disfavor  with  the 
emperor,  315 ;  corps  commander  at 
Gravelotte,  325-327;  at  battle  of 
Noisseville,  372. 

Lebrun,  French  general,  at  Sedan,  337. 

Le  Mans,  battles  of,  384. 

Light  Brigade,  English,  at  Balaclava, 
73. 

Liprandi,  Russian  general,  at  battle  of 
Balaclava,  71. 

Loigny,  battle  of,  379. 

Lombardo-Veuetian  provinces,  condi- 
tion in  1850,  98;  Lombardy  ceded  to 
Sardinia,  153-159  ;  grief  in  Venice  over 
peace  of  Villafrauca,  157  ;  cession  of 
Venice  to  Italy,  269 ;  Victor  Emman- 
uel enters  Venice,  274. 

Louis  N-ipoleon,  Prince,  elected  presi- 
dent of  the  French  republic  ;  his  early 
political  career,  2 ;  oath  before  the 
Assembly,  7  ;  speech  at  Dijon,  8  ; 
proclamation  on  the  coup  d'etat,  9; 
proclamation  to  the  army,  11 ;  respon- 
sibility for  the  boulevard  massacre, 
13 ;  his  course  ratified  by  popular 
vote,  11 ;  becomes  Emperor  of  the 
French,  15;  unenviable  standing  in 
Europe ;  agitates  Eastern  Question, 
17  ;  sends  fleet  to  Constantinople,  32  ; 
advocates  to  England  preserving  the 
integrity  of  Turkey,  42 ;  allied  fleets 
enter  Black  Sea  at  his  solicitation, 
46  ;  letter  to  the  Czar,  46 ;  sends  ulti- 
matum to  St.  Petersburg,  48  ;  appoints 
St.  Arnaud  to  command  in  the  East, 
49 ;  Kinglake's  estimate  of  his  influ- 
ence on  Crimean  campaign,  83,  84 ; 
desires  peace,  92  ;  the  peace  of  Paris, 
93 ;  his  military  prestige  in  Europe, 
94 ;  receives  Victor  Emmanuel,  108  ; 
his  solicitude  for  Italy,  108 ;  Cavour's 
letter  to,  109;  is  approached  by  Ca- 


vour,  113 ;  and  Orsini  incident,  114, 
115;  is  appeased  by  Cavour,  114;  a 
member  of  the  Carbonari,  115 ;  jealous 
of  Austria,  115;  meets  Cavour  at 
Plorabieres,  115 ;  threatens  Austria  at 
the  Tuileries,  116;  half  repents  his 
course,  117 ;  is  impelled  toward  war 
by  Cavour,  117 ;  his  war  manifesto, 
119 ;  at  the  zenith  of  his  popularity, 
120 ;  joins  army  at  Genoa,  124 ;  his 
reception  there,  124,  125;  visits  bat- 
tlefield of  Montebello,  127  ;  his  flank 
march,  128 ;  fights  battle  of  Magenta, 
131-134;  his  conduct  there,  136;  en- 
ters Milan,  138 ;  his  reception  there, 
139;  decides  to  follow  the  railway, 
141 ;  his  uneasiness  over  the  course  of 
the  Sardinians,  141 ;  advances  in  line 
of  battle,  142 ;  aroused  at  Monte- 
chiaro  by  messengers  from  the  front, 
146;  arrives  on  battlefield  of  Solferi- 
no,  146 ;  interviews  MacMahon,  147  ; 
determines  to  carry  Solferino,  148 ; 
engages  the  Guards,  149 ;  occupies 
Cavriana,  150 ;  solicits  England's  me- 
diation, 152;  his  overtures  rejected 
by  Pabnerston,  152  ;  concludes  an 
armistice,  152 ;  his  personal  interview 
with  the  Kaiser  at  Villafrauca,  152; 
returns  to  Paris,  153 ;  reasons  which 
induced  him  to  make  peace,  153, 154 ; 
and  deputation  from  Bologna,  159 ; 
his  equivocal  position  regarding  Italy 
after  the  war,  160 ;  is  tricked  by  Ca- 
vour with  a  plebiscite,  162 ;  demands 
Nice  and  Savoy  of  Sardinia,  1G3;  se- 
cret understanding  with  Cavour  re- 
garding the  Two  Sicilies,  172;  first 
conferences  with  Bismarck,  191 ;  an- 
tagonizes Russia  by  Polish  policy, 
197  ;  interviews  with  Bismarck  at  Bi- 
arritz, 215 ;  his  estimate  of  Bismarck 
and  the  German  crisis,  215,  216;  his 
ideas  on  the  military  status  of  Europe, 
216 ;  desires  Austria's  expulsion  from 
Italy,  258;  comes  to  an  agreement 
with  Italy  respecting  Rome,  258  ; 
tries  to  induce  Austria  to  cede  Veiie- 
tia  to  Italy,  259 ;  his  air  castles  dissi- 
pated by  Koniggratz,  276  ;  confronts 
the  crisis  of  his  reign,  277  ;  rejects  ad- 
vice for  military  interference,  278 ; 
adopts  an  extraordinary  substitute, 
279 ;  seeks  an  understanding  with 
Prussia,  279  ;  his  first  project  refused 
at  Berlin,  280 ;  his  propositions  re- 
specting Belgium  and  Luxemburg  also 
refused,  283;  secret  negotiations  wilh 
Holland  for  purchase  of  Luxemburg, 
284 ;  is  foiled  by  Prussia,  285 ;  demands 
withdrawal  of  Prussian  troops  from 
Luxemburg,  285 ;  his  claim  enforced 
by  a  conference  of  the  Powers,  286 ; 
summary  of  his  diplomacy  in  1866- 
67,  286  ;  confides  to  Marshal  Niel  re- 
organization of  the  army,  286  ;  his 
waning  power,  288 ;  falls  under  the 
influence  of  the  empress,  292 ;  dreads 


416 


INDEX. 


war  and  revolution,  293 ;  fails  in  ar- 
rangiug  alliance  with  Italy  and  Aus- 
tria, 293 ;  proclaims  his  military  pre- 
paredness to  the  Chambers,  294 ; 
agrees  to  war  with  Prussia  against  his 
will,  299;  and  Marshal  Leixeuf's  re- 
port, 299 ;  his  illusions  dispelled,  301 ; 
finds  his  empire  isolated  in  Europe, 
301 ;  joins  the  army  at  Metz,  302 ; 
becomes  conscious  of  his  unprepared- 
ness  for  war,  302 ;  hopelessness  of 
his  dilemma,  302  ;  at  Saarbriick,  303  ; 
despondent  over  battles  of  Worth 
and  Forbach,  315  ;  seeks  new  ad- 
visers, 315 ;  resigns  command  of  the 
army  to  Bazaine,  31G ;  interferes  with 
Bazaine's  first  plan,  317;  visited  by 
Bazaine  at  midnight,  321 ;  his  quar- 
ters shelled,  321  ;  flies  with  Prince 
Louis  to  Gravelotte,  322 ;  his  fare- 
well to  Bazaine,  322 ;  at  Chalons,  330 ; 
harassed  by  telegrams  from  Paris, 
331  ;  urges  MacMahon  to  retreat,  332 ; 
meets  MacMahon  at  Mouzon,  334  ;  en- 
ters Sedan  on  foot,  335 ;  at  battle  of 
Sedan,  338 ;  orders  the  white  flag  dis- 
played, 339 ;  his  surrender  to  the 
Prussian  king,  340;  conference  with 
Bismarck  by  the  roadside,  346  ;  inter- 
cedes with  Moltke,  347 ;  conducted 
by  Bismarck  to  Bellevue,  348 ;  meets 
king  of  Prussia,  348;  his  adieu  to 
France,  349  ;  his  telegram  to  the  em- 
press after  Worth,  352 ;  his  telegram 
after  Sedan,  354 ;  attacked  in  the 
Corps  Legislatif,  354;  overthrow  of 
his  government  in  Paris,  357. 

Louis  Philippe  of  France,  overthrow  of 
his  government,  2. 

Lucan,  Lord,  at  Balaclava,  72-74. 

MacMahon,  Marshal,  captures  the  Mala- 
koff,  89;  corps  commander  in  Italy, 
123;  defeats  Austrians  near  Turbigo, 
129 ;  wins  the  battle  of  Magenta,  134, 
135 ;  made  duke  of  Magenta,  138 ;  en- 
ters Milan,  138 ;  marches  upon  Me- 
legnano,  138 ;  at  battle  of  Solferino, 
145,  150;  corps  commander  in  1870, 
307  ;  joins  his  corps  on  the  Saner,  309 ; 
confident  of  victory,  310;  at  battle  of 
Worth,  311 ;  his  desperate  and  unsuc- 
cessful tactics,  312 ;  at  Chalons,  329 ; 
advocates  retreat  upon  Paris,  330 ;  is 
induced  to  march  upon  Metz,  331 ;  his 
fatal  vacillation,  332  ;  demoralization 
of  his  army,  333 ;  meets  Napoleon  at 
Mouzon,  334 ;  retreats  upon  Sedan, 
335;  his  position  at  Sedan,  336;  is 
wounded,  336 ;  and  General  de  Wimpf- 
fen,  337. 

Magenta,  battle  of,  the  French  Guard 
on  the  Naviglio  Grande,  131 ;  anxiety 
of  the  emperor,  132 ;  critical  condi- 
tion of  the  Guard,  132 ;  arrival  of 
Canrobert  and  Niel,  133;  MacMahon 
carries  Magenta,  135;  death  of  Espi- 
nasse,  135 ;  resume  of  the  battle,  136. 


Malmesbury,  Lord,  "  Memoirs  of  an  Ex- 
Minister,"  115,  299. 

Mauteuffel,  German  general,  at  Paris 
Congress,  93  ;  appointed  Prussian  gov- 
ernor of  Schleswig,  214  ;  marches  into 
Hol&tein,  221 ;  occupies  Hanover,  223 ; 
commands  army  of  the  Main,  1806, 
253 ;  defeats  federal  troops  on  the 
Tauber,  254  ;  bombards  Wiirzburg, 
marches  westward  after  fall  of  Metz, 
1870,  373;  in  the  north  of  France, 
377 ;  marches  upon  Belfort,  386. 

Manteuffel,  Prussian  minister,  at  Ol- 
mutz,  181 ;  and  Bismarck,  189. 

Maupas,  M.  de,  appointed  prefect  of  po- 
lice in  Paris,  8  ;  and  coup  d'etat,  10. 

Maximilian,  Prince,  appointed  viceroy 
of  Louibardo-Venetia,  112. 

Mazzini,  Joseph,  founds  Young  Italy, 
100;  and  Milan  revolt,  104;  attacks 
Charles  Albert  of  Sardinia,  104  ; 
schemes  for  a  Neapolitan  republic. 
171. 

Mecklenburg -Sohwerin,  grand  duke  of, 
in  German  campaign,  1866,  253,  254 ; 
commands  forces  south  of  Paris,  374, 
376,  377  ;  defeats  Chanzy  at  Loiguy, 
advances  upon  Orleans,  379;  attacks 
Chanzy  at  Josnes,  381  ;  compels  his 
retreat,  382 ;  withdraws  to  Chartres, 
383 ;  advances  upon  Le  Mans,  384. 

Melegnano,  battle  of,  140. 

Menschikoff,  Prince,  sent  to  Constanti- 
nople by  Czar,  20 ;  character  of  his 
mission,  21 ;  his  rough  and  threaten- 
ing tactics,  21 ;  is  opposed  by  Lord 
Stratford,  21 ;  his  ultimatum  and  de- 
parture from  Constantinople,  29 ; 
commands  Russian  army  in  Crimea, 
55 ;  occupies  heights  of  the  Alma,  55 ; 
at  battle  of  the  Alma,  56,  57  ;  criti- 
cised by  St.  Arnaud,  57 ;  his  rear 
guard  surprised  at  Mackenzie's  farm, 
58 ;  his  obtuseness,  59  ;  slow  to  believe 
allies  would  invade  Crimea,  61 ;  or- 
ders sinking  of  ships  at  Sebastopol, 
62 ;  withdraws  army  from  Sebastoppl, 
63 ;  returns  to  Sebastopol,  65 ;  in- 
duced by  Korniloff  to  reinforce  the 
garrison,  60  ;  disappointed  over  battle 
of  Inkermann,  77  ;  relieved  of  com- 
mand in  Crimea,  82. 

Mensdorff,  Count,  his  damaging  negoti- 
ation with  Prussia,  212  ;  on  adminis- 
tration of  affairs  in  Holstein,  218; 
protests  against  Prussian  military 
movements  in  Silesia,  219. 

Mentana,  battle  of,  291. 

Me>im<5e,  Prosper,  70;  at  Biarritz,  215; 
his  opinion  of  Bismarck,  215. 

Metternich,  Prince,  Austrian  ambassa- 
dor at  Paris,  assists  in  the  escape  of 
Eugenie,  358. 

Metternich,  Prince,  Austrian  chancellor, 
calls  Italy  a  geographical  expression, 
96;  on  Cavour.  111. 

Metz,  siege  of,  1870,  lethargy  of  the  gar- 
rison, 371  ;  battle  of  Noisseville,  372 ; 


INDEX. 


417 


capitulation,  372 ;  charges  against  Ba- 
zainu  lor  his  conduct  at,  372,  373 ;  ca- 
pitulation seals  fate  of  campaign,  373 ; 
ceded  to  Germany,  400. 

Meza,  Danish  general,  commands  Dan- 
ish army  in  Schleswig,  204  ;  evacuates 
the  Dannewerk,  205;  removed  from 
the  command,  207. 

Modena,  grand  duchy  of,  98 ;  revolu- 
tion of  1S59,  157  ;  offers  allegiance  to 
Victor  Emmanuel,  158 ;  treaty  of  Zu- 
rich ami,  15'J  ;  votes  for  annexation  to 
Sardinia,  102. 

Moltke,  General  Von,  appointed  to  re- 
orgauize  Prussian  army,  193;  at  bat- 
tle of  Kouiggratz,  241 ;  at  tiie  head  of 
German  armies,  1870,  306  ;  perfect 
system  at  his  headquarters,  318;  his 
designs  against  Metz,  318;  his  plans 
at  Gravelotte,  325  ;  follows  the  third 
army  westward,  328 ;  amazed  at  Mac- 
Mahou's  tactics,  332 ;  moves  to  check- 
mate him,  332  ;  joins  Bismarck  at 
Douchery  after  Sedan,  340;  his  dis- 
cussion with  Wimpffen  at  Donchery, 
343-345  ;  meets  Napoleon,  347 ;  anx- 
ious to  reduce  Strasburg,  309 ;  eii- 
deavors  to  prevent  formation  of  new 
French  armies,  374 ;  defeats  French 
15th  corps  near  Orleans,  374 ;  under- 
rates power  of  republican  France, 
375 ;  calls  a  halt  on  the  Loire,  383 ; 
determines  to  annihilate  Chanzy,  384. 

Montebello,  battle  of,  120,  127. 

Morny,  M.  de,  and  the  coup  d'etat,  10. 

Motterouge,  French  general,  at  battle  of 
Magenta,  134. 

Nachimoff,  Russian  admiral,  in  com- 
mand at  Sinope,  03;  at  Sebastopol, 
63;  his  death,  87. 

Napier,  Sir  Charles,  49. 

Napoleon,  Prince,  in  the  Crimea,  54; 
marries  Princess  Clotilde  of  Sardinia, 
117;  corps  commander  in  Italy,  123  ; 
at  Ch&lons  council  of  war,  330 ;  urges 
an  alliance  with  Italy,  330 ;  leaves  for 
Florence  to  arrange  alliance,  330. 

Napoleon  III.     See  Louis  Xapoleon. 

Nesselrode,  Count,  Russian  chancellor, 
19;  to  Baron  Brunnow,  19;  liis  reply 
to  Anglo-French  ultimatum,  48. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  51. 

Nicholas  I.,  sends  troops  into  Hungary, 
4 ;  protector  of  the  Gresk  Church,  18 ; 
enraged  at  concessions  to  Latin 
Church,  19 ;  dissatisfied  with  repa- 
ration made  by  Turkey,  21  ;  deter- 
mination to  cripple  Turkey,  21  ;  sends 
Menschikoff  to  Constantinople,  21 ; 
is  distrusted  in  England,  23 ;  visits 
London  in  1S44.  and  interviews  minis- 
ters regarding  Turkey,  23  ;  his  memo- 
randum and  its  reception  by  English 
government,  24;  "sick  man"  inter- 
views with  Seymour,  25  ;  basis  of  claim 
to  protectorate  on  Turkey,  20 ;  is 
misled  by  Russell's  letter,  '£\  ;  orders 


troops  into  Danubian  Principalities, 
30 ;  accepts  Vienna  note,  31 ;  rejects 
it  hi  altered  form,  31  ;  at  war  with 
Turkey,  32  ;  determines  to  act  on  de- 
fensive, 34 ;  summons  Paskevich  to 
command, 30 ;  grief  over  military  mis- 
fortune and  Austria's  ingratitude,  39 ; 
his  cause  hopeless,  41 ;  unjustly  cen- 
sured for  action  at  Sinope,  45 ;  galled 
by  passage  of  allied  fleets  into  Black 
Sea,  40;  recalls  legations  from  Paris 
and  London,  40 ;  replies  to  Napoleon's 
letter,  47 ;  reception  of  the  allied  ulti- 
matum, 48 ;  his  death,  81. 

Niel,  French  general,  corps  commander 
in  Italy,  123;  at  battle  of  Magenta, 
133;  his  able  conduct  at  Solferino, 
147,  148-150 ;  appointed  to  reorganize 
the  army,  280. 

Nightingale,  Miss  Florence,  her  hospital 
work  in  the  East,  79. 

Nigra,  Italian  ambassador  at  Paris,  as- 
sists in  the  escape  of  Eugenie,  358. 

Nolan,  Captain,  carries  order  to  light 
brigade  at  Balaclava,  72;  his  death, 
7o. 

Ollivier,  M.  Emile,  bellicose  speech  in 
Corps  Legislatif ,  298 ;  besieged  by  a 
mob,  351 ;  fall  of  his  ministry,  353. 

Olmiitz,  Austro-Prussiau  conference  at, 
181. 

Omar  Pasha,  summons  Russians  to 
evacuate  Danubian  Principalities,  32  ; 
crosses  Danube,  34  ;  retires  to  Shumla, 
38 ;  fights  Russians  at  Giurgevo,  40. 

Orleans,  captured  by  the  Germans,  374  ; 
evacuated  by  Germans,  370;  three 
days'  battle  before,  380 ;  recaptured  by 
the  Germans,  380. 

Orsini,  Felice,  attempts  to  assassinate 
Napoleon,  113. 

Palestro,  battles  of,  128-129. 

Palikao,  Count  de,  French  minister,  in- 
terferes with  army  of  Chalons,  332; 
and  General  de  Wimpffen,  337  ;  forms 
a  ministry,  1870, 353  ;  advocates  return 
of  the  emperor  to  Paris,  354;  an- 
nounces Sedan  in  the  Corps  Legislatif, 
354;  overthrow  of  his  government, 
357. 

Palmerston,  Lord,  and  coup  d'tlaf,  17  ; 
on  French  alliance,  42 ;  resigns  from 
cabinet,  45;  returns  on  pledges  of 
warlike  policy,  40  ;  forms  a  ministry, 
79  ;  hostile  to  Austria,  152 ;  refuses  to 
mediate  in  Italian  war,  152 ;  his  war- 
like speech  on  Danish  question  in 
1863,  202  ;  looks  about  for  allies  to 
sustain  Denmark,  203. 

Papal  States,  condition  in  1850,  97; 
Bologna  revolts  in  1859, 158  ;  military 
and  priestly  oppressors  abandon 
Bologna,  158  ;  state  of  affairs  in  Rome 
during  1859,  1,~>X ;  Bologna  asks  for 
annexation  to  Sardinia,  159 ;  Bologna 
receives  a  Sardinian  commissioner, 


418 


INDEX. 


159 ;  correspondence  between  the 
Pope  and  Victor  Emmanuel,  161 ; 
Bologna  and  the  Legations  annexed  to 
Sardinia,  163 ;  Sardinian  troops  enter, 
172  ;  defeat  of  Papal  troops  at  Castel- 
fidardo,  173;  I'mbria  and  the  Marches 
declare  for  Victor  Emmanuel,  174 ; 
evacuation  of  Rome  by  the  French, 
291 ;  battle  of  Mentana,  291 ;  Italian 
troops  enter  Rome,  389. 

Paris  Congress  of  1856,  the,  93. 

Paris,  treaty  of,  93-96. 

Paris,  revolutions  of  1848  in,  1 ;  its  char- 
acteristics in  1867,  287,  288  ;  elections 
Of  1869, 293;  in  1870, 350;  false  report 
of  victory  in,  350 ;  news  of  Sedan  in, 
353, 354  ;  the  bloodless  revolution,  355- 
358 ;  defenses  of,  358-359 ;  defenders 
of,  360;  aspect  of,  in  Octo'oer,  1870, 
365 ;  demoralization  of  army  in,  391 ; 
the  communistic  emeaie  of  Oct.  31, 
392 ;  battles  of  Champigny,  394 ;  suf- 
fering in,  395 ;  on  Itew  Year's  -lay 
1871,  396 ;  battle  of  Buzanval,  397  ; 
the  capitulation,  398 ;  entry  of  Ger- 
man troops,  399-400. 

Parma,  Grand  Duchy  of,  98  ;  revolution 
of  1859, 157  ;  offers  allegiance  to  Victor 
Emmanuel,  158  ;  treaty  of  Zurich  and, 
159  ;  vote  for  annexation  to  Sardinia, 
162. 

Paskevich,  Prince,  subdues  Hungary,  4  ; 
his  prestige  in  Poland,  5 ;  in  command 
on  the  Danube,  36 ;  early  career,  36  ; 
prepares  to  invade  Turkey,  37 ;  is 
hopeless  of  success,  38;  wounded  at 
Silistria,  38. 

Pelissier,  Marshal,  commands  French 
army  in  Crimea,  84  ;  Kinglake  on,  84  ; 
captures  the  Mamelon,  So ;  his  impa- 
tience, 86  ;  assault  upon  Malakoff  re- 
pulsed, 86 ;  captures  the  Malakoff,  89 ; 
made  Due  de  Malakoff,  89. 

Picard,  French  general,  at  battle  of  Ma- 
genta, 132. 

Piedmont.     See  Sardinia. 

Pius  IX.,  Pope,  forfeits  love  of  subjects, 
98 ;  returns  to  Rome,  98 ;  receives 
Count  Siccardi,  102 ;  protests  against 
anti-clerical  movement  in  Sardinia, 
106 ;  his  attitude  during  the  war  of 
1859,  158 ;  and  treaty  of  Zurich,  159 ; 
corresponds  with  Victor  Emmanuel, 
161,  162;  excommunicates  Victor  Em- 
manuel and  his  subjects,  103  ;  refuses 
to  surrender  Rome,  389 ;  Bismarck's 
comment  on,  in  1870,  390. 

Podol,  battle  of,  227. 

Poland,  revolution  of  1863,  197. 

Prague,  treaty  of,  269. 

Prussia  and  Eastern  question,  22 ;  Aus- 
trian alliance,  47 ;  admitted  to  Paris 
congress  on  motion  of  France,  93 ;  at- 
tempts to  terrorize  Sardinia,  103  ;  insti- 
gates Erfurt  parliament,  180 ;  supports 
popular  cause  in  Hesse,  181  ;  humili- 
ated by  Austria  at  Olmutz,  181 ;  change 
of  domestic  policy  under  the  regency, 


183;  refuses  to  support  Austria  in 
Italy,  183 ;  succession  of  William  I. 
to  the  throne,  184  ;  and  Bismarck,  192  ; 
opeiiingof  diplomaticcampaigu  against 
Austria,  195 ;  supports  Russia  in  Po- 
land, 197 ;  entices  Austria  into  inde- 
pendent action  in  Denmark,  201 ;  Dan- 
ish campaign,  1864, 201-210  ;  treaty  of 
Vienna,  210 ;  aims  at  annexation  of 
Elbe  Duchies,  212 ;  Gastein  conven- 
tion, 214;  alliance  with  Italy,  219; 
occupies  Holstein,  221 ;  defeated  in  the 
Diet,  221 ;  declares  war  upon  Hano- 
ver, Hesse-Cassel,  and  Saxony,  223; 
Seven  Weeks'  war,  223-269  ;  treaty  of 
Prague,  209 ;  influence  of  war  upon, 
270,  271 ;  and  Hohenzollern  incident, 
295-297 ;  Franco-Prussian  war,  301- 
398 ;  William  I.  becomes  German  Em- 
peror. 

Quadrilateral,  Austrian,  in  Italy,  98, 104 ; 
restored  to  Austria  after  war  of  1859, 
153. 

Radetsky,  Marshal,  subdues  revolution 
in  Italy,  4 ;  his  offer  to  Victor  Em- 
manuel, 101. 

Raglan,  Lord,  appointed  to  command 
English  army  iu  the  East,  49 ;  his  pre- 
vious career,  49  ;  opposed  to  Crimean 
campaign,  51 ;  at  battle  of  the  Alma, 
57  ;  criticised  by  St.  Arnaud,  57 ;  ad- 
vocates an  assault  upon  Sevastopol, 
60 ;  mortified  by  false  report  of  fall  of 
Sevastopol,  70  ;  his  orders  at  battle  of 
Balaclava,  73 ;  his  responsibility  for 
charge  of  Light  Brigade,  74 ;  his  suc- 
cessful attack  upon  the  Quarries,  86  ; 
repulsed  at  the  Redan,  86 ;  his  death, 
87. 

Reille,  French  general,  sent  by  Napo- 
leon to  Prussian  king  at  Sedan,  340 ; 
after  Sedan,  345,  346. 

Renault,  French  general,  at  battle  of 
Champigny,  394  ;  his  death,  395. 

Roon,  General  von,  appointed  to  reor- 
ganize Prussian  army,  193. 

Russell,  Odo,  at  Versailles,  390. 

Russell,  Lord  John,  accuses  France  of 
disturbing  the  peace  in  the  East,  17  ; 
his  damaging  note  on  Eastern  Ques- 
tion, 27  ;  and  Denmark,  202. 

Russia,  tranquil  in  1848  and  causes  there- 
for, 5,  6 ;  condition  on  accession  of 
Alexander  II. ,  92  ;  losses  in  Crimean 
war,  94 ;  treaty  of  Paris,  93,  94  ;  Po- 
lish revolution  of  1863, 197  ;  refuses  to 
support  Denmark  against  Prussia, 
202  ;  regards  Austria's  defeat  in  1866 
with  satisfaction,  270 ;  holds  Austria 
inactive  in  1870,  300,  301  ;  abrogates 
Black  Sea  clause  in  Paris  treaty,  388  ; 
and  London  conference,  389 ;  Bis- 
marck's comment  on,  391. 

Russian  people,  the,  their  tranquillity  in 
1848,  5,  6  ;  their  religious  and  super- 
stitious character,  18 ;  desire  to  pos- 


INDEX. 


419 


\ 


sess  Constantinople,  22  ;  take  pride  in 
their  defense  of  Sebastopol,  07. 

Saint  Cloud,  burning  of  the  chateau, 
1870,  3G1. 

Saiifedisti,  society  of,  its  character  and 
aims,  99,  100. 

Sardinia,  position  in  Italy  in  1850,  5  ; 
enters  Anglo-French  alliance,  82,  106  ; 
in  Paris  Congress,  93  ;  losses  in  Cri- 
mean war,  94  ;  only  real  gainer  by  the 
war,  95  ;  war  of  1848  with  Austria, 

100  ;  accession  of  Victor  Emmanuel, 

101  ;  abolition  of  ecclesiastical  priv- 
ileges in,   102  ;    influence  of  French 
coup  d'etat  in,  103  ;  foreign  policy  un- 
der D'  Azeglio,  103  ;  domestic  policy 
of    Cavour,    105  ;    and    France,   108  ; 
opening  of  Parliament,  1859,  116;  the 
king's  speech,  110  ;  treaty  of  alliance 
with  France,  117  ;  diplomatic  contest 
with   Austria,   118  ;   rejects  Austrian 
ultimatum,  118  ;   enthusiasm  for  the 
war,   119;    battles  of   Palestro,   128; 
battle  of  Solferino,  145-151  ;  cession 
of  Lombardy  to,  153-159  ;  annexation 
of    Central  Italy,   1C2  ;    first    Italian 
parliament  in  Turin,  100  ;  cedes  Nice 
and  Savoy  to  France,  163  ;  annexation 
of  the  Two  Sicilies,  174;  annexation 
of  the  Marches  and  Umbria,  174. 

Saxony,  invaded  by  Prussian  troops, 
223  ;  Seven  Weeks'  war,  226-248  ;  con- 
ditions of  the  peace  with  Prussia,  271; 
joins  North  Germanconfederation,271. 

Scarlett,  English  general,  his  charge  at 
Balaclava,  72. 

Schleswig-Holstein  question,  sketch  of, 
previous  to  1863,  198  ;  state  of,  in  1863, 
199  ;  and  Gastein  convention,  214  ; 
finally  settled,  221. 

Schivarzenberg,  prince,  Austrian  chan- 
cellor, 180  ;  determines  to  abase  Prus- 
sia, 181  ;  espouses  Hassenpflug's  cause 
in  Hesse,  180  ;  humiliates  Prussia  at 
Olmutz,  1S1. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  "  St.  Cloud,"  367. 

Sebastopol,  desire  in  England  and  France 
to  reduce,  53  ;  description  of,  59-61  ; 
allied  fleet  appears,  02  ;  sinking  of 
ships  to  close  the  harbor,  02;  fortifi- 
cations as  plannad  by  Todleben,  65; 
abandoned  by  Menschikoff  's  army,  66  ; 
allicu  bombardment  <u  October  17, 
and  its  failure,  66,  67  ;  council  of  war, 
87  ;  condition  of,  in  July,  1855  ;  the 
final  sortie,  88  ;  loss  of  the  Malakoff, 
89  ;  evacuation  and  burning  of  the 
city,  90,  91  ;  destruction  of  forts  and 
docks  by  allies.  91  ;  'estored  to  Rus- 
sia, 94.  ' 

Secret  societies  in  Italy,  99. 

Sedan,  battle  of,  336-340. 

Seven  Weeks'  war,  advance  of  Prussians 
into  Bohemia,  226  ;  combats  at  Liebe- 
nau  and  Podol,  227  ;  capture  of  Mi'm- 
chengrat:  by  the  Prussians,  228  ;  bat- 
tle of  Gitschin,  229;  Prussian  victo- 


ries at  Nachod  and  Skalitz,  230,  231 ; 
Prussian  defeat  at  Trauteuau,  232 ; 
battle  of  Boor,  233  ;  restoration  of 
communications  between  the  Prussian 
armies,  233 ;  character  of  the  Austrian 
position  on  the  Bistritz,  234-236; 
night  march  of  the  first  Prussian 
army  upon  the  Bistritz,  239 ;  battle  of 
Koniggratz,  239-246 ;  immediate  re- 
sults of  the  battle,  246;  advance  of 
the  Prussians  upon  Vienna,  247 ;  bat- 
tle of  Blumenau,  248  ;  the  campaign 
in  the  west,  249;  battle  of  Langeu- 
salza,  250 ;  capitulation  of  the  Hano- 
verian army,  250 ;  Prussian  advance 
upon  Frankfort,  251  ;  battle  of  Kissin- 
gen,  252 ;  Prussian  entry  into  Frank- 
fort, 253  ;  fighting  on  the  Tauber,  254 ; 
retreat  of  the  federal  army  upon 
Wiirzburg,  254 ;  the  armistice,  255. 

Seymour,  Sir  G.  Hamilton,  his  "sick 
man  "  interviews  with  Czar  Nicholas, 
25. 

Siccardi,  Count,  Sardinian  envoy  to 
Rome,  102 ;  introduces  bill  abolishing 
ecclesiastical  privileges,  102. 

"Sick  Man,"  the,  interviews,  25,  95. 

Silistria,  siege  of,  38,  39. 

Sinope,  battle  of,  regarded  as  a  massa- 
cre in  England,  44,  45. 

Soi'monoff,  Russian  general,  killed  at 
Inkermami,  76. 

Solferino,  battle  of,  repulse  of  the  Sar- 
dinians, 146 ;  arrival  of  Napoleon  on 
the  field,  147  ;  heavy  fighting  at  Sol- 
ferino and  on  the  French  right,  147  ; 
Solferino  abandoned  by  the  Austrians, 
149  ;  Wirnpffen  fails  to  retrieve  the 
day,  150;  general  advance  of  the 
French,  150 ;  firmness  of  General  Ben- 
edek,  151. 

Soor,  battle  of,  233. 

Soult,  Marshal,  his  remark  on  the  Brit- 
ish infantry,  77. 

Spain,  revolt  of  1868,  290  ;  tender  of  the 
crown  to  prince  Leopold  of  Hohenzol- 
lern,  295. 

Stadion,  Austrian  general,  conducts 
reconnaissance  against  Voghera,  126 ; 
defeated  by  Forey  at  Montebello, 
126,  127. 

St.  Arnaud,  Marshal,  appointed  minister 
of  war,  8;  appointed  to  command 
French  army  in  East,  49 ;  at  battle  of 
the  Alma,  57  ;  criticism  on  Raglan  and 
Menschikoff,  57  ;  his  death,  59. 

States  of  the  Church.    See  Papal  States. 

Steinmetz,  German  general,  at  battle  of 
Nachod,  230 ;  defeats  Austrians  at 
Skalitz,  231  ;  commands  first  German 
army,  1870,  306  ;  threatens  Metz  from 
the  east,  318  ;  fights  battle  of  Boniy, 
320 ;  at  battle  of  Gravelotte,  325,  326 

Strasbnrg,  siege  of,  character  of  garrison 
in  1S70.  ".r.'.l  ;  its  defense  by  General 
Ullrich,  309,  370;  suffers  terribly 
from  German  artillery,  370  ;  capitu- 
lates, 371 ;  ceded  to  Germany,  400. 


420 


INDEX. 


Stratford,  Lord,  English  ambassador,  at  I 
Constantinople,   20 ;     settles    dispute 
over  Holy  Places,  20 ;   opposes  Men- 
schikoff's  demand  for  a  protectorate,  j 
28 ;   advises    Turkish    ministry,    28 ; 
writes  to  Menschikoff,  28;  privately  ! 
assures  the  Sultan  of  support  of  Bug-  : 
lish  fleet,  30 ;  counsels  Sultan  to  re- 
fuse Vienna  note,  31. 

Szabo,  Austrian  general,  128. 

Tchernaya,  battle  of  the,  88  ;  birthday  of 
kingdom  of  Italy,  95 ;  effect  of  news 
in  Sardinia,  108. 

Thiers,  M.,  intercedes  with  England  in 
behalf  of  France,  3C1 ;  interviews  with 
Bismarck,  390 ;  appointed  president 
by  the  new  assembly,  398 ;  arranges 
preliminaries  of  peace  at  Versailles, 
399  ;  Bismarck's  comment  on,  399. 

Thomas,  French  general,  in  Paris,  391  ; 
denounces  National  Guard,  395. 

"  Times,"  The  London,  advocates  reduc- 
tion of  Sebastopol,  54 ;  publishes  false 
statement  of  fall  of  Sebastopol,  G9. 

Todleben,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  comments 
on  battle  of  the  Alma.  57  ;  arrives  at 
Sebastopol,  62 ;  his  reception  by  Men- 
schikoff, 62  ;  hopeless  of  defending 
Sebastopol,  63 ;  proceeds  to  fortify 
Sebastopol,  64  ;  relieved  by  arrival  of 
reinforcements,  66;  criticises  Gort- 
schakoff  for  inaction  at  Inkermann, 
76 ;  is  wounded,  87. 

Trautenati,  battle  of,  232. 

Trochu,  French  general,  at  Chalons, 
330;  appointed  military  governor  of 
Paris,  330  ;  confirmed  as  military  gov- 
ernor by  Corps  Le"gislatif,  354;  his 
unenviable  position  on  the  fall  of  the 
empire,  358  ;  character  of  his  troops, 
359  ;  on  the  marines,  360  ;  his  messages 
to  Gambetta  announcing  great  sortie, 
378 ;  reorganizes  army  in  Paris,  391 ; 
insulted  by  communistic  mob,  392 ; 
feels  compelled  to  sortie,  393 ;  plans 
the  battle  of  Champipny,  393;  de- 
feated at  Le  Bourget,  393 ;  failure  of 
his  great  sortie  from  Mont  Valexien, 
397 ;  is  superseded  by  Vinoy,  397. 

Turkey,  importuned  by  France  and 
Russia  respecting  rights  of  rival 
churches  in  Jerusalem,  18 ;  yields  to 
France,  19;  is  threatened  by  Russia, 
20  ;  yields  to  Menschikoff's  demands, 
21 ;  is  supported  by  Stratford  against 
Menschikoff.  21  ;  gains  pledge  of  naval 
support  from  Stratford,  29 ;  rejects 
Vienna  note,  31 ;  growth  of  war  feel- 
ing, 31 ;  is  placed  in  a  state  of  war 
with  Russia,  32 ;  character  of  sol- 
diers, 34 ;  accepts  Austrian  aid,  39 ; 
and  treaty  of  Paris,  94;  losses  in 
Crimean  war,  94. 

Tuscany,  Grand  Duchy  of,  98  ;  declares 
for  annexation  to  Sardinia,  162. 

Two  Sicilies.  Kingdom  of,  condition  of, 
in  1850,  96;  Francis  II.  continues 


misrule  in,  157;  revolution  in.  1f,4; 
royal  troops  defeated  at  Palermo.  l(jo  ; 
again  defeated  at  Mila/.zo,  165 ;  sur- 
render of  Messina,  165 ;  wretched 
character  of  royal  army,  166 ;  rioting 
at  Naples,  109 ;  hopeless  position  of 
Francis  II.,  170 ;  he  sails  from  Naples, 
170;  Victor  Emmanuel  in  Naples, 
174  ;  votes  for  annexation  to  Italy, 
174 ;  deplorable  condition  of,  175 ; 
Cavour  on  the  Neapolitans,  175. 

Uhrich,  French  general,  in  command  at 
Strasburg,  3C9,  370. 

Victor  Emmanuel,  king  of  Sardinia,  his 
oath  at  Novara,  5 ;  refuses  Radetsky's 
offer  of  support,  101 ;  dissolves  the 
chambers,  101 ;  concludes  peace  with 
Austria,  101 ;  his  first  estimate  of 
Cavour,  103 ;  known  as  II  R<5  Galan- 
tiiomo,  103  ;  in  favor  of  joining  Anglo- 
French  alliance,  106  ;  domestic  afflic- 
tions and  political  trials,  107  ;  reviews 
troops  destined  for  Crimea,  107  ;  visits 
Paris  and  London,  108 ;  and  Napoleon  '-• 
question,  108;  wins  confidence  •' 
Italian  patriots,  111  ;  his  warlike  cle'  - 
laration  at  Turin,  116 ;  his  war  proc- 
lamation to  Italians,  1859,  119;  u. 
battle  of  Palestro,  128 ;  enters  Milan 
with  Napoleon,  138 ;  his  reception 
there,  139 ;  his  rapid  advance  from 
Milan,  142 :  signs  the  preliminaries 
of  peace,  153 ;  disgusted  with  peace, 
indignant  with  Cavour,  153 ;  receives 
deputations  offering  allegiance  of  Cen- 
tral Italy,  158 ;  warned  by  the  Pope, 
159  ;  reconciled  to  Cavour,  161  ;  cor- 
respondence with  the  Pope,  161,  162; 
excommunicated  by  the  Pope,  1P3; 
opens  first  Italian  parliament,  163; 
announces  cession  of  Nice  an<l  Savoy, 
163  ;  urges  Garibaldi  to  desist  from 
military  operations,  168 ;  reen.rds  his 
reply  with  uneasiness,  108  ;  order?  his 
army  over  the  papal  frontier,  172; 
meets  Garibaldi  at  Teano,  173 ;  enters 
Naples,  174 ;  proclaimed  king  of  Italy 
at  Turin,  175 ;  visits  Cavour  011  his 
death-bed,  176 ;  takes  command  of  the 
army  against  Austria,  259 ;  enters 
Venice,  275;  protests  against  return 
of  French  troops  to  Rome,  291 ;  per- 
sonal regard  for  Napoleon  III.,  292. 

Vienna  note,  the,  31. 

Vinoy,  French  general,  at  battle  of 
Magenta,  133 ;  arrives  at  Meizeres, 
336 ;  retreats  upon  Paris,  349 ;  arrives 
at  Paris,  361 ;  is  defeated  at  I/Hay, 
363 ;  is  defeated  at  Uagneux,  3C4  ;  at- 
tacks L'Hay  and  Chevilly,  393  ;  ap- 
pointed to  command  Paris  army,  397. 

Vionville.  battle  of,  323. 

Von  der  Tann,  Bavarian  general,  on  the 
Meuse,  335 ;  at  Sedan,  338 ;  at  Or- 
leans, 374 ;  evacuates  Orleans,  376 ; 
foils  the  French  at  Couluiicrs,  376 ;  at 


INDEX. 


421 


battle  of  Josnes,  382;  surprised  by 
Chaiizy,  382  ;  withdraws  to  Orleans, 
383. 

Vrevski,  Russian  general,  arrives  at 
Sebastopol,  88 ;  his  death,  88. 

Weissenburg,  battle  of,  308. 

Werder,  German  general,  at  battle  of 
Gitschin,  229 ;  commands  Germans 
before  Strasburg,  3G9-71 ;  deceives 
Bourbaki  before  Belf  ort,  386 ;  defeats 
Bourbaki  on  the  Lisaiue,  386. 

William  I.  of  Prussia,  as  regent  183 ; 
succeeds  to  the  Prussian  throne,  184  ; 
his  early  career,  184  ;  insists  on  reor- 
ganization of  the  army,  184 ;  his  strug- 
gle with  the  Diet,  184 ;  summons  Bis- 
marck to  the  head  of  the  ministry, 
185 ;  venerates  House  of  Hapsburg, 
213 ;  meets  Austrian  emperor  at  Gas- 
teip,  214  ;  leaves  Berlin  for  the  army, 
<.220;  arrives  on  the  Bistritz,  239 ;  at 
battle  of  Koniggratz,  241  ;  refuses 
to  comply  with  Benedetti's  demands 
in  1870,  21)6 ;  his  reply  to  Benedetti  at 
Ems,  297  ;  addresses  North  German 
Reichstag,  304 ;  commands  German 
armies  against  France,  306  ;  at  battle 
Of  Gravelotte,  327  ;  at  Sedan,  340 ;  re- 


ceives the  surrender  of  Napoleon,  340 ; 
meets  Napoleon  at  Bellevue,  348 ;  es- 
tablishes headquarters  at  Versailles, 
363 ;  occupies  the  palace,  307  ;  hailed 
German  emperor  at  Versailles,  397. 

Wimpffen,  French  general,  his  dcibut  at 
Sedan,  337 ;  assumes  supreme  com- 
mand, 337  ;  meets  Bismarck  and 
Moltke  at  Donchery,  343 ;  pleads  for 
honorable  terms  for  his  army,  343; 
his  discussion  with  Bismarck  and 
Moltke,  344,  345 ;  visits  the  emperor, 
345  ;  signs  the  capitulation  of  Sedan, 
348. 

Wimpffen,  Austrian  general,  at  Solferi- 
no,  147  ;  his  futile  effort  to  restore 
the  battle,  150. 

Worth,  battle  of,  311,  312. 

Wrangel,  Marshal,  commands  Prussian 
army  in  Denmark,  203. 

Young  Italy,  Society  of,  its  character 
and  aims,  100  ;  and  Milan  revolt,  104; 
handicaps  Cavour,  111. 

Zobel,  Austrian  general,  at  battle  of  Pa- 

lestro,  128. 
Zurich,  treaty  of    159 ;   disregarded  in 

Italy,  160. 


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